33rd Alabama Infantry Regiment

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The 33rd Alabama Infantry Regiment was an

In addition to the counties named above, the 33rd Alabama drew recruits from three modern Alabama counties that did not yet exist in 1862: Geneva County, which was then a part of Dale and Coffee counties; Crenshaw County, which would be formed from Covington and other nearby counties after the war; and Houston County, which then formed a part of Dale and Henry Counties.

Initially assigned to the defense of Confederate forts in

From just after the Battle of Perryville through the

Historians of the 33rd benefit from extremely detailed accounts of this regiment's service by soldiers who served in it; the most important of these was written by Private W.E. Matthews of Co. B, who left records of nearly every aspect of regimental life from food to clothing to nicknames, sundries and even the soldiers' opinions of two different service rifles they were issued.

Recruitment and early deployments

Initial organization, officers and strength

The 33rd Alabama Infantry Regiment was organized in April 1862, in Pensacola, Florida.^[2] The following table shows information about each company at the time of the regiment's initial formation:^[3]

Ft. McRee

The 33rd Alabama was initially assigned to duty during March–April 1862 at Fort McRee, which sat at the entrance to Pensacola Bay, Florida, opposite the Federal-held Fort Pickens.^[4] By the time the 33rd arrived, Ft. McRee had been reduced to near-rubble by Federal warships and the guns of Ft. Pickens.^[5] However, the local commander, General Braxton Bragg, insisted on holding it, anyway. According to one veteran's memoirs, their time at this location was spent in initial military training, drill, and guard duty.^[4]

At one point, local commanders decided to remove the coastal artillery from the badly damaged fortress, and the 33rd was asked to help. The guns were removed from their five- to eight-inch bases during daylight hours; later, at night, they were slung beneath a specially built wagon equipped with fourteen-inch-wide tires, to which thirty-six mules were hitched.^[6] A lengthy rope was tied to the tongue, and 100 soldiers were tasked with pulling on it to help these mules haul the cannon across the sandy beach to barges on the bay, which in turn carried them on to Pensacola.^[4][6] The guns were replaced with wood planks shaped and painted to resemble artillery, to deceive the Federals into thinking the fort—or what was left of it at this point—was still a threat.^[4]

While on duty at Ft. McRee, the regiment had its first direct encounter with the enemy—or what it thought was the enemy, at the time. During a fierce rainstorm one night, a Federal ship endeavoring to resupply Ft. Pickens encountered difficulties and jettisoned some of its cargo (described as "many barrels of

During this time, the men of the 33rd discarded many items that they now considered non-essential, burdened down as they were on their frequent marches: "hammers, pillows, towels, books, bedclothing, clothing, big knives, tinware, sheepskins, bear skins and other paraphernalia."^[10]

The Kentucky Campaign

Moving south—then north

When General Hardee was given command of the "Left Wing" of the Army of Mississippi (now commanded by General Bragg, from the 33rd's Pensacola days), Wood's Fourth Brigade was assigned to the Third Division of the Left Wing, under command of Major General

Up to now, the 33rd had not seen any significant action, but this was about to change. Emboldened by recent successes achieved by Confederate raiders under Colonel

Following a Confederate victory at Richmond, Kentucky on August 30, Confederate forces advanced deeper into that state, seeking to drive the Federals across the Ohio River and thus establish the Confederacy's northern boundary on that waterway. A drought that summer had impacted both armies, with one soldier of the 33rd Alabama saying that: "we obtained water under deep limesinks, some of these being partly full of water, and Federals had utilized some of the partly filled sinks as a place to butcher cattle and dumped offal into them, making the water unfit to drink."^[15] Another soldier, from the 9th Tennessee, reported that the only water available was usually from ponds, and this was "so muddy that we could not wash our faces in it."^[15] Food supplies were also impacted by the dry weather, with Federal forces reduced first to half-rations, then to quarter-rations, then to hardtack and finally to "wormy flour". The Southerners fared little better.^[15]

Desperate for water, both armies converged on the tiny village of

Wood's brigade, including the 33rd Alabama, attacked around 5pm and ran into murderous fire from Webster's men. The Federals, supported by Captain Harris' battery, decimated the attacking Confederates and forced them to withdraw. Regrouping at the base of the hill, the 33rd and its sister regiments—now assisting a fresh brigade led by Brigadier General St. John Richardson Liddell—charged again, taking more casualties but ultimately driving the Federals from the hill after Harris' battery ran out of ammunition and was forced to withdraw.^[17] The 22nd Indiana, directly opposite the 33rd Alabama, suffered 65% casualties—the most of any Federal unit on the battlefield.^[19]

Private Matthews describes the action in these words:

When the smoke finally cleared that evening, the Confederates had won a tactical victory at Perryville. However the approach of fresh Union forces and the increasingly untenable situation in Kentucky compelled Bragg to order a

During the Battle of Perryville, the 33rd Alabama suffered an appalling casualty rate of 82%.[22] Entering the battle with 500 men,^d the regiment came out with only 88 fit for duty.^[23] Of the thirty-two men in the 33rd's Company B who fought at Perryville, two were killed on the field and nineteen more were wounded—of whom only nine would survive.^[24]

After the battle, Private Matthews reported that the surviving members of the regiment carried their injured comrades to

Private Matthews reported that "for a few days after the battle, our right shoulders were quite sore from the rebound of our Enfield Rifles when firing, as they were after any prolonged firing, and some rifles kicked worse than others."^[25] He equally reported that due to the loss of their horses by all four regimental officers who rode them into the fight, "our regimental officers left them in the rear [thereafter], when going into battle."^[24]

Matthews also related the account of a mortally wounded soldier named Ward who asked his "body servant"^e Jesse to return to Alabama and convey his final goodbye to his wife. Matthews emphasized that Jesse could easily have run away in the confusion and sought freedom with nearby Federal troops, but he chose to return home—entirely on his own—carrying his master's message.^[25]

Fragging

While

With regard to his own unit, Matthews says: "I never heard it rumored that any of our officers of the 33rd Alabama were ever shot by any of our men intentionally, for there were no tyrannical officers such as Colonel Keep in the regiment."[25] He says that discontented men who did not believe that they could "get justice" from their regimental officers were usually able to obtain a transfer to another unit.^[25]

Action in Tennessee

Retreat into Tennessee

After withdrawing from Perryville, General Bragg moved south toward

On November 4, 1862, the 33rd Alabama was ordered to board a train which was scheduled to take them to Chattanooga. In a freak accident a few miles south of Cleveland, Tennessee, a large stick of wood fell from the locomotive tender as the train moved rapidly on a downhill grade, breaking the axle of one of the railcars immediately behind it and causing part of the train to derail. Pvt. Matthews reports that when the axle snapped on the boxcar he was in, all the wheels came off and "clogged" under the wheels of the car behind it (occupied by Co. G), causing its separation from the train. Meanwhile, the engine continued to pull the wheel-less B Company car two or three hundred yards down the track before it finally stopped. Several soldiers had been riding on the boxcar roofs: Matthews reported that these were "shook off, like shaking peaches from a tree, and badly jolted when they hit the ground."^[27] Others were pinned beneath and within the wreckage; some only escaped by "alighting on their heads."^[27]

A total of seventeen men were killed in the disaster, with sixty-seven others maimed; many of these would later die from their injuries.^[27][28] Most of the deceased came from Co. G, the "Daleville Blues," including the company commander, Captain Reuben Jackson Cooper.^[27] All were buried the next day in a trench dug just southeast of the railroad that was surrounded by a split-rail fence; this remained unmarked and largely forgotten until descendants of the departed erected a monument on the site in November 1989.^[27][28]

Battle of Stones River

Following the Battle of Perryville, the 33rd Alabama—together with the rest of Wood's brigade—was transferred to a new division commanded by Major General

Lieutenant Alfred Moore, the regimental adjutant, describes the action at Stones River and its aftermath in a letter to his mother, Amanda:

Private Matthews reported that when the battle first commenced, haze had obscured the field so much that visibility was limited to about fifty feet.^[30] He reported that during the initial charge, the Federals abandoned their "breakfast[s] on the fire," together with tents, wagons, knapsacks, foodstuffs and other supplies. Blaming "inferior powder" for causing many of their Enfield rifles to fail at Perryville and now here, he indicates that most of his comrades threw away those weapons in favor of Federal Springfield Model 1861 rifles they found on the battlefield.^[35] Matthews equally writes that many soldiers were trading in their original-issue cedar canteens (from their Ft. McRee days) for the "cloth covered, block tin oval shaped Yankee canteen[s]" they found. Federal blankets, shelter halves, hats (which Matthews described as "good") and overcoats were also prized by the 33rd Alabama—those who could not find them on the field, would purchase them from others who had extras.^[36]

Stones River ended on January 2, 1863, as a Federal victory: though Bragg had inflicted severe losses on Rosecrans' army, he had been unable to drive it from the field. With fresh Union reinforcements threatening to give Rosecrans an overwhelming advantage for a future attack,^[37] Bragg chose to retreat to Tullahoma, Tennessee.

Smallpox and snowballs

During the 33rd's time in Tullahoma, several members of Company I (from Dale County) contracted

After being removed from quarantine, the regiment witnessed the hanging of a Federal

Tullahoma Campaign

On June 24, 1863, the Federal

Having forced Bragg to evacuate Chattanooga on September 6 through a series of skillful maneuvers, Rosecrans ordered his army to advance along three different roads into northwestern Georgia in pursuit of the Army of Tennessee. With the Federals divided and unable to support each other due to the mountainous terrain, Bragg chose to concentrate on one Union corps, the XIV Corps, which had advanced through the same gap taken by the 33rd at Pigeon Mountain (and adjacent passes), and was moving toward Lafayette. An abortive assault launched by Cleyburne's and Hindman's divisions at Davis's Cross Roads allowed the Federals to escape to safety, so Bragg now turned north, where Rosecran's main force was rapidly concentrating at Lee and Gordon's Mill along Chickamauga Creek. Having been promised three extra divisions—including two led by the renowned Lieutenant General James Longstreet—Bragg decided to attack Rosecrans' army. Skirmishing commenced on September 18, with the main battle opening on September 19. This engagement would mark one of the very few major contests of the war in which the Confederate force would outnumber the Federals: 65,000 to 60,000.^[48]

Bragg's plan was for the Confederates to push past the Federals at Chickamauga Creek, then move north toward Chattanooga. If executed correctly, this maneuver would force Rosecrans to give battle against superior numbers under unfavorable conditions, or to withdraw. Unfortunately for Bragg things did not go exactly as he had intended, and by the afternoon of the 19th his forces were strung out along a densely wooded battlefront roughly 5 miles (8.0 km) in length. With the Federals putting up a terrific fight and showing no disposition to give way, Bragg ordered the 33rd Alabama and the rest of Cleburne's division (which had been on the left side of his army up to this point)^[49] to move north to the Youngblood Farm, near the far right flank. Though most of the fighting had shifted further south over the course of the afternoon, Bragg understood that the main effort had to come at the opposite end of the field if he was to win. He still believed he could turn the Federal flank in the north, thereby obtaining control over the Lafayette Road and positioning himself between the Federals and Chattanooga, which was his key objective.^[50][51]

Night assault at Winfrey Field

Wading Chickamauga creek after stripping off their shoes, pants and socks,

The 33rd and its sisters advanced cautiously toward the Federals, who quickly opened up on them from the far side of the field. At one point about halfway across, the 16th Alabama suddenly halted; Adams ordered the 33rd to stop, as well.[54] The two regiments resumed their advance after about ten minutes or so, though in the darkness they now had to deal with stragglers firing on them from behind, as well as the enemy to their front. One incident of friendly fire claimed the life of Lieutenant Alfred Moore^g, who was accidentally shot in the neck from behind by a straggler.^[47][55] A few companies of the 33rd began to waver, but Adams quickly corralled them and got them back into the fight.^[56] With the attack now stalling, artillery batteries were brought up in the darkness together with supporting troops under Brigadier General John Jackson; these finally drove the Federals back. The 33rd Alabama crossed the Federal breastworks, heading straight for the nearby 6th Indiana.^[57]

At this point, with their assault on the verge of success, the commander of the 16th Alabama suddenly ordered his regiment to retreat, upon which they scampered back toward the safety of their own lines.^[57] Even though his left flank was now exposed, Colonel Adams chose to close with the 6th Indiana in the pitch-dark woods, where savage hand-to-hand fighting ensued before the Hoosiers finally withdrew. Winfrey Field caught fire behind them from the artillery blasts, though the Rebel shells were mostly sailing over the defenders' heads.^[57] Friendly units were now firing into each other in the darkness, lit up only by muzzle flashes and the blaze in the field, which threatened to consume the wounded of each army who lay there. Mass confusion quickly set in on both sides, and although the Confederates achieved some success their attack ultimately ground to a halt, leaving the Federals in control of La Fayette Road.^[58] Undeterred by this setback, Bragg decided to attack again the next morning, first in the north and then moving southward as the assault progressed, hoping to "roll up" the Union forces.^[59]h

Private Matthews reports that the men of the 33rd slept that night "in line of battle in the woods, without taking off any of our belongings except shoes and blankets."^[47] He reports that the regiment was resupplied with ammunition from a wagon that came up to their position; they also drew rations of crackers and bacon for their breakfast the next morning.^[60] Several men from the regiment had failed to remove their ramrods from their rifles as they fired them during the engagement; according to Matthews, these were stuck in trees as high as twenty feet above the ground; others were buried partway in the soil.^[61]

Assault on La Fayette Road

Miscommunication between General Bragg and his subordinates, together with blunders by General Polk, would relegate the 33rd and its sister regiments to a series of futile assaults on the Federal left flank on September 20. At 7:25 that morning, as his men were eating breakfast, Cleburne received orders from Polk to attack the Federal line in a new location known as Kelly Field, in conjunction with troops of Brigadier General John C. Breckinridge, a former Vice President of the United States who had sided with the South.^[62] Wood's brigade had become tangled with Stewart's division (part of Longstreet's "wing" of the army), and none of the attackers or their officers realized that they were charging directly into six Federal divisions.^[62] General Wood's brigade became separated from the other attacking units, and quickly found itself on its own, attacking the Federals on high ground against overwhelming odds.^[62]

The 33rd Alabama began its advance about 10:00 am, in conjunction with the nearby 16th Alabama. The latter regiment quickly took cover after the first volley from the Union line, while the 33rd continued to advance until they reached a small ravine, where they sheltered for nearly an hour until ordered to move forward again.^[63] The two regiments now moved to a point about 275 yards from the Union line, when the 33rd was suddenly hit with murderous artillery and rifle fire from its right flank. Completely bereft of support from either side, the 33rd continued to advance, ultimately achieving something no other Confederate regiment in that sector managed to do: it crossed the La Fayette Road, General Bragg's main objective. However, it was forced to retreat almost as soon as it had done so, having lost 16 killed and 133 wounded out of the 219 men who had started the assault.^[64]

Confusion and miscommunication were not confined to the Southern forces. A botched order issued by General Rosecrans opened a large gap in another part of the Federal line: Longstreet quickly exploited it, turning the Federal right flank and crippling their defense. Rosecrans and most of his army fled the field, and only a desperate last-minute stand by Major General

Matthews writes that the regiment drew more crackers and bacon that evening, sent their canteens to be filled, then "slept soundly, after the tension of the last two days."[61] The next day was spent burying the dead, with men buried either singly or in pairs: "each wrapped in his blanket with his hat over his face."^[61] Major Gibson was mortally wounded during the fighting of the 20th.^[68]

The final casualty for the 33rd Alabama at Chickamauga was their longtime brigade commander, Brigadier General Wood. Never mentioned in Cleburne's or anyone else's

Having successfully lifted the Siege of Chattanooga, General Grant now resolved on a

Just then, disaster struck. Further south along the center of Bragg's line, Federal troops under General Thomas smashed through Confederate positions at the base of the ridge, sweeping up the hill and driving Bragg's men before them. With his army disintegrating before his eyes, Bragg ordered Cleburne to hold the Federals off long enough to let the rest of his men escape. The 33rd Alabama attacked approaching skirmishers in the gathering darkness, allowing the remainder of Bragg's army to cross Chickamauga Creek to the east and retreat into Georgia.^[74] Since his division had held more-or-less together during the rout, Cleburne now found his regiments—including the 33rd Alabama—serving as the rearguard of the Army of Tennessee.^[77][78]

Ringgold Gap—the "wall of fire"

As his army continued to retreat, General Bragg became concerned by the deep mud slowing his supply trains as he passed through the mountains near the town of Ringgold. Fearful that pursuing Federals would catch up and destroy them—and with them, his army—Bragg ordered Cleburne to "hold this position at all hazards."^[79] The 33rd Alabama crossed the waist-deep, icy Chickamauga Creek on November 27 stripped from the waist down, "as the cold wind was stinging our exposed anatomy."^[78] Finding hot ashes from other regiments' campfires, the Alabamians dried themselves and put their clothes back on, then slept beside the creek bank on the frozen ground. As the rest of their division moved on the next day, the 33rd was left with elements of the 45th Alabama and some of Joseph Wheeler's cavalry to guard the creek against the oncoming Federals.^[78] Advance Federal elements skirmished with them as the 33rd and Wheeler's Cavalry slowly backtracked toward Ringgold Gap, turning several times to fire, retreating a short distance, then turning to fire again.^[78]

Meanwhile, in the gap itself, Cleburne deployed his division in the face of the oncoming Federals. With barely 4,000 men and only two cannon to hold off Joseph Hooker's 16,000 attacking troops,^[80] Cleburne arranged his troops across both sides of the narrow pass, ordering them to conceal themselves from view and wait for his signal. Thirty minutes later the 33rd and their friends finally backed into the gap; Matthews reports that the other regiments had done such a good job of concealing themselves that he and his friends never noticed them until they had passed their positions.^[78] The 33rd was ordered to take its place with the rest of their brigade in the center atop White Oak Ridge,^[81] on the pass's northern side.^[82] They arrived just in time; one witness of the battle would later say: "two minutes [more] would have been too late."^[82]

When Hooker's lead elements entered the mountain pass, Cleburne allowed them to get to within fifty yards of his men before ordering them to open fire. Reeling from the first volleys, the astonished Federals fell back, but quickly regrouped and mounted one furious counterattack after another, seeking first to turn Cleburne's right flank (where the 33rd Alabama was), then his left.^[82][83] Each renewed assault ran into a withering Confederate response, described by one history as "a wall of fire;"^[84] one of Cleburne's regiments exhausted its ammunition, and resorted to throwing rocks before the reserve came up and relieved them.^[82] Ringgold Gap became a slaughterhouse over the next four hours as Hooker fed regiment after regiment into the fray, only to see each thrown back with severe losses; Private Sam Watkins of the 1st Tennessee Infantry described the gap as having "the appearance of a roof of a house, shingled with dead Yankees ... From the foot to the top of the hill was covered with the slain, all lying on their faces ... The ground was piled with dead Yankees; they were lying in heaps."^[85] Once his columns had reached safety further south in Dalton, Bragg ordered Cleburne to pull back; he withdrew his men, and Hooker took possession of the pass around 2 PM.^[82] In the midst of all the carnage, the 33rd Alabama had lost only one man;^[84] their division as a whole had lost only twenty killed and 201 wounded, while holding off a Federal force four times their number for nearly five hours.^[86][87]

At Ringgold Gap, Cleburne and his men became the stuff of legend;^[88][89] the entire division would receive the Thanks of the Confederate Congress for their performance at this engagement.^[90] But the war was far from over, as the Alabamians and their friends would soon learn.

The savage waltz

Wintering in Georgia

On December 2, 1863, The 33rd Alabama and their comrades in the Army of Tennessee learned that they would be getting a new commander: Braxton Bragg, who had led the army since the

With Chattanooga safe and the Confederates retreating, General Grant sent Sherman to Mississippi, against the Confederate rail center in Meridian. Learning of this move, Johnston ordered two divisions of his army, including Cleburne's, to go to the aid of their compatriots in that state. This, in turn, led General Thomas to launch a series of probing attacks along Johnston's lines at Dalton, where he quickly learned that the new Confederate commander was someone to be reckoned with.^[93] The 33rd Alabama had proceeded as far as West Point, Alabama, when they were recalled to Dalton. Instead of returning to Tunnel Hill, they were ordered into camp along a creek east of town, where they were put to work digging trenches between that point and their old campsite on the hill.^[94] A new flag was presented to the regiment with the words: "Perryville", "Murfreesboro", "Chickamauga" and "Ringgold Gap" embroidered on it, together with an oval-shaped disc in the center containing "33 ALA."^[95] With the Federals having retreated temporarily, life at Dalton returned to normal—at least for the time being. Rifle practices were held, with targets set up at various distances up to two-hundred yards, and a "sham battle" was fought using blank cartridges.^[94]

Rocky Face Ridge

West of Dalton, Johnston entrenched a large portion of his army along the crest of Rocky Face Ridge, a rugged mountain extending north-to-south that was pierced by passes at Buzzard Roost Gap, Dug Gap and Snake Creek Gap. Sherman had returned to Georgia after winning a victory at

Determined to outflank Johnston's latest defensive position in the Allatoona Pass, Sherman moved to the southwest, intending to circle around

By late June 1864, Sherman and Johnston were dancing a strange ballet of attack and maneuver, but the Federal commander abruptly decided to try something new. In later years Sherman indicated that his officers and opponents had become used to his propensity for flanking movements; he wanted to shake things up, he said, and demonstrate that he was capable of different tactics if a favorable opportunity arose.^[112] With rain and mud rendering movement difficult, Sherman decided to assault Johnston head-on at Kennesaw Mountain, a 1,808-foot ridge that dominated the surrounding countryside—including the railroad on which he depended for supplies. Johnston had constructed miles of trenches and fortifications on Kennesaw and nearby hills; Cleburne's Division was ordered to take a position in the center of the Confederate line.^[113]

As it turned out, the main Federal attack would come in Cleburne's direction. The 33rd Alabama, with the rest of Lowrey's brigade, was deployed to the right side of Cheatham Hill, facing two Federal divisions led by Jefferson C. Davis and John Newton—around 8,000 men in all.^[114] Newton would attack the sector held by the 33rd, which lay across a shallow creek situated in a valley about twenty feet deep that gave way to sloping ground, all of which was densely forested and covered with thick underbrush that made a proper pre-attack reconnaissance impossible.^[115] Felled trees and sharpened stakes driven into the ground complicated the Federal attack, which kicked off with an artillery barrage around 8:00 am on June 27. Though the Northerners managed to make some progress at first, ferocious fire from the 33rd and the rest of their compatriots drove the Federals back. Having lost 3,000 casualties to the Southerners' 1,000, Sherman finally called off the assault and left the field to his foes; a few days later he flanked Johnston once more, causing the Confederates to withdraw yet again and leading to Johnston's dismissal by Jefferson Davis on July 17.^[116]

The new commander of the Army of Tennessee was John Bell Hood, a hard-charging general who had spent part of the war serving under Longstreet in Lee's Army of Northern Virginia. Although he had demonstrated great personal bravery numerous times on the battlefield and was regarded as one of the best brigade and division commanders in the entire Confederate Army, Hood's former boss seems to have questioned his fitness for this level of command. "Hood is a gallant fighter," Robert E. Lee is reported to have said upon hearing of his former subordinate's promotion; "but I am doubtful as to the other qualities necessary."^[117] Private Matthews, upon hearing that Hood had taken command, says that he "... was known to us as a hard fighter ... all agreed that we had hard work in front of us."^[118]

Atlanta

A death in the family

After taking command of the Army of Tennessee, General Hood immediately attacked Sherman in a series of spectacular but ill-advised assaults that ultimately sealed his fate at Atlanta. The first of these came at Peachtree Creek, where the 33rd Alabama was held in reserve and played no role in the contest.^[118] Hood's men were initially successful, but miscommunication and fierce Federal counterattacks finally turned the tide in Sherman's favor, and the Army of Tennessee was forced back into their fortifications around the city.^[119]

One day after Peachtree Creek the 33rd Alabama lost its regimental commander, Colonel Samuel Adams, who had been with it from its inception. Walking along the front line early that morning inspecting his men, Adams was shot by a Federal sharpshooter; he sat down by a small oak tree with both hands over his heart, and died there.^[118] Lieutenant Colonel Robert Crittenden took command of the regiment that same day.^[120]

Battle of Atlanta

Despising Sherman's overwhelming numbers and determined to renew his offensive, General Hood decided to attack James B. McPherson's Army of the Tennessee (not to be confused with Hood's own Army of Tennessee). Withdrawing from his outer line of defenses into his interior fortifications, Hood successfully enticed the Federals to move forward, then sent his cavalry to raid Sherman's exposed supply lines while ordering General Hardee's corps—including Cleyburne's Division and the 33rd Alabama—to hit the Union left flank.^[121] The 33rd engaged around noon on July 22, charging into a wooded area and capturing "prisoners, guns and accouterments, knapsacks and blankets, files and an ambulance."^[118] The regiment stopped at a nearby creek to fill their canteens, which gave the Federal defenders time to bring up artillery and reinforcements; these blasted the 33rd as they emerged from the creek valley and charged through a field and up a hill toward their lines.^[121]

Private Matthews describes the action in these words:

When one Lieutenant in the regiment realized that the captured Federal ambulance contained a 10-gallon keg of whiskey, he immediately sent soldiers back to guard it until it could be safely removed.^[118] Once the 33rd had finished fortifying its position, the whiskey was doled out at the rate of one gill per man, measured in a tin cup.^[118]

Digging in

During the Siege of Atlanta, members of the 33rd quickly learned that they were safer below ground than above it. At first they slept on the ground just behind their trenches, but with snipers and artillery wreaking havoc among them at night, they decided to stay in their ditch at all times.^[122] Perpendicular trenches were dug to grant access to their rear areas, while lights of any kind were banned at night.^[122] With no means of washing their clothes, the men suffered from insect infestations; their agony was compounded by a nearby Federal gun that managed to draw a transverse bead on their trench, doing considerable damage until Confederate counter-battery fire finally silenced it.^[122] The regiment was gradually moved to the left each day, digging new ditches in the red clay soil with bayonets, spades or picks, but never engaging the enemy.^[122]

Jonesborough

On the night of August 30, the 33rd Alabama was ordered to move to its left, with its troops collapsing from

On September 1, Cleburne's division was attacked by elements of two Federal corps. Private Matthews reports that the Federals nearly broke their line, only to be driven back with the help of reinforcements from General Cheatham's division.[125] These men were later withdrawn to bolster up another section of the line, however, leaving the 33rd to defend its sector with a single line of troops and no reserve. Further Federal attacks did not materialize; the Northerners were content to snipe at the 33rd throughout the rest of the day while their compatriots smashed through the Confederate line further north, leading the remnants to withdraw around nine that evening.^[125] Members of the regiment could see fires and hear explosions on the horizon, as Hood destroyed all of his supplies in Atlanta and evacuated the city.^[126] The Alabamians linked up with an ambulance carrying their wounded and followed it to Lovejoy, Georgia, where they repulsed a Federal attack on the railroad there and got the first real night's sleep they had enjoyed in 122 days.^[118]

Back to Tennessee

Moving on

After his defeat at

Bypassing a strong Federal garrison at Resaca, Hood turned southwest and headed into Alabama, toward George Thomas' army headquartered in Nashville, Tennessee. For the first time in the war the 33rd would be operating inside its native state, if only briefly. Sherman had turned back toward Atlanta, from whence he would begin his famed March to the Sea, after sending additional troops to help Thomas in Tennessee. Hood's plan was to drive north into Tennessee, defeat Thomas there, then move into Kentucky and thence east into Virginia, where Robert E. Lee was under siege at Petersburg. Seeking to link up with reinforcements under famed cavalry General Nathan Bedford Forrest, Hood moved west through northern Alabama to Florence, then north into Tennessee.^[130]

Spring Hill

At first, Generals Thomas and Sherman did not believe that Hood would actually invade Tennessee, with a Federal army about to burn its way through Georgia. However, as it became clear that this was Hood's destination, Thomas began to take action. Ordering Major General

Having moved around Schofield's rapidly retreating force, Hood hoped to catch and destroy it near Spring Hill, to the north of Columbia. The Army of Tennessee moved rapidly along back-country roads and through fields and woods, with the men required to keep in ranks at all times while stragglers were dealt with severely.^[132] Forrest's cavalry arrived at the crossroads around 11:30 am on November 29; there they ran into elements of the Federal IV Corps, which had rushed ahead to hold the crossing until the rest of Schofield's army could arrive. Cleburne's division arrived in the afternoon just as Forrest's men were about to exhaust their ammunition. They immediately deployed for an attack, with the 33rd Alabama crossing a small stream and advancing around 4:00 pm with the rest of their division toward a Federal brigade under the command of Colonel Luther Prentice Bradley. Cleburne staggered his brigades in echelon formation, with Lowrey's Brigade on the far right. Lowrey's men engaged first, with the 33rd advancing "across a slope and across a field, [driving] the Federals from behind some rail defenses, then on up and around ... a horse lot rail fence, barn and dwelling where we were making a stand ... we followed them down a slope, where we halted and reformed the line."^[133] With Cleburne personally leading Govan's Arkansas Brigade in support, his division soon routed the Federals and advanced toward Schofield's line of march on the Columbia Pike. Here they were stopped cold by Federal artillery; as darkness fell, the entire Confederate attack ground to a halt. Although Hood planned to attack Schofield's approaching army in the morning, the Federals slipped by him in the darkness while he and his men slept, moving on to the nearby town of Franklin. Here the 33rd and the rest of Hood's army were about to experience their worst day of the war.^[130]

Franklin

Hood's army began to arrive at Franklin around 1:00 pm, with the infantry far outpacing their artillery and other support personnel. Rather than wait for his guns to come up, Hood ordered an immediate assault, as the sun would be setting in just over three and a half hours and he did not want Schofield to get away again. Cleburne, Cheatham and Forrest all protested Hood's plan, but their commander remained determined. So, bereft of artillery support, Cleburne now prepared to lead his division across two miles of open field toward the very center of the Federal line. When General Govan said that few of them would live to see the end of this day, a visibly depressed Cleburne replied: "Well Govan, if we are to die, let us die like men."[134]

During the attack at Franklin, Lowrey's Brigade formed a second line in Cleburne's division, behind the brigades of Govan and Granbury.

Private Andrew Jackson Batchelor, of Company K, gives this account:

Savage fighting ensued as Cleburne's Confederates briefly penetrated the inner Federal defenses near the cotton gin; Federal soldiers wrote of desperately trying to stop the onrushing tide not just with rifles, but with axes, hatchets, and "anything that came into hand."^[140] Cleburne was killed fifty yards from the breastworks, after having two horses shot out from under him and running the rest of the way on foot, sword in one hand and his kepi hat in the other.^[134]

In his autobiography, written two years after the war, General Lowrey recalled his brigade's performance at Franklin:

The final charge of Patrick Cleburne and his men at Franklin has been featured in Civil War art. Some examples of this include portraits by Dale Gallon, Don Troiani and Mort Kunstler. Of his one-time subordinate,^j the Irish doctor's son who had risen from a British corporal to a Southern Major General and then to immortality, General Hardee observed: "Where this division defended, no odds broke its line; where it attacked, no numbers resisted its onslaught, save only once; and there is the grave of Cleburne."^[142]

By the time the smoke cleared at Franklin, the Army of Tennessee had suffered a cataclysmic defeat: it had lost 6,252 men in just a couple of hours, including six dead generals, six wounded, and one captured.^[143] In addition, 55 of Hood's regimental commanders became casualties—an appalling loss of mid-level commanders in an army that had lost many, already.^[144] The 33rd Alabama lost two-thirds of its original 285 men;^[23] the remnant could no longer function as an independent fighting unit, so they were consolidated with survivors from the 16th and 45th Alabama regiments in a single formation, though the regimental designations were not rescinded.^[133]

Nashville

Incredibly, even after his debacle at Franklin, General Hood insisted on continuing his march toward

Hood did not have to wait long for his nemesis to appear: once the weather abated, Thomas emerged from his fortifications on December 15, and hit Hood's army. The 33rd Alabama was engaged with the rest of Lowrey's Brigade by a brigade of United States Colored Troops and another one composed of men described by their own commander as "new conscripts, convalescents and bounty jumpers."^[150] Intended to divert Hood's attention from the main attack intended for his left flank, this assault was beaten back, though the Federals continued to fire at the Alabamians and their friends over the course of the day.^[150] The Federal attack smashed Hood's left, and he was compelled to retreat to a new and more compact line, some distance to the rear of his original line.^[145]

The following morning found the 33rd Alabama with the rest of Cheatham's Division on the Confederate left flank, near a road called the Granny White Pike.^[151] This section of the front was hit late in the day by a three-brigade attack led by Federal Brigadier General John McArthur, which smashed through the poorly placed defenses and rolled up Hood's line from west to east as additional Union forces joined the assault. Hood's army rapidly disintegrated, with its shattered remnants fleeing down the Granny White Pike and nearby roads to Columbia, not ultimately stopping until they reached Tupelo, Mississippi, 220 miles away.^{[145][152][153]}

Already decimated by its fruitless assault at Franklin, the once-proud Army of Tennessee was all but obliterated at Nashville. Having taken 39,000 men with him into Tennessee the month before, Hood came out with 18,742.^[145] His own career irreparably ruined, Hood resigned his position and would not receive another command for the duration of the war. Private Matthews reports that on the day after the battle, "we that could stand were given two or three pounds of flour and a pound or two of beef, and told to get South."^[133]

The Carolina Campaign

Picking up the pieces

Following the disaster at Nashville, the few remaining members of the 33rd Alabama withdrew with the rest of their shattered army, first to Columbia, then further south to Decatur, Alabama, and thence to Tupelo. Morale had sunk to an all-time low, with many of the survivors believing they had been "unfortunately handled."^[133] In January 1865 the regiment drew shoes and marched from Tupelo to West Point, Mississippi, where they boarded a train that took them first to Meridian and then to Demopolis, Alabama. Here they were forced to sleep in the mud along the tracks, because they could find no branches to make ridge-poles for their tents.^[154] On the way to Selma the following day, their train derailed in an eerie repeat of the episode in late 1862; several men from Companies B and G were sitting on top of the cars, and were injured when their boxcars left the tracks.^[154] The men dusted themselves off and resumed their journey, arriving in Selma the next day, where they boarded steamboats and proceeded to Montgomery.^[154]

Carolina

Following a 10-day

On his way back to Alabama, Private Matthews reported that Federal soldiers assigned to guard the trains took pleasure in shooting at livestock from the moving boxcars.^[154] On one occasion near Dawson, Georgia, one such Yankee saw a woman plowing with an ox about a quarter-mile from the train; he shot it dead, and Matthews recorded that "had we men aboard protested, they would have shot us."^[154]

The regimental survivors returned to their homes in southeastern Alabama, where some resumed their lives while others eventually relocated to different counties and states.^[156]

Regimental commanders, weapons and equipment

Commander and other field officers

The first regimental commander of the 33rd Alabama was Colonel Samuel Adams, born in 1829 in

After Perryville Adams was replaced by Colonel Robert Crittenden of Coffee County, who was captured at Nashville.^[120] Other regimental officers included: Isaac Corn, James Dunklin, John Crosby, A.N. Moore and Willis Milner.^[120] Adams and Moore were killed in battle, Crosby died of natural causes, Dunklin was wounded, and Crittenden was captured.^[120]

Regimental flag

The first regimental

A replacement for the captured regimental standard was made soon after its loss at Franklin; this was described as a "Hardee-pattern battle flag with no numbers, words or battle honors."^[160] This banner was kept by Captain Needham Hughes of Co. I, who was acting as the 33rd's brigade commander at the close of the war. He slipped out of the regiment's camp just after the capitulation and wrapped the flag around himself, under his uniform, to prevent it from being turned over to the Union authorities as a trophy of war.^[161] Hughes took it home, and it has been in his family ever since.^[161]

Uniforms

W.E. Matthews,

Later, in October 1862, the regiment drew new uniforms upon their return to

Private Matthews describes the first rifles issued to the regiment:

These rifles were later replaced by

Other equipment later assigned to the regiment included: "wall tents with a fly for each, a two-mule covered ambulance with team, other two-mule teams and white canvas-covered wagons to carry our tents, cooking utensils, axes, picks, spades and other such things."^[163] The regiment lost its wall tents at Wartrace, Tennessee, in April 1863; thereafter, the men made do with captured Federal shelter halves, three of which were often combined to form a usable shelter.^[164]

By the winter of 1863–64, supply shortages in the South had become acute: new recruits were arriving each month from Alabama without much more than the civilian clothes they were wearing, a "Confederate tin canteen and white cotton cloth haversack, [and a] home-woven wool blanket or cotton bed quilt." These soldiers were quick to exchange those things for "a Yankee U.S. blanket, an oilcloth haversack and cloth-covered canteen," usually by removing them from the battlefield.^[165]

Rations

Rations issued to the men of the 33rd varied, depending on the time and location. Speaking of the regiment's fare during their early days at Ft. McRee, Matthews writes:

By the time the regiment reached Corinth, Mississippi, in early 1862, the 33rd was keeping "three days cooked rations in our haversacks of flour or cornbread, crackers, rice, pickled pork, fresh or pickled beef, salt, syrup, sweet potatoes, and drew some soap once a week."^[10] "Cattle, hogs, sheep or goats," said Matthews, "were either driven or shipped to us on [railroad] cars, and usually butchered on the banks of a creek into which the offal was dumped."^[10] He writes of men wrapping fish they had caught in green leaves, then roasting them in the ashes of their campfires, together with sweet potatoes.^[10]

In

While in the field, rations for the 33rd (and other Confederate regiments) were usually cooked at a site located two to five miles in the rear area behind the front lines, where the "regimental skillet wagon" was located.^[168] Men were periodically assigned to KP duty here, where they chopped wood, carried water and cooked meals. A regimental teamster was assigned to draw rations daily from the nearest railhead; in May 1864 these consisted of one pound of unbolted corn per man per day, or the same weight of flour made of wheat and cowpeas ground together.^[168] In addition, each soldier was allotted a half-pound of bacon, or a pound of fresh beef. When this arrangement proved impractical (such as during combat), uncooked rations were issued, and each soldier was on their own. Unlike modern armies who employ trained cooks, the 33rd made do with troops from the ranks; the quality of their preparations accordingly varied, with Matthews reporting of one cook: "Co. B didn't make [him] any presents."^[169]

During their ill-fated

During the final fifteen months of the war, Matthews reports, "we were not accustomed to [having] as much as we could eat, in consequence of which our stomachs became drawn and contracted; and for two years or more after we got home, we could not eat as much as we could before we entered the army."[170]

Sundries

Various

By April 1863, groundpeas retailed at 25 cents per "short tin quart;" stick candy was five cents per stick or $3.50 for a five-pound bundle; coffee was $5 per pound, and corn whiskey sold at varying prices, depending on availability. A local farmer who had received supplies from a Blockade runner might sell it for $1.00 per quart, or twenty-five cents per glass—usually only to those who belonged to a club.^[40]

During the

Equally draconian was the practice of "drumming a man out of service:"

On another occasion, regimental soldiers were called out to witness the executions of two men: one had deserted, and the other was convicted of

Field hygiene and sanitation are extremely important in the prevention of disease, which was responsible for two-thirds of the deaths suffered during the Civil War.^[173] Private Matthews describes some of the sanitary measures taken during the 33rd's time in Tupelo:

Matthews reports that when a member of Company B accidentally dropped his

Ten soldiers of the 33rd Alabama were inscribed into the Confederate Roll of Honor during the civil war, all for the Battle of Chickamauga:^[174]

• CPL Bell, Alexander R., Company "H";
• 3SG Bush, Richard R., Company "G"; (KIA)
• CPT Dodson, W.E., Company "C";
• CPT Hammett, B.F., Company "B";
• PVT Harris, William, Company "K";
• PVT Hatten, W.E., Company "I";
• PVT Lewis, P.S.H., Company "E"; (KIA)
• PVT Mock, W.R., Company "A";
• PVT Perry, J.D., Company "C";
• SGT Sessions, C.L., Company "D". (KIA)

The 33rd Alabama in art

The 33rd Alabama Infantry has been featured in Civil War art. Some examples include:

• Pat Cleburne's Men, by Don Troiani;
• Cleburne, by David Wright;
• 33rd Alabama Regiment, 1863, by Rodney Ramsey.

Re-enactment groups

33rd Alabama Infantry – Modern re-enactment group.

See also

• List of Alabama Civil War Confederate units
• 20th Maine on Little Round Top
  .

• ^ Note a: Although one source gives this soldier's name as "Marvin L. Wheeler", of Co. A, the Alabama Department of Archives and History lists the author's name as "W.E. Matthews" or "W.E. Matthews Preston," while the National Park Service lists it as "W.E. Preston." Another document indicates that he was "William E. Matthews" during the war, but later changed his name to "Preston." See Dale County Military Archives.
• ^ Note b: Matthew's low opinion of Bragg was shared by another private in the Army of Tennessee, Sam Watkins (of the 1st Tennessee Infantry), who wrote the famous memoir Company Aytch. See Chapter III, "Corinth," where he describes in detail the contempt he had for Bragg—an opinion shared by most of Bragg's senior officers—see also Chapter IV, "Tupelo," Chapter VII, "Shelbyville," and especially Chapter XI, "Dalton," in which he compares Bragg to his eventual replacement, General Joseph E. Johnston, insisting that in his opinion, the latter was just in his punishments, while the former was not.
• ISBN 978-0-8047-3641-1
  , pg. 579. Wood would recover and return to command; he survived the war and served as an Alabama state legislator, attorney and professor of law at the University of Alabama before dying in 1891.
• ^ Note d: According to Private Matthews (pg. 13 of his manuscript), several soldiers of the 33rd were absent from the unit during the Battle of Perryville; many of these rejoined the regiment from Confederate military hospitals further south, after the retreat to Tennessee.
• ^ Note e: A common practice among slave-holding soldiers in the Confederate Army (especially early in the war) was to take a slave they considered especially loyal with them to the Army; these men were referred to as "body servants". While their duties were usually much less onerous than the slaves left behind at home, these men were still legally their masters' property.
• ^ Note f: "Bucking and gagging" refers to the practice of sitting a soldier on the ground, gagging him, then tying his arms and legs together, knees between his arms and a rod or stick inserted over his elbows and under his knees. A "barrel shirt" refers to a barrel that had holes for the soldier's arms, which he wore to indicate that he had committed some offense.
• ^ Note g: Lieutenant Moore was the regimental adjutant, and the author of the letter cited earlier in this article describing the Battle of Stones River (see note 97). Of him, Matthews indicates that "it was not supposed that Adjutant Moore had an enemy in the regiment, he not having trouble with anyone; furthermore, he was probably the best liked of all our regimental officers." (page 20) Apparently Moore's death was treated as an accident, though its perpetrator was "scolded ... with an exhibition of feeling that was quite plain." (page 20)
• ^ Note h: A series of five maps depicting the action in the Winfrey Field and nearby woods from 6:00 pm to 7:00 pm may be viewed here Civil War Virtual Tours Chickamauga September 19th Winfrey Field 6:00 PM. (Click on the "next" tab or the right arrow to advance to the next map in the sequence). A modern photo of the field is here Civil War Virtual Tours Chickamauga Winfrey Field, and a short video here Winfrey Field at Chickamauga - YouTube.
• ^ Note i: Six members of the 104th Ohio would win the Congressional Medal of Honor at Franklin, all for capturing enemy flags. Flags were very important during the Civil War, not just because they helped one find one's own regiment in the confusion of combat, but also in part because they symbolized the honor, history and prowess of the regiment to which they belonged. See Why Were Flags Enormously Important in the Civil War? Archived 2014-03-04 at the Wayback Machine for further explanation.
• ^ Note j: Eleven months before his death, General Cleburne had made an astonishing proposal to the Confederate government: he advocated that the South free all of its slaves, then arm and train the males as soldiers to fight alongside whites for a truly free Confederacy. Although it seems to have stemmed more from military necessity than from any moral opposition to slavery (though he refers to it as a "continued embarrassment" and an "insidious weakness"), his proposal details the various reasons given by other Southerners for wanting to preserve the institution. Cleburne's letter was scorned by his associates and suppressed by Jefferson Davis; some historians believe it cost him any chance for a future promotion. For the text of this extraordinary letter, see Patrick Cleburne's Proposal to Arm Slaves. Cleburne's idea forms the theme of the 2008 graphic novel Cleburne, by Justin Murphy.