British expedition to Abyssinia
British Expedition to Abyssinia | |
---|---|
Result | British victory |
- India
- Ethiopianrebels
- 13,000
- 26,000 camp followers
- 2 dead
- 700 wounded[2]
- 700 dead
- 1,400 wounded[2]
The British Expedition to Abyssinia was a rescue mission and
Historian Harold G. Marcus described the action as "one of the most expensive affairs of honour in history."[3]
Background
By October 1862 Emperor Tewodros's position as ruler had become precarious: much of Ethiopia was in revolt against him, except for a small area stretching from Lake Tana east to his fortress at Magdala. He was engaged in constant military campaigns against a wide array of opponents. Likewise, Abyssinia was also threatened by the encroachment of Islam as Ottoman Turks and Egyptians invaded Ethiopia from the Red Sea and through Sudan. Tewodros wrote to the major powers for help. As Donald Crummey recounts, "Now came the definitive attempt, at the turning point of the Emperor's career. Success might stabilize the internal situation; defeat would pull out the last prop. He proposed to send embassies with the ultimate objective of obtaining military alliances and agreements for technical progress."[4]
Tewodros sent letters to the
Tewodros's letter to Queen Victoria appealed to Christian solidarity in the face of the Islamic expansion occurring throughout the region but this garnered little sympathy. The British Empire's interests in Northeast Africa were not geared towards a Christian "crusade" against Islam but instead, the British sought to cooperate politically, strategically and commercially with the Ottoman Empire, Egypt and the Sudan. This was not only to protect the route to India but also to ensure that the Ottoman Empire continued to act as a buffer against Russia's plans for expansion into Central Asia. Moreover, as a result of the American Civil War, deliveries of cotton from the Confederate States of America to the British textile industry were declining, making the British increasingly dependent on Egyptian-Sudanese cotton. In the view of these interests, the British Foreign Office did not look favourably on supporting Tewodros. The letter was preserved but not answered.[7]
Hostages
The first European to cross Tewodros' path after this lack of a response happened to be Henry Stern, a British missionary. Stern had also mentioned the Emperor's humble origins in a book he had published; although the reference was not intended to be insulting ("the eventful and romantic history of the man, who, from a poor boy, in a reed-built convent became...the conqueror of numerous provinces, and the Sovereign of a great and extensive realm"[8]) it proved to be a dangerous mistake. At the time Tewodros was insisting on the truth of his descent from the Solomonic dynasty, and Tewodros expressed his rage in many ways, including having Stern's servants beaten to death, and Stern, together with his assistant, a Mr Rosenthal, were "chained, severely treated, and the latter thrashed on several occasions."[9]
The British consul Charles Duncan Cameron, along with the Abuna Salama III and the group of missionaries based at Gafat, all interceded for the release of the imprisoned pair, and for a while it appeared that their efforts might succeed; but on 2 January 1864 Cameron was seized along with his staff, and all were put in chains. Shortly afterwards, Tewodros ordered most of the Europeans in the royal camp put into chains.[10]
The British government sent
However, about this time C.T. Beke arrived at Massawa, and forwarded letters from the hostages' families to Tewodros asking for their release. At the least Beke's actions only made Tewodros suspicious.[12] Rassam, writing in his memoirs of the incident, is more direct: "I date the change in the King's conduct towards me, and the misfortunes which eventually befell the members of the Mission and the old captives, from this day."[13] Meanwhile, Emperor Tewodros's behaviour was becoming increasingly erratic, his actions included acts of friendship towards Rassam, paranoid accusations, and sudden violence upon whoever happened to be around him. In the end, Rassam himself was made a prisoner, and one of the missionaries dispatched with the news and Tewodros's latest demands in June 1866. The Emperor eventually moved all of his European prisoners to his fortress on Magdala, and continued to parley with the British until Queen Victoria announced the decision to send a military expedition to rescue the hostages 21 August 1867.
The campaign
Planning
In the eyes of Alan Moorehead, "There has never been in modern times a colonial campaign quite like the British expedition to Ethiopia in 1868. It proceeds from first to last with the decorum and heavy inevitability of a Victorian state banquet, complete with ponderous speeches at the end. And yet it was a fearsome undertaking; for hundreds of years the country had never been invaded, and the savage nature of the terrain alone was enough to promote failure."[14] Planning the expedition was difficult for the British as this war was not on the sea. They later mentioned that Ethiopia had "no seaboard; has, consequently, no cities or forts to bombard, no vessels to attack, and no commerce to appropriate."[15]
The task was given to the
Given the long supply lines and limited resources of their own, the British understood that they were extremely dependent on a constant and reliable local supply of food for the men and forage for the animals. Accordingly, they decided to not plunder along the route but instead to pay for all needed supplies. To this end, the expedition took with it a sizable sum of the most commonly used currency in 19th century Ethiopia, the
The force consisted of 13,000 British and Indian soldiers, 26,000 camp followers and over 40,000 animals, including the elephants. In addition, there was a sizable contingent of embedded journalists, including the journalist Henry Morton Stanley as well as several European observers, translators, artists and photographers. The force set sail from Bombay in upwards of 280 steam and sailing ships. The advance guard of engineers landed at Zula on the Red Sea, about 30 miles (48 km) south of Massawa, and began to construct a port in mid-October 1867. By the end of the first month they had completed a pier, 700 yards (640 m) long; they completed a second one by the first week of December. The railway was already reaching into the interior, with eight iron girder bridges built.[19] At the same time an advance guard, under Sir William Lockyer Merewether, had pushed up the dry bed of the Kumayli River to the Suru Pass, where again the engineers were busy at work building a road to Senafe 63 miles (101 km) long, rising to 7,400 feet (2,300 m)[20] for the elephants, gun-carriages, and carts.[21] The demand for water was enormous; the Zula camp using 200 tons a day, which was created using condensation from steamship boilers in the harbour.[20] As the force moved inland, wells had to be dug. These tubewells, versions of the Norton tube well technology, were so successful at providing groundwater for the British forces that they became known as "Abyssinian wells" and were widely adopted in England and elsewhere for providing reliable water supplies[22]
From Senafe, Merewether sent out two letters from Lieutenant-General Napier: one to Emperor Tewodros, demanding the release of the hostages (which Rassam intercepted and destroyed, afraid this ultimatum might enrage Tewodros against the prisoners); the other to the people of Ethiopia, proclaiming that he was there purely to free the captives and that he had hostile intentions only towards those who sought to oppose him.[23] Napier arrived at Zula on 2 January 1868, and finished his plan of advance before leaving on 25 January for Senafe.
Advance
It took the British forces three months to trek over 400 miles (640 km) of mountainous terrain to the foot of the Emperor's fortress at Magdala. At
At this point, Emperor Tewodros's strength had already been dissolving. At the beginning of 1865 he controlled little more than Begemder, Wadla, and Delanta (wherein the fortress of Magdala lay). He struggled to keep up the size of his army—which Sven Rubenson points out was his only "instrument of power"—but by mid-1867 defections from his army had reduced its size to 10,000 men.[25] Harold Marcus observes, "For a total cost of about £9,000,000 Napier set out to defeat a man who could muster only a few thousand troops and had long ago ceased to be Ethiopia's leader in anything but title."[26]
The British were also aided by their diplomatic and political agreements with the native population, local potentates, and important provincial princes to protect the march from the coast to Magdala and to provide a reliable supply of food and forage. Additionally, Napier's pronouncement to the governors, the chiefs, the religious orders and the people of Abyssinia read:
It is known to you that Theodorus, King of Abyssinia, detains in captivity the British Council Cameron, the British Envoy Rassam and many others, in violation of the laws of all civilized nations. All friendly persuasion having failed to obtain their release, my Sovereign has commanded me to lead an Army to liberate them. All who befriend the prisoners or assist in their liberation shall be well rewarded, but those who may injure them shall be severely punished. When the time shall arrive for the march of a British Army through your country, bear in mind, People of Abyssinia, that the Queen of England [sic] has no unfriendly feelings towards you, and no design against your country or your Liberty.
Your religious establishments, your persons and your property shall be carefully protected.
All supplies required for my soldiers shall be paid for. No peaceable inhabitant shall be molested. The sole object for which the British Force has been sent to Abyssinia is the liberation of Her Majesty's subjects. There is no intention to occupy permanently any portion of the Abyssinian Territory, or to interfere with the government of the country.[7]
The three most powerful Ethiopian princes in the north,
Tewodros' movements
At the same time the British marched south to Magdala, Tewodros advanced from the west, up the course of the
Tewodros provided one last demonstration of his lack of diplomatic skills on 17 February, when after accepting the submission of the inhabitants of Delanta, he asked them why they had waited until he appeared with his army. When they answered that they had been prevented by rebellious Oromo and Gobeze, "he told them they were as bad as the others, and ordered them to be plundered. ... Consequently, when the King [Tewodros] further ordered them to be attacked, they all fought bravely, and, in conjunction with the inhabitants of Dawunt, killed a great number of his soldiers and seized their arms and mules." Not only had Tewodros isolated himself for several days in a hostile territory within sight of his last stronghold, a deputation from the Yejju, who were coming to him to offer their submission, upon hearing Tewodros's savagery promptly turned around.[28]
Arrival of the British
On 9 April, the lead elements of the British force reached the Bashilo, "and on the following morning, Good Friday, they crossed the stream barefooted, stooping to fill their water-bottles on the way."[29]
On the afternoon of that Good Friday, the decisive
Tewodros, however, ordered an attack, and thousands of soldiers, many of them armed only with spears, charged the British positions. The British quickly deployed to meet the charging mass, and poured devastating fire into their ranks, including rockets from the Naval Brigade and Mountain gun artillery fire, as well as rifle fire. Of the rocket fire, Captain Hozier remarked "Many a charred mass and mangled heap showed how terrible was the havoc, how awful the death".[7] During the fighting, an advance guard unit overpowered some of the Ethiopian artillery crews and captured their artillery pieces. After a chaotic 90-minute battle, the defeated Ethiopians retreated back to Magdala.
Altogether, about 700 to 800 Ethiopian warriors were killed and 1,200 to 1,500 wounded, most of them seriously, while on the British side there were only twenty casualties, two fatally wounded men, nine seriously wounded, and nine lightly wounded. As such, the Arogye battle was far more bloody and consequential than the subsequent day's siege of the hill-top fort at Magdala.
Siege of Magdala
After repelling the Ethiopian attack, the British force moved onto Magdala the following day. As the British approached, Tewodros released two hostages on parole to offer terms. Napier insisted on release of the hostages and an unconditional surrender. Tewodros refused to unconditionally surrender, but released the European hostages over the next two days, while the native hostages had their hands and feet amputated before being thrown over the edge of the precipice surrounding the plateau.[30]
The British continued their advance on 13 April, and laid siege to the fortress of Magdala. The British attack began with a bombardment with mortars, rockets, and artillery. Infantry units then opened fire to provide cover for the Royal Engineers as they blew up the gates of the fortress at 4pm.[31] British infantry then poured in and opened fire, and advanced with fixed bayonets, forcing the defenders to retreat to the second gate. The British then advanced and took the second gate, where they found Tewodros dead inside. Tewodros had committed suicide with a pistol that had originally been a gift from Queen Victoria, rather than face captivity. When his death was announced, resistance from the defenders ceased. A modern commentator states "When Tewodros preferred self-inflicted death to captivity, he deprived the British of this ultimate satisfaction and laid the foundation for his own resurrection as a symbol of the defiant independence of the Ethiopian."[32]
Lieutenant Stumm, an eyewitness, described the discovery of Tewodros's body:
Climbing a narrow rock stairway, we advanced quickly toward a second gate, through which we passed without meeting resistance. About a hundred paces beyond it lay the half-naked body of the Emperor himself, who had taken his own life with a pistol shot. A strange smile was on the remarkably young and attractive-looking face, and I was struck particularly by the finely drawn, boldly aquiline nose.
Tewodros's body was cremated and his ashes buried inside a local church by the priests. The church itself was guarded by soldiers of the 33rd Regiment, who looted it, taking away a variety of gold, silver, and brass crosses,[33] as well as filigree works and rare tabots.
The casualties in the Battle for Magdala were comparatively small: the British artillery's bombardment killed about twenty Ethiopian warriors and civilians and wounded about 120, whereas a further forty-five Ethiopians were killed by rifle fire during the infantry assault. Altogether, the British troops' casualties included only ten seriously wounded and five lightly wounded.[7] These deaths are noticeably fewer than the previous day's massacre at Arogye which proved to be the decisive engagement of the campaign.
Before the British abandoned Magdala, Sir Robert ordered the destruction of Tewodros's artillery. He also permitted his troops to loot and burn the fortress, including its churches, as a punitive measure. The troops collected many historical and religious artefacts that were taken back to Britain,[34] many of which can now be seen in the British Library[35] and the British Museum. Fifteen elephants and almost 200 mules were required to carry away the booty.[36][37][38][39][40]
Aftermath
This section needs additional citations for verification. (April 2018) |
Magdala was in the territory of the Muslim Oromo tribes,
Following the destruction of Magdala, the British began to retrace their steps back to Zula, "an imposing procession, with the bands playing and the flags leading the way, but the army soon learned that they had earned no gratitude in Ethiopia; they were treated as simply another warlike tribe on the move, and now that they were going away like weak and defeated men they were an obvious target for attack."
At Zula, Napier assigned Captain
By 2 June, the base camp was dismantled and as the men and hostages were loaded into the ships, Napier boarded the Feroze on 10 June, and set sail for England by way of the Suez Canal.
On a curious side note, many of the hostages were unhappy with Napier's demand that they leave the country. Several hostages argued that they had long since become alienated from their old homeland in Europe and would no longer have any chance of building a new life for their families there. The German observer Josef Bechtinger, who accompanied the expedition, wrote:
Most of them, instead of thanking Providence for their final rescue – were not all happy with the new turn of events. They were indignant, upset, at having to leave Abyssinia. "What" they said, "are we supposed to do in Europe now, what are we supposed to do now with our wives and children back in our homeland – which has become alien to us? How are we supposed to live now among people who have [become] alien to us and whom we no longer like? What are we supposed to live on?
Bechtinger reported that many of them eventually returned to their adopted country from Suez by way of Massawa.[43]
In London, Napier was made Baron Napier of Magdala in recognition of his achievement. General Napier was also made
One soldier from the Expedition,
Ethiopian politics
Tewodros had asked his wife, the Empress Tiruwork Wube, in the event of his death, to put his son, Prince Alemayehu, under the protection of the British. This decision was apparently made in fear that his life would be taken by any aspirant for the empire of Abyssinia. In accordance with these wishes, Alemayehu was taken to London where he was presented to Queen Victoria, who took a liking to the young boy. Alemayehu later studied at Cheltenham College, the Rugby School and the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst. However, both the Queen and Napier were later concerned with the subsequent development of the young prince who became increasingly lonely, unhappy and depressed during this time. In 1879, the prince died of illness at the age of 19. He was buried near the royal chapel in Windsor with a funeral plaque placed to his memory by Queen Victoria.[7]
After the withdrawal of the British, fighting for the succession to Tewodros's throne raged in Ethiopia from 1868 to 1872. Eventually, it was
Battle honour
The success of the expedition led to the institution of a
Looted objects
The British Museum sent a member of staff as part of the expedition.
From time to time some of the looted treasure has been returned to Ethiopia. For instance, an edition of the
In 1924, the
In 1999, several prominent figures in Britain and Ethiopia created the Association For the Return of the Magdala Ethiopian Treasures (AFROMET) which has pursued an information and lobbying campaign to see all treasures taken during the expedition repatriated back to Ethiopia.
In popular culture
The Abyssinia Expedition is the setting for the George MacDonald Fraser novel Flashman on the March.
References
Citations
- ^ Brereton & Savory 1993, p. 184.
- ^ a b Rubenson 1966, p. 89.
- ^ a b Marcus 1995, p. 32.
- ^ Crummey 1972, p. 134.
- ^ Rubenson 1966, p. 84.
- ^ Henze 2000, p. 138.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j Matthies 2012.
- ^ Stern 1862, p. 62.
- ^ Crummey 1972, p. 135.
- ^ Crummey 1972, p. 137: "The exception was a group of German artisans who remained on good terms with the Emperor and were never subjected to imprisonment."
- ^ Crummey 1972, p. 138.
- ^ Moorehead 1972, pp. 232-.
- ^ Rassam 1869, p. 22.
- ^ Moorehead 1972, p. 262.
- ^ Urquhart, David (1868). The Abyssinian War: The Contingency of Failure. Diplomatic Review Office. p. 4.
- ^ Porter 1889, p. 9.
- ^ Porter 1889, p. 2.
- ^ Moorehead 1972, p. 266.
- ^ Porter 1889, p. 3.
- ^ a b Porter 1889, p. 4.
- ^ Moorehead 1972, p. 270.
- S2CID 131416255.
- ^ Moorehead 1972, reprints the letter to Tewodros on p. 271, and that to "the Governors, the Chiefs, the Religious Orders, and the People of Ethiopia" on pp. 271f.
- ^ Moorehead 1972, p. 284.
- ^ Rubenson 1966, p. 81.
- ^ Marcus 1995, p. 31.
- ^ Rubenson 1966, p. 261.
- ^ Rassam 1869, pp. 269-.
- ^ Moorehead 1972, p. 288.
- ^ Brereton & Savory 1993, p. 189.
- ^ Porter 1889, p. 8.
- ^ Rubenson 1966, p. 268.
- ^ Pankhurst 1985, pp. 233–240.
- ^ Moorehead 1972, pp. 309-.
- ^ British Library Website
- ^ "Collection online: Capt. Tristram C. S. Speedy". British Museum. Retrieved 18 February 2017.
- ^ "Collection online: Sir Stafford Henry Northcote, 1st Earl of Iddesleigh". British Museum. Retrieved 18 February 2017.
- ^ "Collection online: Sir Richard Rivington Holmes". British Museum. Retrieved 18 February 2017.
- ^ "Collection online: Textile – Religious/Ritual equipment – Hanging". British Museum. Retrieved 18 February 2017.
- ^ "Collection online: Club". British Museum. Retrieved 18 February 2017.
- ^ Wemlinger 2008.
- ^ Moorehead 1972, p. 310.
- ^ Bechtinger 1870.
- ^ "No. 23374". The London Gazette. 28 April 1868. p. 2431.
- S2CID 256131750.
- ^ Trilling 2019.
- ^ Maasho, Aaron (4 March 2019). "British museum to return royal hair seized in Ethiopia 150 years ago". Reuters.
Sources
- Bechtinger, Jos (1870). Ost-Afrika: Erinnerungen Und Miscellen Aus Dem Abessinischen Feldzuge. Vienna: C. Gerold's sohn.
- Brereton, J.M.; Savory, A.C.S. (1993). History of the Duke of Wellington's Regiment 1702–1992. London: Duke of Wellington's Regimental Headquarters. ISBN 9780952155201.
- Crummey, Donald (1972). Priests and Politicians: Protestant and Catholic Missions in Orthodox Ethiopia, 1830-1868. Oxford: Clarendon Press. ISBN 978-0-19-821677-3.
- Henze, Paul B. (2000). Layers of Time: A History of Ethiopia. C. Hurst & Co. ISBN 978-1-85065-393-6.
- Marcus, Harold G. (1995). The life and times of Menelik II: Ethiopia, 1844-1913. Red Sea Press. ISBN 9781569020098.
- Matthies, Volker (2012). The Siege of Magdala: The British Empire Against the Emperor of Ethiopia. Markus Wiener. ISBN 978-1-55876-552-8.
- ISBN 9780241021750.
- Pankhurst, Richard (1985). "The Napier Expedition and The Loot From Maqdala". Présence Africaine. 133–134 (133/134): 233–240. JSTOR 24351450.
- Porter, Whitworth (1889). History of the Corps of Royal Engineers. New York: Longmans, Green.
- Rassam, Hormuzd (1869). Narrative of the British Mission to Theodore, King of Abyssinia: With Notices of the Countries Traversed from Massowah, Through the Soodân, the Amhâra, and Back to Annesley Bay, from Mágdala. Vol. 2. London: J. Murray.
- Rubenson, S. (1966). King of Kings: Tewodros of Ethiopia. Addis Ababa: Haile Sellassie I University Press. OCLC 245697563.
- Stern, Henry Aaron (1862). Wanderings Among the Falashas in Abyssinia: Together with a Description of the Country and Its Various Inhabitants. Illustrated by a Map and Twenty Engravings of Scenes and Persons, Taken on the Spot. Wertheim, Macintosh, and Hunt.
- Trilling, Daniel (9 July 2019). "Britain Is Hoarding a Treasure No One Is Allowed to See: In recent years, requests for the permanent return of items taken during the imperial era without their owners' consent have gathered pace". The Atlantic.
- Wemlinger, Cherri Reni (2008). Identity in Ethiopia: The Oromo from the 16th to the 19th Century (PDF) (Thesis). Washington State University Department of History.
External links
- Abyssinia Campaign – BritishEmpire.co.uk
- March on Magdala – war correspondent G. A. Henty
- Abyssinia Expedition—National Army Museum (United Kingdom)