1987 Forsyth County protests

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Coordinates: 34°12′23″N 84°8′23″W / 34.20639°N 84.13972°W / 34.20639; -84.13972
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1987 Forsyth County protests
Part of the post–civil rights era in African-American history
DateJanuary 17, 1987 (first march)
January 24, 1987 (second march)
Location
Forsyth County, Georgia, United States

34°12′23″N 84°8′23″W / 34.20639°N 84.13972°W / 34.20639; -84.13972
Caused by
Goals
  • Bring attention to legacy of racist activities in Forsyth County
Methods
  • Marching
  • Public speeches
Resulted inA bi-racial human relations committee was established by the county
Parties
Civil rights activists
White supremacists
Lead figures
Number
  • First march:
    • Approximately 75
  • Second march:
    • Approximately 20,000
  • First march:
    • Approximately 400
  • Second march:
    • Approximately 1,000–1,500
Casualties
Arrested
  • First march: 8
  • Second march: 64

The 1987 Forsyth County protests were a series of

white supremacists drew national attention to the county. The second march was attended by many prominent civil rights activists and politicians, including both of Georgia's U.S. senators
, and attracted about 20,000 marchers, making it one of the largest civil rights demonstrations in United States history.

At the time, Forsyth County was a rural county about 30 miles (48 km) northeast of

sundown county that was almost entirely populated by white Americans. In light of this, in 1987, a local resident announced plans for a march to occur on the weekend of Martin Luther King Jr. Day to draw attention to the county's history and continuing problems with race. Hosea Williams, a civil rights activist and politician in Atlanta, joined the project and helped lead a group of about 75 marchers through the county on January 17. The march was disrupted by a group of about 400 white supremacists, including members of the Ku Klux Klan
, who injured several marchers, including Williams. The march was eventually called off and several Klansmen were arrested.

The violence attracted national and international attention to the county. Williams and other activists organized another march for January 24 that was attended by about 20,000 people, including several famous politicians and civil rights activists, such as both of Georgia's senators and Representative John Lewis. Between 1,000 and 1,500 white supremacist counter-protesters were present, though with roughly 3,000 law enforcement officials present (including over 1,000 members of the Georgia National Guard), there were few incidents of violence. About 64 people were arrested during the march, including white supremacists Don Black and David Duke. About two weeks after the second march, Oprah Winfrey traveled to Cumming to broadcast an episode of her talk show, interviewing several white residents. Some activists protested the show due to the producers' decisions to not have any African Americans on the show, and Williams and several others were arrested for unlawful assembly.

Following the marches, the county created a bi-racial human relations committee intended to address some of the issues raised by activists. Additionally, the

Hispanic Americans
.

Background

1912 racial conflict

Main article: 1912 racial conflict in Forsyth County, Georgia
Map of Georgia with Forsyth County in red

white woman there.[4] In the aftermath of this event, some white people known as "night riders" waged a months-long terror campaign of whitecapping that resulted in the expulsion of almost all African Americans from the county.[5][note 1] Prior to this, approximately 1,000 African Americans had been living there,[8] with the county's total population being around 11,000.[9]

Sundown county

Following the expulsion, Forsyth developed a reputation as a

bedroom community for upper middle class white people who worked in Atlanta.[15]

Proposed march

Civil rights activist Hosea Williams (c. 1960s) was involved in organizing the January 17 march.[12][1]

By 1987, the county had a population of around 38,000,

white supremacists".[15]

In the weeks leading up to the march,

Glide Memorial United Methodist Church in San Francisco said, "Just when we thought we had swept the whirlwind of racism into the corners of society, now we see it is blowing back into the center of the floor".[12] On January 17, the same day that the march in Forsyth County was scheduled, white supremacist groups had held a parade in Pulaski, Tennessee, the birthplace of the KKK, led by white supremacists Robert E. Miles and Thomas Robb.[23]

First march

The march occurred in Cumming on Saturday, January 17,

nooses.[28][29][22] Klansmen constituted about ten percent of the total number of the counterdemonstrators there and were primarily members of one of two Klan organizations: The Southern White Knights and the Invisible Empire Knights of the Ku Klux Klan.[22]

The old Forsyth County Courthouse, pictured 2015

In preparation for the march, about 75 local police officers and members of the

racial slurs and other obscenities at the marchers.[28][1] At one point, Williams led marchers in singing "We Shall Overcome" as the counterdemonstrators chanted racial expletives.[29] The event eventually turned violent as some counterdemonstrators began throwing rocks and bottles at the marchers,[33] resulting in several people becoming injured.[2][note 6] Williams was one of the injured, having been hit in the head by a brick.[32] The violence ultimately prompted the march organizers to call off the event prematurely after law enforcement officials told them that they could not guarantee their safety.[28][32][1] Law enforcement officials arrested 8 Klansmen, and all but one were residents of Forsyth County.[28] After the march was called off, counterdemonstrators met at the Forsyth County Courthouse and listened to more speeches given by Stoner and other Klansmen.[19] Former pro-segregation governor of Georgia Lester Maddox was also in attendance.[22]

Speaking of the event later, Williams stated, "In thirty years in the

Mead Corporation cancelled plans they had for constructing a 5,000-worker plant in the county.[28]

Second march

On January 19, Williams and Dean Carter announced their intention to hold another march in Forsyth County on the following Saturday, January 24.[28] Williams called it a "March for Brotherhood" and said it would be the largest civil rights demonstration since the civil rights movement of the 1960s.[1] This march drew both national and international attention, with The New York Times reporting on it with a front-page story,[35] and saw the participation of about 20,000 demonstrators.[note 7] The number of demonstrators was four to five times the number of participants that the organizers had expected,[2][35] and they said that there had been an additional 4,000 people in Atlanta who would have participated but were unable to come to Cumming due to a lack of transportation.[2] In total, about 175 buses provided by the Metropolitan Atlanta Rapid Transit Authority were used in getting demonstrators from the King Center for Nonviolent Social Change in Atlanta to Cumming, and when this proved insufficient, an additional ten buses were brought in.[35][39] A significant portion of the participants were white,[note 8] over half appeared to be under the age of 30, and some traveled from distant places such as California, New York, and Nigeria to participate.[2]

U.S. Representative John Lewis (pictured 2003) was one of several politicians and civil rights activists who marched in Forsyth County on January 24.[40]

The march was scheduled to begin at 11 a.m., but due to the size of the crowd, the start was delayed by over three hours,

Atlanta Mayor Andrew Young,[41] who said of the march, "This march had to take place, for we once again had to say: 'We ain't gonna let nobody turn us round'".[2] Other noted civil rights activists included Southern Christian Leadership Conference president Joseph Lowery,[2] NAACP executive director Benjamin Hooks, A. James Rudin of the American Jewish Committee,[26] Ralph Abernathy, Dick Gregory, Jesse Jackson, and Coretta Scott King, the widow of Martin Luther King Jr.[41]

As with last time, there was a large number of white supremacists who had gathered in Forsyth County, numbering over 1,000.

drug pushers. That’s the reality of integration".[2] Despite the large turnout, leaders from two large Klan organizations, including Holland, ordered their members not to attend, as they thought the march was a plot by the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) to arrest Klansmen.[43]

In addition to the increased number of counterdemonstrators, there was also a significant increase in the number of law enforcement officials present.

Georgia Governor Joe Frank Harris stated that it was "the greatest show of force on the part of the state of Georgia in history".[2]

14 counterdemonstrators were arrested before the march began, with 4 of those individuals being identified as Klansmen.[2] In total, about 64 people were arrested either before or during the march.[2][28][note 11] Duke and Black were among those arrested during the march for attempting to block a highway.[48][41][23] The counterdemonstrators yelled slurs and expletives at the marchers and, as in the previous march, threw some projectiles that resulted in a few injuries.[41][2][28][note 12] One man was hit by a cement block and a woman was struck by a steel pipe,[43] but, according to a report by the Los Angeles Times, "the march was not marred by major clashes or injuries".[2] Out of safety concerns, GBI officials at the courthouse square did not allow Fowler, Lewis, or Nunn to cross the street to speak to reporters or allow reporters access to the courthouse square.[35] A spokesperson for the governor stated, "When you consider the size of the crowd, this was a pretty peaceful march".[38] By 6:30 p.m., buses began to transport demonstrators back to Atlanta.[35]

The Oprah Winfrey Show broadcast from Cumming

Following the marches, Oprah Winfrey (pictured 1997) broadcast an episode of her talk show from Cumming.[17]

On February 9, about two weeks after the second march, television talk show host Oprah Winfrey traveled to Cumming to broadcast an episode of her talk show, The Oprah Winfrey Show.[17] At the time, the show had only been on the air for about five months, and the episode marked the first time that the show was recorded somewhere other than its regular studio.[49] For the episode, Winfrey had an all-white audience of about 100 Forsyth County residents that she talked to about the marches and the county's history of racial issues.[17] During the episode, several locals expressed racist sentiments to Oprah and opined in favor of the county remaining all-white, while others were more sympathetic to the marchers and expressed dismay at the racist attitudes of some of the residents.[17][18] While Williams had asked to appear on the show, Winfrey and the show's producers declined, stating that they only wanted county residents.[17][18] This prompted a protest led by Williams outside of the restaurant that the episode was being recorded at.[17][18] In the aftermath, eight individuals, including Williams, were arrested on charges of unlawful assembly, with Williams also being charged with blocking a state highway.[17][18] Asked after the episode completed filming how she felt about being in the county, Winfrey, a black woman, stated, "Not very comfortable at all. I’m leaving".[17]

Aftermath

Legacy

Multiple news sources, such as the Los Angeles Times and The New York Times, and academics have made note of the size of the January 24 march, with many sources referring to it as one of the largest civil rights demonstrations in the history of the Southern United States.[50] According to journalists David Treadwell and Barry Bearak, some activists from the civil rights movement of the 1960s viewed the march as the start of a possible resurrection of the movement, with Williams saying, "The civil rights family has not been together like this since we buried Martin Luther King".[2] Civil rights activist Ozell Sutton, who was a regional director of the United States Department of Justice's office of community relations at that time, also spoke positively about the march, saying, "This outpouring of black and white and all racial groups is an indication of a deep and abiding concern [for civil rights]".[2] Martin Luther King III, the eldest son of Martin Luther King Jr., stated that his father would have seen the march as "a great demonstration of brotherhood and love".[2] Following the protests, Governor Harris organized an investigation into the protests.[51] According to historian Wendy Hamand Venet, his committee finding that the state's flag, which prominently featured a Confederate battle flag as part of its design, "was a factor inciting racism and violence and recommended its removal".[51] The protests ultimately led to a revival over the issue of the state flag, with many prominent politicians and activists calling for the removal of the Confederate symbol from the flag.[51][52] Following the white supremacist Unite the Right rally in Charlottesville, Virginia, in 2017 that resulted in the death of a counter-protester in a terrorist attack, several publications made comparisons between the violence there and that witnessed in Forsyth County in 1987.[53][29]

Changes in Forsyth County

Following the marches, local leaders in Forsyth County publicly deplored the actions of the Klansmen and offered apologies to the marchers.

Hispanic Americans.[9][55] Throughout this time, the county has played host to several other civil rights protests, including a march in August 1992 in recognition the fifth anniversary of the 1987 marches.[9][54] This march, which included about 40 people led by Williams, involved about 200 police officers and was counter-demonstrated by about 350 white supremacists, including members of the Nationalist Movement.[54] In June 2020, amidst the George Floyd protests in Georgia, about 1,000 people protested for civil rights and racial justice.[56] The protests were peaceful, and while there were rumors that counterdemonstrators from the Nationalist Movement would disrupt the event, this did not come occur.[14]

Impact on white supremacist organizations

Southern Poverty Law Center's lawsuit

Following the protests, the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC), a civil rights legal advocacy organization, filed a lawsuit against 11 Klansmen and two Klan organizations (the Invisible Empire and the Southern White Knights) for damages related to their attack on January 17.[57][58][59] In October 1988, a federal jury ordered the organizations and individuals to pay almost $1 million in damages to the marchers.[58][59] The Invisible Empire was ordered to pay about $800,000 of this judgement.[60] As a result of the ruling, James Farrands, the leader of the Invisible Empire, agreed to relinquish all of the organization's assets, including its name, and personally paid $37,500 to the affected marchers.[58] By the middle of 1993, due to the settlement, the organization was defunct.[58]

Forsyth County v. Nationalist Movement

Main article: Forsyth County v. Nationalist Movement

The total cost of the law enforcement presence for the second march was over $670,000 (equivalent to $1,600,000 in 2021).

Board of Commissioners passed an ordinance requiring permits for rallies and demonstrations and requiring the groups holding these events to cover some of the costs associated with law enforcement protections, with a later amendment capping the cost of the daily fees at $1,000.[41][62]

David Duke (c. 1974) used the protests to help revive his political career.[63]

This came up in January 1989, when the Nationalist Movement made plans to hold a demonstration on the steps of the Forsyth County Courthouse in opposition of Martin Luther King Jr. Day.

unconstitutional.[61]

David Duke

According to reporter Tyler Bridges, Duke's involvement in the protests marked the beginning of his "political comeback".[24] The counterdemonstration marked his first public appearance in five years,[37] and he used the increased media attention to get interviews with many national media publications, causing his national profile to increase among white supremacist circles.[48] Following the protests, Klan and activity in north Georgia increased.[64] During this time, on February 22, 1987, Duke and Barrett held a white supremacist rally near Cumming that attracted about 125 people,[47] and during a March 7, speech before white nationalist Populist Party members, Duke stated that the Forsyth counterdemonstrations marked "the genesis of an entirely new movement" for white nationalism.[65] That year, Duke announced his presidential campaign for the 1988 election, with Bridges stating that, "Forsyth County had reminded leaders of the white supremacist movement that Duke was their best spokesman".[66] Duke held his campaign kickoff event in nearby Marietta, Georgia, and officially announced his candidacy on the steps of the Georgia State Capitol in Atlanta, with the locations chosen at least in part due to their proximity to Forsyth County.[67]

Notes

  1. ^ A 1987 Los Angeles Times article by journalists David Treadwell and Barry Bearak regarding the 1912 events says, "Virtually no blacks have lived in Forsyth County in the 75 years since 1912, when hundreds of them were driven out by klan marauders after the brutal rape and murder of a young white girl that was attributed to three black youths".[2] However, in his 2016 book Blood at the Root, professor Patrick Phillips states that the Ku Klux Klan, in its original form, had become defunct by 1872 and that "[f]or more than forty years after [1872], there was no Ku Klux Klan as we know it".[6] The Klan would not be reconstituted until 1915, three years after the events in Forsyth County.[7] Phillips refers to the individuals involved in the 1912 events as "night riders".[6]
  2. ^ In a 1993 book, historian Donald L. Grant questions the reliability of this data, saying, "The 1980 census indicated that one black lived in the county, although that person's existence was suspect".[11] Additionally, a 1987 article in the Los Angeles Times states that local officials did not believe any African Americans were living in the county at that time.[12]
  3. ^ While several sources specify that the march was revived by Dean and Tammy Carter,[11][12] one source states that the Gainesville resident who revived the idea for the march was "Dean Williams".[20]
  4. ^ Several sources state that approximately 75 individuals participated in the march.[25] However, in 1987, activist A. James Rudin stated in an article in The Christian Science Monitor that there were 90 demonstrators,[26] a figure repeated in a 2020 book by scholar Rodney A. Smolla.[1] Meanwhile, a 1987 article in The New York Times stated that there were about 50 marchers,[19] a number also given in a 2022 article in The Daily Beast.[9] Additionally, a 1996 book by historian Paul A. Gilje states that there were about 60 marchers.[27]
  5. ^ Most sources state that there were approximately 400 counterdermonstrators.[31] However, a 1993 book by historian Donald L. Grant gives an estimate of approximately 500.[28]
  6. ^ Sources vary on the number of individuals injured. A 1987 article in The New York Times states that four marchers suffered minor injuries,[19] a number also given in a 2011 historical book by author John McKay,[32] while a 1987 article in the Los Angeles Times states that 8 people were injured.[2]
  7. sheriff's deputies in the county gave an estimate of between 12,000 to 14,000 and a spokesperson for the National Guard gave an estimate of between 15,000 to 20,000.[35]
  8. ^ A 1987 article in the Los Angeles Times estimates that about a third of the marchers were white,[2] while a 1987 article in the St. Petersburg Times gives an estimate of "[a]t least half".[38]
  9. ^ Sources vary on the number of counterdemonstrators present. A 2020 book by scholar Rodney A. Smolla states that there were "over one thousand" counterdemonstrators,[41] a number echoed by reporter Tyler Bridges in a 1994 book.[24] However, a 1987 article in the Los Angeles Times states that 1,200 were expected to show up,[12] a 1989 book by academic Ted Robert Gurr stated that there were 1,500 people,[16] a 1987 article in the St. Petersburg Times states that there were 2,000 counterdemonstrators,[38] and a 1990 book by historian Michael Zatarain stated that "[o]ver 5,000 whites from across the U.S." arrived in Forsyth County.[42] A 2009 book by activist and academic Leonard Zeskind says that "several thousand white people" gathered along the roadsides to protest the march,[37] later specifying that there were about 3,000 counterdemonstrators.[23] A 2011 historical book by author John McKay states that estimates of the counterdemonstrators vary considerably because they were difficult to distinguish from other onlookers of the march, but estimates that, of the approximately 5,000 onlookers, about 1,000 to 1,500 were white supremacist counterdemonstrators.[43]
  10. ^ Sources vary on the number of National Guard members present, with numbers ranging between 1,500,[39] 1,700[2][37] and 2,300.[38] Meanwhile, a 1987 article in The New York Times states that there were 2,300 "guardsmen and police officers".[35]
  11. ^ Sources vary on the number of arrests made, with many sources giving ranges of between 55 and 60.[46] However, a 1994 book by reporter Tyler Bridges gives an exact number of 64 people arrested, including Duke and Barrett.[47]
  12. ^ Multiple sources state that there were some injuries,[41][2][28] though a 1987 article in The New York Times stated that no injuries had been reported.[35]

References

  1. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Smolla 2020, p. 225.
  2. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w x y z aa ab ac Treadwell & Bearak 1987.
  3. ^ New Georgia Encyclopedia.
  4. ^ Zeskind 2009, p. 127; Elliott-Tenort 1992; Clendinen 1987, p. 1; King 2017; The New York Times 1987, p. 24; Smolla 2020, p. 225; Treadwell & Bearak 1987; Byrd 1987; Bridges 1994, p. 127.
  5. ^ Phillips 2017; Nesbitt 1987; Smolla 2020, p. 225; Grant 1993, p. 554.
  6. ^ a b Phillips 2016, pp. 71–72.
  7. ^ Dodd 2023.
  8. ^ Smolla 2020, p. 225; Grant 1993, p. 554; Venet 2020, p. 168; Bridges 1994, p. 127; Treadwell 1987; Zeskind 2009, p. 127.
  9. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Holloway 2022.
  10. ^ a b c Cobb 2008, p. 121.
  11. ^ a b c d e f g h i j Grant 1993, p. 554.
  12. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l Treadwell 1987.
  13. ^ a b Ingwerson 1987a.
  14. ^ a b c d King 2020.
  15. ^ a b Zeskind 2009, p. 125.
  16. ^ a b c d e f g h Gurr 1989, p. 124.
  17. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m Byrd 1987.
  18. ^ a b c d e f Nesbitt 1987.
  19. ^ a b c d e f g h i The New York Times 1987, p. 24.
  20. ^ a b McKay 2011, p. 149.
  21. ^ Clendinen 1987, p. 1; The New York Times 1987, p. 24; Grant 1993, p. 554; Treadwell 1987; McKay 2011, p. 149.
  22. ^ a b c d e Zeskind 2009, p. 126.
  23. ^ a b c Zeskind 2009, p. 130.
  24. ^ a b c d e Bridges 1994, p. 127.
  25. ^ McKay 2011; Treadwell 1987; Grant 1993, p. 555; Gurr 1989, p. 124; Byrd 1987; Bridges 1994, p. 127.
  26. ^ a b c Rudin 1987.
  27. ^ Gilje 1996, p. 172.
  28. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p Grant 1993, p. 555.
  29. ^ a b c d Phillips 2017.
  30. ^ Jaspin 2007, p. 141.
  31. ^ Treadwell 1987; McKay 2011, p. 150; Bridges 1994, p. 127; Gurr 1989, p. 124; Byrd 1987; Zeskind 2009, p. 126; Ingwerson 1987a.
  32. ^ a b c d e McKay 2011, p. 150.
  33. ^ Zeskind 2009, p. 126; Treadwell 1987; Bridges 1994, p. 127; Grant 1993, p. 555; Smolla 2020, p. 225.
  34. ^ Zatarain 1990, p. 264.
  35. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l Clendinen 1987, p. 1.
  36. ^ Bridges 1994, p. 128; Nesbitt 1987; Coppa 2000, p. 28; Treadwell & Bearak 1987; Grant 1993, p. 555; Smolla 2020, p. 225; Venet 2020, p. 168; Elliott-Tenort 1992; Ingwerson 1987b; Gilje 1996, p. 172.
  37. ^ a b c d e f Zeskind 2009, p. 129.
  38. ^ a b c d e King 2017.
  39. ^ a b c d e f McKay 2011, p. 151.
  40. ^ a b c Smolla 2020, pp. 225–226.
  41. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o Smolla 2020, p. 226.
  42. ^ Zatarain 1990, p. 265.
  43. ^ a b c d McKay 2011, p. 152.
  44. ^ Zatarain 1990, pp. 264–265.
  45. ^ Bridges 1994, pp. 127–128.
  46. ^ Clendinen 1987, p. 1; McKay 2011, p. 152; Treadwell & Bearak 1987; Grant 1993, p. 555; King 2017.
  47. ^ a b Bridges 1994, p. 129.
  48. ^ a b Bridges 1994, p. 128.
  49. ^ Oprah.com.
  50. ^ Nesbitt 1987, "the largest civil rights protest the South has ever seen"; Bridges 1994, p. 128, "the largest civil rights march in years"; Treadwell 1987, "the biggest civil rights demonstration in the South since the turbulent decades of the '50s and '60s"; Clendinen 1987, p. 1, "the march was one of the largest civil rights demonstrations since a 1965 rally that followed a march from Selma, Ala. to Montgomery"; Zeskind 2009, p. 129, "the largest civil rights demonstration in the South since the 1960s"; Rudin 1987, "the largest civil rights march since the 1960s".
  51. ^ a b c Venet 2020, p. 168.
  52. ^ Cobb 2008, p. 112.
  53. ^ Smolla 2020, pp. 225–227.
  54. ^ a b c d Elliott-Tenort 1992.
  55. ^ a b Poole & Murchison 2022.
  56. ^ Plyburn 2020.
  57. ^ Gerstenfeld 2013, p. 30.
  58. ^ a b c d Baudouin 1997, p. 42.
  59. ^ a b Perlmutter 2004, p. 346.
  60. ^ Barnes 1997, p. 564.
  61. ^ a b Coppa 2000, p. 28.
  62. ^ Renstrom 2012, p. 102.
  63. ^ Bridges 1994, pp. 127–130.
  64. ^ Zeskind 2009, p. 141.
  65. ^ Zeskind 2009, p. 135.
  66. ^ Bridges 1994, p. 130.
  67. ^ Bridges 1994, pp. 130–131.

Sources

Further reading

External links

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