Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan
Abd al-Malikعَبْد الْمَلِك | |||||
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Bab al-Jabiya , Damascus | |||||
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House | Marwanid | ||||
Dynasty | Umayyad | ||||
Father | Marwan I | ||||
Mother | A'isha bint Mu'awiya | ||||
Religion | Islam |
Abd al-Malik ibn Marwan ibn al-Hakam (
Following a
In a significant departure from his predecessors, rule over the Caliphate's provinces was centralized under Abd al-Malik, following the elimination of his rivals. Gradually, loyalist Arab troops from Syria were tasked with maintaining order in the provinces as dependence on less reliable, local Arab garrisons was reduced. Tax surpluses from the provinces were forwarded to Damascus and the traditional stipends to veterans of the
Early life
Abd al-Malik was born in July/August 644 or June/July 647 in the house of his father
Abd al-Malik's father was a senior aide of their Umayyad kinsman, Caliph
The deaths of Yazid and his successor, his son
Reign
Accession
Abd al-Malik was a close adviser of his father.
At the time of his accession, critical posts were held by members of Abd al-Malik's family.
Early challenges
Though Umayyad rule had been restored in Syria and Egypt, Abd al-Malik faced several challenges to his authority.
Failure in Iraq
Re-establishing Umayyad rule across the Caliphate was the major priority of Abd al-Malik.[31] His initial focus was the reconquest of Iraq, the Caliphate's wealthiest province.[28] Iraq was also home to a large population of Arab tribesmen,[28] the group from which the Caliphate derived the bulk of its troops.[33] In contrast, Egypt, which provided significant income to the treasury, possessed a small Arab community and was thus a meager source of troops.[34] The demand for soldiers was pressing for the Umayyads as the backbone of their military, the Syrian army, remained fractured along Yamani and Qaysi lines. Though the roughly 6,000 Yamani soldiers of Abd al-Malik's predecessor were able to consolidate the Umayyad position in Syria, they were too few to reassert authority throughout the Caliphate.[33] Ibn Ziyad, a key figure in the establishment of Marwanid power, set about enlarging the army by recruiting widely among the Arab tribes, including those which nominally belonged to the Qays faction.[33]
Ibn Ziyad had been tasked by Abd al-Malik's father with the reconquest of Iraq.
Abd al-Malik shifted his focus to consolidating control of Syria.
Byzantine attacks and the treaty of 689
Along
Under
The Byzantine counteroffensive represented the first challenge against a Muslim power by a people defeated in the early Muslim conquests.[38] Moreover, the Mardaite raids demonstrated to Abd al-Malik and his successors that the state could no longer depend on the quiescence of Syria's Christian majority, which until then had largely refrained from rebellion.[38] The modern historian Khalid Yahya Blankinship described the treaty of 689 as "an onerous and completely humiliating pact" and surmised that Abd al-Malik's ability to pay the annual tribute in addition to financing his own wartime army relied on treasury funds accrued during the campaigns of his Sufyanid predecessors and revenues from Egypt.[47]
Revolt of al-Ashdaq and end of the Qaysi rebellion
In 689/90, Abd al-Malik used the respite from the truce to initiate a campaign against the Zubayrids of Iraq, but was forced to return to Damascus when al-Ashdaq and his loyalists abandoned the army's camp and seized control of the city.[48] Al-Ashdaq viewed Abd al-Malik's accession as a violation of the caliphal succession agreement reached in Jabiya.[24] Abd al-Malik besieged his kinsman for sixteen days and promised him safety and significant political concessions if he relinquished the city.[6][48] Though al-Ashdaq agreed to the terms and surrendered, Abd al-Malik remained distrustful of the former's ambitions and executed him personally.[6]
Zufar's control of al-Qarqisiya, despite earlier attempts to dislodge him by Ibn Ziyad in 685/86 and the caliph's governor in Homs, Aban ibn al-Walid ibn Uqba, in 689/90, remained an obstacle to the caliph's ambitions in Iraq.[49] In revenge for Umayr's slaying, Zufar had intensified his raids and inflicted heavy casualties on the caliph's tribal allies in the Jazira.[50] Abd al-Malik resolved to command the siege of al-Qarqisiya in person in the summer of 691, and ultimately secured the defection of Zufar and the pro-Zubayrid Qays in return for privileged positions in the Umayyad court and army.[6][51][52] The integration of the Qaysi rebels strongly reinforced the Syrian army, and Umayyad authority was restored in the Jazira.[6] From then onward, Abd al-Malik and his immediate successors attempted to balance the interests of the Qays and Yaman in the Umayyad court and army.[53] This represented a break from the preceding seven years, during which the Yaman, and particularly the Kalb, were the dominant force of the army.[54]
Defeat of the Zubayrids
With threats in Syria and the Jazira neutralized, Abd al-Malik was free to focus on the reconquest of Iraq.
Following his victory, Abd al-Malik received the allegiance of Kufa's nobility and appointed governors to the Caliphate's eastern provinces.
To a man whose gifts do not elude us, whom God has made victorious, so let him in his victory long delight!
He who wades into the deep of battle, auspicious his augury, the Caliph of God through whom men pray for rain.
When his soul whispers its intention to him it sends him resolutely forth, his courage and his caution like two keen blades.
In him the common weal resides, and after his assurance no peril can seduce him from his pledge.
— Al-Akhtal (640–708), Khaffat al-qaṭīnu ("The tribe has departed")[67]
After his victory, Abd al-Malik aimed to reconcile with the Hejazi elite, including the Zubayrids and the Alids, the Umayyads' rivals within the Quraysh.[68] He relied on the Banu Makhzum, another Qurayshite clan, as his intermediaries in view of the Umayyad family's absence in the region due to their exile in 683.[68] Nevertheless, he remained wary of the Hejazi elite's ambitions and kept a vigilant eye on them through his various governors in Medina.[68] The first of these was al-Hajjaj, who was also appointed governor of Yemen and the Yamama (central Arabia) and led the Hajj pilgrim caravans of 693 and 694.[61] Though he maintained peace in the Hejaz, the harshness of his rule led to numerous complaints from its residents and may have played a role in his transfer from the post by Abd al-Malik.[61] A member of the Makhzum and Abd al-Malik's father-in-law, Hisham ibn Isma'il, was ultimately appointed. During his tenure in 701–706 he was also known for brutalizing Medina's townspeople.[11]
Consolidation in Iraq and the east
Despite his victory, the control and governance of Iraq, a politically turbulent province from the time of the Muslim conquest in the 630s, continued to pose a major challenge for Abd al-Malik.[53] He had withdrawn the Syrian army and entrusted to the Iraqis the defense of Basra from the Kharijite threat.[36][69] Most Iraqis had become "weary of the conflict" with the Kharijites, "which had brought them little but hardship and loss", according to Gibb.[6] Those from Kufa, in particular, had grown accustomed to the wealth and comfort of their lives at home and their reluctance to undertake lengthy campaigns far from their families was an issue that previous rulers of Iraq had consistently encountered.[70][71] Initially, the caliph appointed his brother Bishr governor of Kufa and another kinsman, Khalid ibn Abdallah, to Basra before the latter too was put under Bishr's jurisdiction.[26] Neither governor was up to the task, but the Iraqis eventually defeated the Najdiyya Kharijites in the Yamama in 692/93.[69][72] The Azariqa Kharijites in Persia were more difficult to rein in,[72] and following Bishr's death in 694, the Iraqi troops deserted the field against them at Ramhormoz.[73]
Abd al-Malik's attempt at family rule in Iraq had proven unsuccessful, and he installed al-Hajjaj in the post instead in 694. Kufa and Basra were combined into a single province under al-Hajjaj, who, from the start of his rule, displayed a strong commitment to governing Iraq effectively. Against the Azariqa, al-Hajjaj backed
Upon becoming governor, al-Hajjaj immediately threatened with death any Iraqi who refused to participate in the war efforts against the Kharijites.
The suppression of the revolt marked the end of the Iraqi muqātila as a military force and the beginning of Syrian military domination of Iraq.[72][78] Iraqi internal divisions, and the utilization of disciplined Syrian forces by Abd al-Malik and al-Hajjaj, voided the Iraqis' attempt to reassert power in the province.[77] Determined to prevent further rebellions, al-Hajjaj founded a permanent Syrian garrison in Wasit, situated between the long-established Iraqi garrisons of Kufa and Basra, and instituted a more rigorous administration in the province.[77][78] Power thereafter derived from the Syrian troops, who became Iraq's ruling class, while Iraq's Arab nobility, religious scholars and mawālī were their virtual subjects.[77] Furthermore, the surplus taxes from the agriculturally rich Sawad lands were redirected from the muqātila to Abd al-Malik's treasury in Damascus to pay the Syrian troops in the province.[78][79] This reflected a wider campaign by the caliph to institute greater control over the Caliphate.[79]
Renewal of Byzantine wars in Anatolia, Armenia and North Africa
Despite the ten-year truce of 689, war with Byzantium resumed following Abd al-Malik's victory against Ibn al-Zubayr in 692.[72] The decision to resume hostilities was taken by Emperor Justinian II, ostensibly because of his refusal to accept payment of the tribute in the Muslim currency introduced that year rather than the Byzantine nomisma (see below).[72][80] This is reported solely by Theophanes and issues of chronology make this suspect; not all modern scholars accept its veracity.[81] The real casus belli, according to both Theophanes and the later Syriac sources, was Justinian's attempt to enforce his exclusive jurisdiction over Cyprus, and to move its population to Cyzicus in northwestern Anatolia, contrary to the treaty.[81][82] Given the enormous advantages secured by the treaty for Byzantium, Justinian's decision has been criticized by Byzantine and modern historians alike. However, the historian Ralph-Johannes Lilie points out that with Abd al-Malik emerging victorious from the civil war, Justinian may have felt it was only a matter of time until the caliph broke the treaty, and resolved to strike first, before Abd al-Malik could consolidate his position further.[83]
The Umayyads decisively defeated the Byzantines at the
Meanwhile, in North Africa, a Byzantine–
Final years
The last years of Abd al-Malik's reign were generally characterized by the sources as a domestically peaceful and prosperous consolidation of power.[72] The blood feuds between the Qays and Yaman, which persisted despite the former's reconciliation with the Umayyads in 691, had dissipated toward the end of his rule.[98] Dixon credits this to Abd al-Malik's success at "harnessing tribal feeling to the interests of the government, [while] at the same time suppressing its violent manifestations".[98][f]
The remaining principal issue faced by the caliph was ensuring the succession of his eldest son, al-Walid, in place of the designated successor, Abd al-Aziz.
Legacy
Abd al-Malik is considered the most "celebrated" Umayyad caliph by the historian
Abd al-Malik's concentration of power into the hands of his family was unprecedented; at one point, his brothers or sons held nearly all governorships of the provinces and Syria's districts.
After his victory in the civil war, Abd al-Malik embarked on a far-reaching campaign to consolidate Umayyad rule over the Caliphate.
According to Wellhausen, government "evidently became more technical and hierarchical" under Abd al-Malik, though not nearly to the extent of the later Abbasid caliphs.[121] As opposed to the freewheeling governing style of the Sufyanids, Abd al-Malik ruled strictly over his officials and kept interactions with them largely formal.[122] He put an end to the provinces' retention of the lion's share of surplus tax revenues, as had been the case under the Sufyanids, and had them redirected to the caliphal treasury in Damascus.[123] He supported al-Hajjaj's policy of collecting the poll tax, traditionally imposed on the Caliphate's non-Muslim subjects, from the mawālī of Iraq and instructed Abd al-Aziz to implement this measure in Egypt, though the latter allegedly disregarded the order.[124] Abd al-Malik may have inaugurated several high-ranking offices, and Muslim tradition generally credits him with the organization of the barīd (postal service), whose principal purpose was to efficiently inform the caliph of developments outside of Damascus.[125] He built and repaired roads that connected Damascus with Palestine and linked Jerusalem to its eastern and western hinterlands, as evidenced by seven milestones found throughout the region,[126][127][128] the oldest of which dates to May 692 and the latest to September 704.[129][g] The road project formed part of Abd al-Malik's centralization drive, special attention being paid to Palestine due to its critical position as a transit zone between Syria and Egypt and Jerusalem's religious centrality to the caliph.[132][133]
Institution of Islamic currency and Arabization of the bureaucracy
A major component of Abd al-Malik's centralization and Islamization measures was the institution of an Islamic currency.[38][79] The Byzantine gold solidus was discontinued in Syria and Egypt,[38][72] the likely impetus being the Byzantines' addition of an image of Christ on their coins in 691/92, which violated Muslim prohibitions on images of prophets.[134] To replace the Byzantine coins, he introduced an Islamic gold currency, the dinar, in 693.[72][135] Initially, the new coinage contained depictions of the caliph as the spiritual leader of the Muslim community and its supreme military commander.[38] Historian Peter Frankopan claims this was potentially an image of Muhammad himself, possibly designed to counteract Byzantine coins then in circulation featuring images of Jesus.[136] This image proved no more acceptable to Muslim officialdom and was replaced in 696 or 697 with image-less coinage inscribed with Qur'anic quotes and other Muslim religious formulas.[135] In 698/99, similar changes were made to the silver dirhams issued by the Muslims in the former Sasanian Persian lands in the eastern Caliphate.[134] Depictions of the Sasanian king were consequently removed from the coinage,[134] though Abd al-Malik's new dirham retained its characteristically Sasanian silver fabric and wide flan.[137]
Shortly after the overhaul of the Caliphate's currency, in circa 700, Abd al-Malik is generally credited with the replacement of Greek with Arabic as the language of the dīwān in Syria.[135][138][139] The transition was carried out by his scribe Sulayman ibn Sa'd.[140] Al-Hajjaj had initiated the Arabization of the Persian dīwān in Iraq, three years before.[139] Though the official language was changed, Greek and Persian-speaking bureaucrats who were versed in Arabic kept their posts.[141] The Arabization of the bureaucracy and currency was the most consequential administrative reform undertaken by the caliph.[72] Arabic ultimately became the sole official language of the Umayyad state,[134] but the transition in faraway provinces, such as Khurasan, did not occur until the 740s.[142] According to Gibb, the decree was the "first step towards the reorganization and unification of the diverse tax-systems in the provinces, and also a step towards a more definitely Muslim administration".[72] Indeed, it formed an important part of the Islamization measures that lent the Umayyad Caliphate "a more ideological and programmatic coloring it had previously lacked", according to Blankinship.[143] In tandem, Abd al-Malik began the export of papyri containing the Muslim statement of belief in Greek to spread Islamic teachings in the Byzantine realm.[134] This was a further testament to the ideological expansion of the Byzantine–Muslim struggle.[134]
The increasingly Muslim character of the state under Abd al-Malik was partly a reflection of Islam's influence in the lives of the caliph and the chief enforcer of his policies, al-Hajjaj, both of whom belonged to the first generation of rulers born and raised as Muslims.
Reorganization of the army
Abd al-Malik shifted away from his predecessors' use of Arab tribal masses in favor of an organized army.[118][145] Likewise, Arab noblemen who had derived their power solely through their tribal standing and personal relations with a caliph were gradually replaced with military men who had risen through the ranks.[118][145] These developments have been partially obscured by the medieval sources due to their continued usage of Arab tribal terminology when referencing the army, such as the names of the tribal confederations Mudar, Rabi'a, Qays and Yaman.[118] According to Hawting, these do not represent the "tribes in arms" utilized by earlier caliphs; rather, they denote army factions whose membership was often (but not exclusively) determined by tribal origin.[118] Abd al-Malik also established a Berber-dominated private militia called al-Waḍḍāḥiya after their original commander, the caliph's mawlā al-Waddah, which helped enforce the authority of Umayyad caliphs through the reign of Marwan II.[146]
Under Abd al-Malik, loyalist Syrian troops began to be deployed throughout the Caliphate to keep order, which came largely at the expense of the tribal nobility of Iraq.[118] The latter's revolt under Ibn al-Ash'ath demonstrated to Abd al-Malik the unreliability of the Iraqi muqātila in securing the central government's interests in the province and its eastern dependencies.[118] It was following the revolt's suppression that the military became primarily composed of the Syrian army.[76] Consecrating this transformation was a fundamental change to the system of military pay, whereby salaries were restricted to those in active service. This marked an end to the system established by Caliph Umar (r. 634–644), which paid stipends to veterans of the earlier Muslim conquests and their descendants.[76] While the Iraqi tribal nobility viewed the stipends as their traditional right, al-Hajjaj viewed them as a handicap restricting his and Abd al-Malik's executive authority and financial ability to reward loyalists in the army.[76] Stipends were similarly stopped to the inhabitants of the Hejaz, including the Quraysh.[147] Thus, a professional army was established during Abd al-Malik's reign whose salaries derived from tax proceeds.[76] The dependence on the Syrian army of his successors, especially Hisham (r. 724–743), scattered the army among the Caliphate's multiple and isolated war fronts, most of them distant from Syria.[148] The growing strain and heavy losses inflicted on the Syrians by the Caliphate's external enemies and increasing factional divisions within the army contributed to the weakening and downfall of Umayyad rule in 750.[148][149]
Foundation of the Dome of the Rock
In 685/86 or 688, Abd al-Malik began planning the construction of the
Narratives by the medieval sources about Abd al-Malik's motivations in building the Dome of the Rock vary.
While his sons commissioned numerous architectural works, Abd al-Malik's known building activities were limited to Jerusalem.[157] As well as the Dome of the Rock, he is credited with constructing the adjacent Dome of the Chain,[158] expanding the boundaries of the Temple Mount (Haram al-Sharif) to include the Foundation Stone around which the Dome of the Rock was built and building two gates of the Temple Mount (possibly the Mercy Gate and the Prophet's Gate).[157][159] Theophanes, possibly conserving an original Syro-Palestinian Melkite source, reports that Abd al-Malik sought to remove some columns from a Christian shrine at Gethsemane to rebuild the Ka'aba, but he was dissuaded by his Christian treasurer, Sarjun ibn Mansur (the father of John of Damascus), and another leading Christian, called Patrikios, from Palestine, who successfully petitioned Emperor Justinian II to supply other columns instead.[88][160]
Family and residences
Abd al-Malik had children with several wives and
From his marriage to Umm Ayyub bint Amr, a granddaughter of Caliph Uthman, Abd al-Malik had his son al-Hakam,
Abd al-Malik divided his time between Damascus and seasonal residences in its general vicinity.
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Notes
- Khalifa ibn Khayyat (d. 854), al-Tabari (d. 923) citing al-Mada'ini (d. 843), al-Baladhuri (d. 892) and Ibn Asakir (d. 1175), hold Abd al-Malik was born in the year 23 AH, while another set of accounts, including Ibn Sa'd (d. 845), al-Tabari citing al-Waqidi (d. 823), Ibn Asakir, Ibn al-Athir (d. 1233) and al-Suyuti (d. 1505) hold he was born in 26 AH.[5]
- Abd al-Rahman ibn Khalid ibn al-Walid.[14] According to the historian Marek Jankowiak, Abd al-Malik's military role against the Byzantines during the reign of Caliph Mu'awiya I (r. 661–680) was "expunged" from the generally anti-Umayyad, Abbasid-era Islamic tradition, but preserved in other Islamic traditions transmitted by the 10th-century Arabic Christian chronicler Agapius of Hierapolis.[15]
- Arab–Byzantine front.[40]
- ^ The semi-independent, pro-Zubayrid governor of Khurasan, Abd Allah ibn Khazim, rejected Abd al-Malik's entreaties in early 692 to recognize his caliphate in return for a confirmation of Ibn Khazim's governorship.[59] Ibn Khazim was soon after slain in a mutiny led by one his commanders, Bahir ibn Warqa, and his head was sent to the caliph by the lieutenant governor of Merv, Bukayr ibn Wishah, to whom Abd al-Malik subsequently conferred the governorship of Khurasan.[60]
- Bab al-Wad and Abu Ghosh. The milestone found in Samakh dates to 692, the two milestones at Fiq both date to 704 and the remaining milestones are undated.[130] The fragment of an eighth milestone, likely produced soon after Abd al-Malik's death, was found at Ein Hemed, immediately west of Abu Ghosh.[131]
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- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Kennedy 2016, p. 80.
- ^ a b Dixon 1971, p. 15.
- ^ Dixon 1971, p. 15, notes 1–2.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q Gibb 1960, p. 76.
- ^ a b Ahmed 2010, p. 111.
- ^ Della Vida 2000, p. 838.
- ^ Donner 1981, pp. 77–78.
- ^ a b Dixon 1971, p. 20.
- ^ a b c Wellhausen 1927, p. 215.
- ^ Dixon 1971, p. 16.
- ^ a b Dixon 1971, p. 17.
- ^ a b Jankowiak 2013, p. 264.
- ^ Jankowiak 2013, p. 273.
- ^ a b Kennedy 2016, pp. 78–79.
- ^ Hawting 2000, p. 48.
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- ^ a b c Dixon 1971, p. 21.
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- ^ a b Mango & Scott 1997, p. 510, note 1.
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- ^ a b PmbZ, 'Abd al-Malik (#18/corr.).
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- ^ Ter-Ghewondyan 1976, pp. 20–21.
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- ^ a b c d e Kaegi 2010, p. 14.
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- ^ Kennedy 2007, p. 217.
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- ^ a b Dixon 1971, p. 120.
- ^ Dixon 1971, pp. 96–98.
- ^ Dixon 1971, pp. 103–104.
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- ^ Becker 1960, p. 42.
- ^ a b Hinds 1990, pp. 125–126.
- ^ Conrad 1981, p. 55.
- ^ a b Wellhausen 1927, p. 223.
- ^ Kennedy 2002, p. 127.
- ^ Dixon 1971, p. 198.
- ^ a b Robinson 2005, p. 124.
- ^ Crone & Hinds 1986, p. 11.
- ^ Marsham 2018, pp. 7–8.
- ^ Anjum 2012, p. 47.
- ^ Crone & Hinds 1986, pp. 7–8.
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- ^ Bacharach 1996, p. 30.
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- ^ Kennedy 2016, p. 90.
- ^ Wellhausen 1927, pp. 220–221.
- ^ Wellhausen 1927, p. 221.
- ^ Kennedy 2016, pp. 72, 76, 85.
- ^ Crone 1994, p. 14, note 63.
- ^ Hawting 2000, p. 64.
- ^ Sharon 1966, pp. 368, 370–372.
- ^ Sharon 2004, p. 95.
- ^ Elad 1999, p. 26.
- ^ Bacharach 2010, p. 7.
- ^ Sharon 2004, pp. 94–96.
- ^ Cytryn-Silverman 2007, pp. 609–610.
- ^ Sharon 1966, pp. 370–372.
- ^ Sharon 2004, p. 96.
- ^ a b c d e f Blankinship 1994, p. 94.
- ^ a b c Blankinship 1994, pp. 28, 94.
- ^ Frankopan 2015, p. 89.
- ^ Darley & Canepa 2018, p. 367.
- ^ Hawting 2000, p. 63.
- ^ a b Duri 1965, p. 324.
- ^ Sprengling 1939, pp. 212–213.
- ^ Wellhausen 1927, pp. 219–220.
- ^ Hawting 2000, pp. 63–64.
- ^ Blankinship 1994, p. 95.
- ^ a b Sprengling 1939, pp. 193–195.
- ^ a b Robinson 2005, p. 68.
- ^ Athamina 1998, p. 371.
- ^ Elad 2016, p. 331.
- ^ a b Blankinship 1994, p. 236.
- ^ Kennedy 2001, p. 30.
- ^ Elad 1999, pp. 24, 44.
- ^ Johns 2003, pp. 424–426.
- ^ Elad 1999, p. 45.
- ^ a b Johns 2003, p. 416.
- ^ a b c d e f Grabar 1986, p. 299.
- ^ a b c Johns 2003, pp. 425–426.
- ^ a b c Hawting 2000, p. 60.
- ^ a b Bacharach 1996, p. 28.
- ^ Elad 1999, p. 47.
- ^ Elad 1999, pp. 25–26.
- ^ Mango & Scott 1997, p. 510, note 5.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j Hinds 1990, p. 118.
- ^ Blankinship 1989, pp. 1–2.
- ^ Hinds 1991, p. 140.
- ^ Ahmed 2010, p. 116.
- ^ Ahmed 2010, p. 116, note 613.
- ^ Ahmed 2010, p. 160, note 858.
- ^ Ahmed 2010, p. 128.
- ^ Madelung 1992, pp. 247, 260.
- ^ Chowdhry 1972, p. 155.
- ^ a b c Kennedy 2016, p. 96.
- ^ a b c Bacharach 1996, p. 38.
- ^ Flood 2001, p. 147.
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Further reading
- Clarke, Nicola (2018). "'Abd al-Malik b. Marwān". In Nicholson, Oliver (ed.). ISBN 978-0-19-866277-8.
- Pezeshk, Manouchehr; Negahban, Farzin; Miller, Isabel (2015). "ʿAbd al-Malik b. Marwān". In ISSN 1875-9831.