1990 Croatian parliamentary election
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All 80 seats in the Social-Political Council All 116 seats in the Council of Municipalities All 160 seats in the Council of Associated Labour | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
This lists parties that won seats. See the complete results below.
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Parliamentary elections were held in the Socialist Republic of Croatia between 22 and 23 April 1990; the second round of voting occurred on 6–7 May. These were the first free, multi-party elections held in Croatia since 1938, and the first such elections for the Croatian Parliament since 1913. Voters elected candidates for 356 seats in the tri-cameral parliament; the turnout in the first round ranged between 76.56% and 84.54% for various parliamentary chambers. In the second round, the turnout was 74.82%. The Croatian Democratic Union (HDZ) won 205 seats, ousted the League of Communists of Croatia – Party of Democratic Reform (SKH-SDP) from power and ended 45 years of communist rule in Croatia. The new parliament convened for the first time on 30 May, elected Franjo Tuđman as President of the Croatian Presidency and soon after renamed the office to President of Croatia.
The election took place during a political crisis within the Yugoslav federation, the disintegration of the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, and growing ethnic tensions between Croats and Serbs. Though the SKH-SDP was widely expected to win the elections, the HDZ took advantage of questions of nationality and political reform becoming the dominant issues of concern, and won by a wide margin. After the election, SKH-SDP lost a large proportion of its membership, many of whom crossed the party lines and joined the HDZ. The electoral campaign exacerbated ethnic rivalries, and mutually provocative actions led to deep mistrust. Fear was further fomented by authorities in the neighbouring Socialist Republic of Serbia. In the months following the elections, the Croatian parliament amended the Constitution of Croatia to remove the term "Socialist" from the republic's official name, and to remove communist symbols from the flag and coat of arms of Croatia.
Background
On 10 December 1989, one day before the party's 11th Congress, the Central Committee of the League of Communists of Croatia (Croatian: Savez komunista Hrvatske—SKH) held an emergency meeting. The body adopted a decision, by a majority of seven to six, that the next election, due to be held in early 1990, would be a free, multiparty election.[1] At the Congress, Ivica Račan, who supported the Central Committee's decision, won the position of SKH Chairman by a small margin. Račan's victory gave support to liberal and reformist initiatives in the sphere of political administration.[2] The Congress also supported the release of all political prisoners and the termination of all political trials.[3] Encouraged by this change in SKH policy, the Croatian Parliament amended legislation to permit the establishment of political parties other than the SKH on 11 January 1990.[4] Even though the decision by the SKH Central Committee of 10 December 1989 coincided with the signing of a public petition demanding free, multiparty elections,[5] the SKH's move was not motivated by public opinion. It was based on the SKH's wish to achieve greater power and confidence through an election victory.[6]
The SKH's plans for liberalization and reform extended further. With the
Electoral legislation
On 15 February, the Croatian Parliament adopted amendments to the Constitution of the Socialist Republic of Croatia and passed a package of electoral laws to facilitate multiparty elections, but left the parliamentary system unchanged.[9] Elections were scheduled for all 356 seats in the tricameral parliament consisting of the Socio-Political Council (80 seats), the Council of Associated Labour (160 seats) and the Council of Municipalities (116 seats).[10] The electoral legislation established constituencies for each parliamentary chamber, whose sizes varied greatly. The eighty Socio-Political Council constituencies encompassed many small municipalities or parts of large ones, varying in population from fewer than 32,000 to more than 80,000. Council of Municipalities constituencies corresponded to municipalities with greater population variations of fewer than 1,000 to more than 150,000.[11] The Associated Labour Council members were to be elected in 160 constituencies whose populations also varied greatly. There was no universal suffrage for the Associated Labour Council elections; voting was restricted to the employed, the self-employed and students.[12]
The electoral legislation defined a two-round system of voting. Candidates receiving a 50% of votes from at least 33.3% of the constituency win election outright in a single-member constituency. If no candidate received the required level of support, a second round was scheduled two weeks later, in which all candidates who received at least 7% of votes in the first round could take part. The candidate who received the most votes—not necessarily an absolute majority—win the constituency.[13] The two-round system was adopted despite the objection of opposition groups, who demanded proportional representation.[6] The first round of the elections was scheduled for 22–23 April, and the second round for 6–7 May.[14]
Political parties
The first opposition groups in Croatia were set up as civic associations in 1989. The first among them was the
On 17 February 1990, the Serb Democratic Party was founded,[17] but failed to spread its organization significantly beyond Knin.[18] Generally, organizational skills of the parties varied significantly; only SKH candidates stood for election in every constituency. The HDZ did not field candidates in 82 constituencies (25 for the Council of Municipalities and 57 for the Council of Associated Labour).[15]
On 5 February, Croatian authorities registered the first seven political parties, including the SKH, HDZ, HSLS and several other members of the KNS.[9] Eighteen political parties and many independent candidates took part in the election. 1,609 candidates ran for seats in the parliament.[19] On 20 March, the SKH decided to change its name to League of Communists of Croatia – Party of Democratic Reform (Croatian: Savez komunista Hrvatske – Stranka demokratskih promjena—SKH-SDP).[20]
Campaign
The election campaign took place from late March until 20 April, employing a mix of traditional devices and concepts inspired by election campaigns in the West. These largely involved the use of posters, flags bearing the Croatian chequy arms, graffiti, badges, stickers, support from entertainers and media, and the use of political rallies. Parties also relied on word of mouth, media manipulation and even paranoia. An overall lack of political experience led to the use of some awkward, distasteful or otherwise poor slogans and posters. SKH-SDP posters were largely devoted to Račan and his messages: "We stopped single-mindedness, achieved democracy, Croatia freely elects" and "Račan's NO to single-mindedness".[18] The HDZ used simple messages: "One knows – HDZ" and "HDZ – our name is our agenda",[17] while the KNS used an image of a chessboard with the word Koalicija (Coalition) inscribed in its fields.[18] In the initial stages of the campaign, the SDP-SKH was generally expected to win;[14] The Economist predicted a coalition government would be formed.[21]
Issues of nation and elections/democracy dominated the overall campaign; economic issues were three-times-less represented than either of the former issues. A similar breakdown of campaign focus existed in the cases of the HDZ, SKH-SDP and KNS when analyzed individually.[22] The theme of restructuring Yugoslavia as a looser confederation and, should that fail, achieving independence was reaffirmed in the campaign[7] and accepted by Tuđman.[23] For the SKH-SDP, the elections primarily meant a campaign for the reform of the Yugoslav federation. The HDZ's priority was building the Croatian state.[24]
In the run-up to the vote, 15% of Croats said they supported independence and 64% declared in favour of the proposed confederation. 37% said independence was a political priority.
Media coverage
Mainstream media in Croatia largely portrayed Tuđman and HDZ as right-wing nationalists, often as extremists who threatened Yugoslavia's continuation as a unified state. These comparisons were made following conflicting media statements by the party's leaders—especially at the HDZ general convention—which made it difficult to assess whether this was merely an electoral tactic, or whether the party's intention was to encourage Croatian nationalism. The Croatian public came to view the HDZ as the only party that could effectively "defend Croatia's national interests".[27] The SKH-SDP was portrayed as a party of moderates by the Croatian media, and it avoided using the term "Croatian national interests" as a major talking point, fearing it would lose the support of Croatian Serb voters. The KNS was positioned between the two but its incoherent approach and greater emphasis on individual rights rather than national issues cost it votes.[28]
Beginning in mid-1988, mainstream Serbian media reported that Croatia was supporting Albanian separatism in the
Petrova Gora rally
A a rally held at
Benkovac rally
A HDZ rally in Benkovac, held on 18 March, also led to substantial media coverage in Croatia and Serbia, and significantly influenced the general atmosphere surrounding the election campaign. The event drew several thousand HDZ supporters and several hundred Serbs who booed speakers and threw missiles at them. During Tuđman's address, a 62-year-old Serbian man, Boško Čubrilović, approached the podium. When he was stopped by security, Čubrilović drew a gas pistol. He was thrown to the ground; the gun was confiscated and shown to the crowd and described as the gun meant to kill Tuđman. The rally disintegrated into a mass brawl that was stopped by police. Croatian media described the incident as an assassination attempt. Čubrilović was charged with threatening the security staff, for which he was tried and convicted in late 1990. The incident increased ethnic tensions and firmly positioned ethnic issues as an important theme of the election campaign.[33] Croatian media described the incident as an attempt to destabilize Croatia, while Serbian media said the events in Benkovac embodied the legitimate fears of Croatian Serbs brought on by the rise of Croatian nationalism embodied by Tuđman and the HDZ.[34]
Voting and results
First round
In the first round of voting on 22–23 April, the turnout in the election for members of the Socio-Political Council was 84.54% (2,875,061 total votes). HDZ won 41.76% of popular vote, followed by SKH-SDP and KNS at 23.59% and 10.99% respectively. Turnout in the election of members of the Council of Municipalities was 84.09% (3,433,548 total votes); HDZ led the poll, winning 43.91% of the votes cast, again followed by SKH-SDP and KNS at 25.28% and 9.37% of votes respectively. Turnout for the election of members of the Council of Associated Labour was 76.53% (1,455,365 total votes). HDZ received 32.69% of votes cast, followed by SKH-SDP at 25.06%. Independent candidates received 19.75% and KNS won 10.39% of the vote.[35]
The first round of voting decided 137 of the 356 seats in the three chambers of the parliament. HDZ won 107 of them, while SKH-SDP received 14 seats outright and three more in coalition with the Socialist Alliance – Alliance of Socialists of Croatia (Croatian: Socijalistički savez – Savez socijalista Hrvatske—SS-SSH). The remaining 13 seats were distributed between independent candidates and four other parties. KNS received one seat.[36] In response to KNS's poor result, HDS left the coalition and continued to campaign on its own.[18] After the results were announced, SKH-SDP realized it would lose the elections;[19] Račan stated that SKH-SDP would be a strong opposition party.[37] Tuđman declared that with the HDZ in power there would be no personal revenge against the SKH-SDP members who had dismissed HDZ supporters from their jobs, but that those who opposed HDZ's views would be removed from public office.[38]
Second round
The second round of voting was held on 6–7 May. The election for members of the Socio-Political Council was held in 51 previously undecided constituencies where the turnout was 74.82% (1,678,412 total votes). HDZ won 42.18% of popular vote, followed by SKH-SDP at 27.52% and KNS at 9.89%. Turnout in the election of members of the Council of Municipalities had been 74.58% (1,589,894 total votes). HDZ lead the poll with 41.50% of the votes cast, again followed by SKH-SDP and KNS at 33.28% and 8.19% of votes respectively. In the election of members of the Council of Associated Labour in 103 constituencies undecided in the first round of voting, turnout was 66.05% (847,288 total votes). SKH-SDP received 31.56% of votes cast, followed by HDZ at 28.32%. Independent candidates received 13.26% and KNS won 10.95% of the vote.[39]
The runoff decided 214 more seats in the parliament. In addition to the seats won in the first round, HDZ won 98, while SKH-SDP alone or in coalition with SS-SSH received 73 seats.[36] Overall, in the two rounds of voting, 351 seats in the three chambers of the parliament were decided. HDZ won 205 seats on its own and four through candidates supported jointly with Croatian Peasant Party (Croatian: Hrvatska seljačka stranka—HSS) (2) and HSLS (2), SKH-SDP won 73 seats alone, and 23 more were won by candidates supported by SKH-SDP and other political entities. Other parties winning seats in the parliament were KNS (11), HDS (10), SDS (5) SS-SSH (4), HSS (1) and SSOH (1). Association of independent entrepreneurs of Đurđevac won one seat and 13 were won by independent candidates.[36]
Generally, HDZ fared the best in both rounds of voting in areas where Croats represented the
Party | First round | Second round | Overall results | |||||||||||||||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Popular vote | Seats | Popular vote | Seats | Seats | ||||||||||||||
Muni. | SP | AL | Muni. | SP | AL | Total | Muni. | SP | AL | Muni. | SP | AL | Total | Muni. | SP | AL | Total | |
HDZ | 41.76% | 43.91% | 32.69% | 41 | 25 | 41 | 107 | 42.18% | 41.50% | 28.32% | 27 | 29 | 42 | 98 | 68 | 54 | 83 | 205 |
SKH-SDP | 23.59% | 25.28% | 25.06% | 6 | 2 | 6 | 14 | 27.52% | 33.28% | 31.56% | 17 | 10 | 32 | 59 | 23 | 12 | 38 | 73 |
KNS | 10.99% | 9.37% | 10.39% | - | - | 1 | 1 | 9.89% | 8.19% | 10.95% | 2 | 3 | 5 | 10 | 2 | 3 | 6 | 11 |
SS-SSH | 6.49% | 5.78% | 5.37% | - | - | - | - | 3.42% | 2.83% | 5.15% | 1 | 2 | 1 | 4 | 1 | 2 | 1 | 4 |
SDS | 1.61% | 0.90% | 0.36% | 1 | 1 | 1 | 3 | 2.07% | 0.54% | - | 2 | - | - | 2 | 3 | 1 | 1 | 5 |
HDS | 3.95 | 3.82% | 3.91% | 2 | - | 1 | 3 | 4.22% | 2.98% | 4.88% | 1 | - | 6 | 7 | 3 | - | 7 | 10 |
SKH-SDP, SS-SSH | 4.50% | 2.87% | 1.28% | 3 | - | - | 3 | 6.43% | 5.04% | 2.30% | 6 | 4 | 4 | 14 | 9 | 4 | 4 | 17 |
SKH-SDP, SS-SSH, SSOH, SUBNOR | 3.00% | 4.69% | 1.18% | 2 | - | - | 2 | 3.47% | 4.40% | 3.59% | 4 | 3 | 4 | 11 | 2 | - | - | 2 |
SKH-SDP, SS-SSH, SSOH | 1 | 1 | 1 | 3 | ||||||||||||||
SKH-SDP, GAS | - | 1 | - | 1 | ||||||||||||||
HDZ, HSS | 1 | 1 | - | 2 | ||||||||||||||
HDZ, HSLS | 2 | - | - | 2 | ||||||||||||||
SSOH | - | - | 1 | 1 | ||||||||||||||
HSS | - | - | 1 | 1 | ||||||||||||||
AIE | - | - | 1 | 1 | ||||||||||||||
Independent | 4.11% | 3.39% | 19.75% | - | 1 | 3 | 4 | 0.79% | 1.24% | 13.26% | - | - | 9 | 9 | - | 1 | 12 | 13 |
Key: SP – Socio-Political Council, Muni. – Council of Municipalities, AL – Council of Associated Labour |
Aftermath
The elections were the first free and multiparty elections held in Croatia since 11 December 1938 elections for the National Assembly of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia, and were the first such elections for the Croatian parliament since 16 December 1913.[42] SKH-SDP graciously accepted HDZ's electoral victory, but the defeat led to substantial losses of party members. Those who left SKH-SDP included traditionalist communists and Croatian Serb party members who followed the lead of Borislav Mikelić.[2] 97,000 members of SKH-SDP switched their political allegiances and joined HDZ. By June, SKH-SDP membership dropped from 298,000 to 46,000.[26]
Following a plan designed to coincide with the change of regime in Croatia, and in neighbouring Slovenia, the General Staff of the
New parliament
The newly elected Parliament convened on 30 May and elected Tuđman as President of Presidency of Croatia by 281 votes to 50,[47] in a secret ballot. Žarko Domljan was elected the speaker of the parliament[48] and Stjepan Mesić was appointed the prime minister.[49] SDS leader Jovan Rašković was offered a position in the government but he declined the offer. In line with Tuđman's announcement following the first round of elections, the new government soon started to purge Serbs from public office.[47] This was primarily concerned with the police, where ethnic Serbs comprised approximately 75% of personnel in disproportion to the 12% they comprised in the ethnic mix of Croatia. Tuđman sanctioned the dismissal of Serbs from the police and their replacement with Croats, reducing the proportion of Serbs in the police force to 28% by November 1992.[14] Similar policies were applied in the judiciary, media and the education system,[47] though this was expanded to encompass others who were not in agreement with HDZ.[50]
In the aftermath of the elections, Tuđman was reluctant to proceed towards independence, realizing Croatia's vulnerability in any armed conflict.
On 29 June 1990, the parliament started work on amendments to the Constitution of Croatia designed to remove all references to communism and socialism. The amendments were prepared and adopted on 25 July. The official name of the republic was changed to the Republic of Croatia, the President of the Presidency became the President of Croatia, and a new coat of arms was adopted as a chequy of 25 red and white fields, which replaced the red star on the flag of Croatia.[53] Serbs interpreted the chequy used in the new arms and flag as provocative and reminiscent of NDH and Ustaše. While the chequy was used by the Nazi-puppet regime during the World War II, the symbol was also used in the arms of Croatia as a constituent part of Yugoslavia. Nonetheless, Serbs perceived the symbol as threatening.[54]
Croatian Serb response
Serbian nationalism in Croatia was well developed long before HDZ took power, but legislation and especially nationalist rhetoric used by HDZ fed that nationalism. An association of Serb municipalities was already established in Knin ahead of the elections. Civilians armed by the authorities of
On 25 July, hours after the parliament adopted the amendments,[55] Serb National Council (SNC) was set up at a political rally in Srb and the Declaration on sovereignty and autonomy of Serbian nation was adopted.[58] On 1 August, the SNC met in Knin, elected Milan Babić as its president and announced a referendum on Serb autonomy in parts of Croatia with Serb-majority populations. It was scheduled for the period from 19 August to 2 September. Croatian authorities declared the plan illegal on 3 August.[55]
On 17 August, Croatian authorities planned to restore their control of Knin and deployed police via Benkovac and
Footnotes
- ^ Budimir 2011, pp. 81–82.
- ^ a b Pickering & Baskin 2008, p. 525.
- ^ Budimir 2011, p. 81.
- ^ Dunatov 2010, p. 391.
- ^ Budimir 2011, note 6.
- ^ a b Woodward 1995, pp. 117–118.
- ^ a b Hayden 2013, p. 26.
- ^ Bakke & Peters 2011, p. 195.
- ^ a b c Budimir 2011, p. 85.
- ^ Klemenčić 1991, p. 98.
- ^ Klemenčić 1991, pp. 98–100.
- ^ Berglund 2013, p. 479.
- ^ Podolnjak 2008, p. 336.
- ^ a b c d Ramet 2006, p. 356.
- ^ a b Budimir 2011, p. 83.
- ^ Budimir 2011, p. 84.
- ^ a b c Pauković 2008, p. 15.
- ^ a b c d Pauković 2008, p. 16.
- ^ a b Budimir 2011, p. 86.
- ^ Budimir 2011, p. 82.
- ^ Economist & 6 January 1990.
- ^ a b c Pauković 2008, p. 17.
- ^ Sanderson King 1992, p. 16.
- ^ Søberg 2007, p. 32.
- ^ Gagnon 2006, p. 135.
- ^ a b Pickering & Baskin 2008, p. 528.
- ^ Pauković 2008, pp. 17–18.
- ^ a b Pauković 2008, p. 18.
- ^ a b c Pauković 2008, p. 19.
- ^ Pauković 2008, p. 20.
- ^ Pauković 2008, p. 21.
- ^ Pauković 2008, p. 25.
- ^ Pauković 2008, pp. 25–26.
- ^ Pauković 2008, p. 29.
- ^ DIP & 1990 (a), p. 12.
- ^ a b c DIP & 1990 (a), p. 3.
- ^ Budimir 2011, note 35.
- ^ Budimir 2011, note 36.
- ^ a b DIP & 1990 (b), p. 1.
- ^ Klemenčić 1991, p. 103.
- ^ DIP & 1990 (a), pp. 1, 3, 12.
- ^ Budimir 2011, note 28.
- ^ Hoare 2010, p. 117.
- ^ Bideleux & Jeffries 2007, p. 198.
- ^ CIA 2002, p. 95.
- ^ Brigović 2011, p. 444.
- ^ a b c Bideleux & Jeffries 2007, p. 197.
- ^ Budimir 2011, p. 90.
- ^ Woodward 1995, p. 143.
- ^ Budimir 2011, p. 93.
- ^ Braniff 2011, p. 43.
- ^ Keil & Stahl 2014, pp. 69–70.
- ^ Nazor 2007, p. 35.
- ^ Leutloff-Grandits 2006, p. 112.
- ^ a b c CIA 2002, p. 84.
- ^ Caspersen 2010, p. 57.
- ^ Gagnon 2006, p. 147.
- ^ Nazor 2007, p. 36.
- ^ CIA 2002, p. 90.
- ^ Caspersen 2010, p. 55.
References
Books
- Bakke, Elisabeth; Peters, Ingo (2011). 20 Years since the Fall of the Berlin Wall: Transitions, State Break-Up and Democratic Politics in Central Europe and Germany. Berlin, Germany: BWV Verlag. ISBN 9783830527022.
- Braniff, Máire (2011). Integrating the Balkans: Conflict Resolution and the Impact of EU Expansion. London, England: ISBN 9781848856691.
- Berglund, Sten (2013). The Handbook of Political Change in Eastern Europe. Cheltenham, England: ISBN 9781782545880.
- Bideleux, Robert; Jeffries, Ian (2007). The Balkans: A Post-Communist History. London, England: ISBN 9781134583287.
- Caspersen, Nina (2010). Contested Nationalism: Serb Elite Rivalry in Croatia and Bosnia in the 1990s. New York City: ISBN 9781845457914.
- OCLC 50396958.
- Gagnon, Jr., V. P. (2006). The Myth of Ethnic War: Serbia and Croatia in the 1990s. Ithaca, New York: ISBN 9780801472916.)
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link - Hayden, Robert (2013). From Yugoslavia to the Western Balkans: Studies of a European Disunion, 1991–2011. Leiden, Netherlands: ISBN 978-90-04-24190-9.
- ISBN 978-1-139-48750-4.
- Keil, Soeren; Stahl, Bernhard (2014). The Foreign Policies of Post-Yugoslav States: From Yugoslavia to Europe. Basingstoke, England: ISBN 9781137384133.
- Leutloff-Grandits, Carolin (2006). Claiming Ownership in Postwar Croatia: The Dynamics of Property Relations and Ethnic Conflict in the Knin Region. Münster, Germany: ISBN 9783825880491.
- Nazor, Ante (2007). Počeci suvremene hrvatske države: kronologija procesa osamostaljenja Republike Hrvatske: od Memoranduma SANU 1986. do proglašenja neovisnosti 8. listopada 1991 [Beginnings of the Modern Croatian State: A Chronology of the Independence of the Republic of Croatia: from 1986 SANU Memorandum to the Declaration of Independence on 8 October 1991] (in Croatian). Zagreb, Croatia: Croatian Homeland War Memorial Documentation Centre. ISBN 978-953-7439-01-9.
- Ramet, Sabrina P. (2006). The Three Yugoslavias: State-Building And Legitimation, 1918–2006. ISBN 978-0-253-34656-8.
- Sanderson King, Sarah (1992). Political Communication: Engineering Visions of Order in the Socialist World. Albany, New York: ISBN 9780791412015.
- Søberg, Marius (2007). "Croatia Since 1989". In Ramet, Sabrina P.; Matić, Davorka (eds.). Democratic Transition in Croatia: Value Transformation, Education & Media. College Station, Texas: ISBN 978-1-58544-587-5.
- ISBN 9780815722953.
Scientific journal articles
- Brigović, Ivan (October 2011). "Odlazak Jugoslavenske narodne armije s područja Zadra, Šibenika i Splita krajem 1991. i početkom 1992. godine" [Departure of the Yugoslav People's Army from the area of Zadar, Šibenik and Split in late 1991 and early 1992]. Journal of Contemporary History (in Croatian). 43 (2). Zagreb, Croatia: Croatian Institute of History: 415–452. ISSN 0590-9597.
- Budimir, Davorka (January 2011). "Hrvatska politička elita na početku demokratske tranzicije" [The Croatian Political Elite at the Beginning of the Democratic Transition]. Anali Hrvatskog politološkog društva (in Croatian). 7 (1). Zagreb, Croatia: Croatian Politological Society: 73–97. ISSN 1845-6707.
- Dunatov, Šime (December 2010). "Začetci višestranačja u Hrvatskoj 1989. godine" [The Origins of the Multi-Party System in Croatia in 1989]. Radovi Zavoda Za Povijesne Znanosti HAZU U Zadru (in Croatian) (52). Zagreb, Croatia: Croatian Academy of Sciences and Arts: 381–397. ISSN 1330-0474.
- Klemenčić, Mladen (December 1991). "Izbori u Hrvatskoj 1990 – elektoralnogeografska analiza odabranih primjera" [Elections in Croatia 1990 – Electoral-Geographic Analysis of Selected Examples]. Hrvatski geografski glasnik (in Croatian). 53 (1). Zagreb, Croatia: Croatian Geographic Society: 95–108. ISSN 1331-5854.
- Pauković, Davor (June 2008). "Predizborna kampanja u Hrvatskoj 1990. u svjetlu hrvatskog i srpskog novinstva" [The Election Campaign of 1990 in Croatia in the Light of Croatian and Serbian Journalism]. Časopis za suvremenu povijest (in Croatian). 40 (1). Zagreb, Croatia: Croatian Institute of History: 13–30. ISSN 0590-9597.
- Pickering, Paula M.; Baskin, Mark (December 2008). "What is to be done? Succession from the League of Communists of Croatia" (PDF). Communist and Post-Communist Studies. 41 (4). Amsterdam, Netherlands: ISSN 0967-067X.
- Podolnjak, Robert (September 2008). "Hrvatsko izborno zakonodavstvo: moguće i nužne promjene" [Croatian Electoral Legislation: Possible and Needful Changes]. Zbornik radova Pravnog fakulteta u Splitu. 45 (2). Split, Croatia: University of Split, Faculty of Law: 305–343. ISSN 0584-9063.
News reports
- "The East's year of the ballot". The Economist. London, England. 6 January 1990. Archived from the original on 24 September 2015 – via Highbeam Research.
Other sources
- "Statistički pokazatelji o provedenim izborima za zastupnike u Sabor Socijalističke Republike Hrvatske - Prilog" [Statistical Indicators on Performed Elections of Representatives in the Parliament of the Socialist Republic of Croatia - Annex] (PDF) (in Croatian). Zagreb, Croatia: Croatian State Electoral Committee. 1990. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2015-05-14. Retrieved 2015-04-07.
- "Statistički pokazatelji o provedenim izborima za zastupnike u Sabor Socijalističke Republike Hrvatske - Prilog (2. dio)" [Statistical Indicators on Performed Elections of Representatives in the Parliament of the Socialist Republic of Croatia - Annex (part 2)] (PDF) (in Croatian). Zagreb, Croatia: Croatian State Electoral Committee. 1990. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2015-05-14. Retrieved 2015-04-07.