Abul A'la Maududi

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In office
26 August 1941 – October 1972
Preceded byPosition established
Succeeded byMian Tufail Mohammad
TitleFirst
Movement
Jamaat-e-Islami
Founder ofJamaat-e-Islami
Websitejamaat.org

Abul A'la al-Maududi (

Western imperialism.[7]

He founded the Islamist party

oppose the partition of India.[11][12][13] After it occurred, Maududi and his followers shifted their focus to politicizing Islam and generating support for making Pakistan an Islamic state.[14]
They are thought to have helped influence General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq to introduce the Islamization in Pakistan,[15] and to have been greatly strengthened by him after tens of thousands of members and sympathizers were given jobs in the judiciary and civil service during his administration.[16] He was the first recipient of the Saudi Arabian King Faisal International Award for his service to Islam in 1979.[17] Maududi was part of establishing and running of Islamic University of Madinah, Saudi Arabia.[18]

He was the second person in history whose

King Ashama ibn-Abjar.[4][9] Maududi is acclaimed by the Jamaat-e-Islami, Muslim Brotherhood, Islamic Circle of North America, Hamas
and other organizations.

Early life

Background

Maududi was born in the city of

Aurangabad in colonial India, then part of the princely state enclave of Hyderabad. He was the youngest of three sons of Ahmad Hasan, a lawyer by profession.[19] His elder brother, Sayyid Abu’l Khayr Maududi (1899–1979), would later become an editor and journalist.[20]

Although his father was only middle-class, he was the descendant of the

Childhood

Until he was nine, Maududi "received religious nurture at the hands of his father and from a variety of teachers employed by him."

Shi'a mystical thinker Mulla Sadra.[30] His thought would influence Maududi, as "Sadra's notions of rejuvenation of the temporal order, and the necessity of the reign of Islamic law (the shari'ah) for the spiritual ascension of man, found an echo in Maududi's works."[31]

Education

When he was eleven, Maududi was admitted to the eighth class directly in Madrasa Fawqaniyya Mashriqiyya (Oriental High School),

Goethe, and Herder, among others. Comparing their contribution to that of Muslims, he concluded that the latter's did not reach even 1 percent."[25]

Journalism

Despite his initial publication on electricity in 'Maarif' in 1918 at the age of 15

Deobandi on him:[35]

He said that he was a middle-class man who had learned through both new and old ways of learning. Maududi concluded that neither the traditional nor the contemporary schools are entirely correct, based on his own inner guidance.

Maududi worked as the editor of al-Jamiah, a newspaper of a group of orthodox Muslims, from 1924 to 1927. This time was critical and had a lot of influence.

Maududi, who has consistently remained committed to securing independence from

Hindu identity. He began to gravitate towards Islam,[36] and he believed that democracy would only be viable if the vast majority of Indians were Muslims.[36]

Maududi returned to Hyderabad in 1928 after spending some time in Delhi as a young man.[37]

Political writings

Maududi's works were written and published throughout his life, including influential works from 1933 to 1941. Maududi's most well-known work, and widely considered his most important and influential work, is the Tafhim-ul-Quran (Urdu: تفہيم القرآن‎, romanized: Towards Understanding the Qur'an), a 6-volume translation and commentary of the Qur'an by Maududi which Maududi spent many years writing (which was begun in Muharram, 1361 A.H./February 1942).

In 1932, he joined another journal (Tarjuman al-Quran) and from 1932 to 1937 he began to develop his political ideas,[21] and turn towards the cause of Islamic revivalism and Islam as an ideology,[38] over what he called "traditional and hereditary religion".[39] The government of Hyderabad helped support the journal buying 300 subscriptions which it donated to libraries around India.[40] Maududi was alarmed by the decline of Muslim ruled Hyderabad, the increasing secularism and lack of Purdah among Muslim women in Delhi.[41]

By 1937, he became in conflict with Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind and its support for a pluralistic Indian society where the Jamiat hoped Muslims could "thrive ... without sacrificing their identity or interests."[42] In that year he also married Mahmudah Begum, a woman from an old Muslim family with "considerable financial resources". The family provide financial help and allowed him to devote himself to research and political action, but his wife had "liberated", modern ways, and at first rode a bicycle and did not observe purdah. She was given greater latitude by Maududi than were other Muslims.[43]

Political activity

At this time he also began work on establishing an organization for Da'wah (propagation and preaching of Islam) that would be an alternative to both the Indian National Congress and the Muslim League.[44]

At this time he decided to leave Hyderabad for Northwest India, closer to the Muslim political center of gravity in India. In 1938, after meeting the famous Muslim poet Muhammad Iqbal, Maududi moved to a piece of land in the village of Pathankot in the Punjab to oversee a Waqf (Islamic foundation) called Daru'l-Islam.[45]

His hope was to make it a "nerve center" of Islamic revival in India, an ideal religious community, providing leaders and the foundation for a genuine religious movement. He wrote to various Muslim luminaries invited them to join him there.[46] The community, like Jamaat-i-Islami later, was composed of rukn (members), a shura' (a consultative council), and a sadr (head).[47] After a dispute with the person who donated the land for the community over Maududi's anti-nationalist politics, Maududi quit the waqf and in 1939 moved the Daru'l-Islam with its membership from Pathankot to Lahore.[47]

In Lahore he was hired by Islamiyah College but was sacked after less than a year for his openly political lectures.[48]

Founding the Jamaat-i-Islami

Main entrance of the House of Syed Abul A'la Maududi 4-A, Zaildar Park, Ichhra, Lahore.

In August 1941, Maududi founded Jamaat-e-Islami (JI) in British India as a religious political movement to promote Islamic values and practices. His Mission was supported by Amin Ahsan Islahi, Muhammad Manzoor Naumani, Abul Hassan Ali Nudvi and Naeem Siddiqui.[citation needed]

Jamaat-e-Islami actively

opposed the partition of India, with its leader Abul A'la Maududi arguing that concept violated the Islamic doctrine of the ummah.[11][12][13] The Jamaat-e-Islami saw the partition as creating a temporal border that would divide Muslims from one another.[11][12]

Maududi held that humans should accept God's sovereignty and adopt the divine code, which supersedes manmade laws, terming it a "theodemocracy",

ulema (Islamic scholars).[50]

Maududi migrated to Lahore, which became part of the new state of Pakistan.[12]

After the creation of Pakistan

With the

Indian Kashmir.[51]

With the founding of Pakistan, Maududi's career underwent a "fundamental change", being drawn more and more into politics, and spending less time on ideological and scholarly pursuits.[52] Although his Jamaat-i Islami party never developed a mass following, it and Maududi did develop significant political influence. It played a "prominent part" in the agitation which brought down President Muhammad Ayub Khan in 1969 and in the overthrow of Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto in 1977.[53] Maududi and the JI were especially influential in the early years of Muhammad Zia ul-Haq's rule.

His political activity, particularly in support of the creation of an Islamic state clashed with the government, (dominated for many years by a secular political class), and resulted in several arrests and periods of incarceration. The first was in 1948 when he and several other JI leaders were jailed after Maududi objected to the government's clandestine sponsorship of insurgency in Jammu and Kashmir while professing to observe a ceasefire with India.[54][12]

In 1951[55] and again in 1956-7,[56] the compromises involved in electoral politics led to a split in the party over what some members felt were a lowering of JI's moral standards. In 1951, the JI shura passed a resolution in support of the party withdrawing from politics,[55] while Maududi argued for continued involvement. Maududi prevailed at an open party meeting in 1951, and several senior JI leaders resigned in protest, further strengthened Maududi's position and beginning the growth of a "cult of personality" around him."[55] In 1957 Maududi again overruled the vote of the shura to withdraw from electoral politics.[56]

In 1953, he and the JI participated in a campaign against the Ahmadiyya Community in Pakistan.

riots in Lahore, leading to the deaths of at least 200 Ahmadis, and selective declaration of martial law.[51]

Maududi was arrested by the military deployment headed by Lieutenant General Azam Khan and sentenced to death for his part in the agitation.[53] However, the anti-Ahmadi campaign enjoyed much popular support,[58] and strong public pressure ultimately convinced the government to release him after two years of imprisonment.[53][59] According to Vali Nasr, Maududi's unapologetic and impassive stance after being sentenced, ignoring advice to ask for clemency, had an "immense" effect on his supporters.[60] It was seen as a "victory of Islam over un-Islam", proof of his leadership and staunch faith.[60]

In particular, Maududi advocated that the Pakistani state should be in accordance to Quran and sunnah, including in terms of conventional banking and rights to Muslims, minorities, Christians, and other religious sects such as the Ahmadiyya.[61]

An Islamic state is a Muslim state, but a Muslim state may not be an Islamic state unless and until the Constitution of the state is based on the Qur'an and Sunnah.

The campaign shifted the focus of national politics towards Islamicity.[62] The 1956 Constitution was adopted after accommodating many of the demands of the JI. Maududi endorsed the constitution and claimed it a victory for Islam.[62]

However following a coup by

General Ayub Khan, the constitution was shelved and Maududi and his party were politically repressed, Maududi being imprisoned in 1964 and again in 1967. The JI joined an opposition alliance with secular parties, compromising with doctrine to support a woman candidate (Fatima Jinnah) for president against Khan in 1965.[62] In the December 1970 general election, Maududi toured the country as a "leader in waiting"[63] and JI spent considerable energy and resources fielding 151 candidates. Despite this, the party won only four seats in the national assembly and four in the provincial assemblies.[63]

The loss led Maududi to withdraw from political activism in 1971 and return to scholarship.[64] In 1972 he resigned as JI's Ameer (leader) for reasons of health.[51] However it was shortly thereafter that Islamism gathered steam in Pakistan in the form of the Nizam-i-Mustafa (Order of the Prophet) movement, an alliance of conservative political groups united against Zulfikar Ali Bhutto which the JI gave shape to and which bolstered its standing.[53][65]

In 1977, Maududi "returned to the center stage". When Bhutto attempted to defuse tensions on 16 April 1977, he came to Maududi's house for consultations.[65] When General Muhammad Zia-ul-Haq overthrew Bhutto and came to power in 1977, he "accorded Mawdudi the status of a senior statesman, sought his advice, and allowed his words to adorn the front pages of the newspapers. Maududi proved receptive to Zia's overtures and supported his decision to execute Bhutto."[65] Despite some doctrinal difference (Maududi wanted sharia by education rather than by state fiat

Sharization".[53]

Beliefs and ideology

Maududi poured his energy into books, pamphlets and more than 1000 speeches and press statements, laying the ground work for making Pakistan an Islamic state, but also dealing with a variety of issues of interest in Pakistan and the Muslim world.[4] He sought to be a Mujaddid, "renewing" (tajdid) the religion. This role had great responsibility as he believed a Mujaddid "on the whole, has to undertake and perform the same kind of work as is accomplished by a Prophet."[67] While earlier mujaddids had renewed religion he wanted also "to propagate true Islam, the absence of which accounted for the failure of earlier efforts at tajdid."[68] [69][70] He was very much disheartened after the Ottoman collapse, he believed the limited vision of Muslims to Islam rather than a complete ideology of living, was its main cause. He argued that to revive the lost Islamic pride, Muslims must accept Islam as complete way of living.[1]

Mawdudi was highly influenced by the ideas of the medieval theologian

Ibn Taymiyya, particularly his treatises that emphasized the Sovereignty (Hakimiyya) of God. Mawdudi would stress that armed Jihad was imperative for all contemporary Muslims and like Sayyid Qutb, called for a "universal Jihad".[71] According to at least one biographer (Vali Nasr), Maududi and the JI moved away from some of their more controversial doctrinal ideas (e.g. criticism of Sufism or the Ulama) and closer to orthodox Islam over the course of his career, in order to "expand"the "base of support" of Jama'at-e Islami.[72]

Qur'an

Maududi believed that the Quran was not just religious literature to be "recited, pondered, or investigated for hidden truths" according to Vali Nasr, but a "socio-religious institution",[73] a work to be accepted "at face value" and obeyed.[74] By implementing its prescriptions the ills of societies would be solved.[74] It pitted truth and bravery against ignorance, falsehood and evil.[75]

The Qur'an is ... a Book which contains a message, an invitation, which generates a movement. The moment it began to be sent down, it impelled a quiet and pious man to ... raise his voice against falsehood, and pitted him in a grim struggle against the lords of disbelief, evil and iniquity.... it drew every pure and noble soul, and gathered them under the banner of truth. In every part of the country, it made all the mischievous and the corrupt to rise and wage war against the bearers of the truth.[76]

In his tafsir (Quranic interpretation) Tafhimu'l-Qur'an, he introduced the four interrelated concepts he believed essential to understanding the Quran: ilah (divinity), rabb (lord), 'ibadah (worship, meaning not the cherishing or praising of God but acting out absolute obedience to Him[77]), and din (religion).[73]

Islam

Maududi saw Muslims not simply as those who followed the religion of Islam, but as (almost) everything, because obedience to divine law is what defines a Muslim: "Everything in the universe is 'Muslim' for it obeys Allah by submission to His laws."[78] The laws of the physical universe – that Heaven is above the Earth, that night follows day, etc. – were as much a part of sharia as banning consumption of alcohol and interest on debts. Thus it followed that stars, planets, oceans, rocks, atoms, etc. should actually be considered "Muslims" since they obey their creator's laws.[78]

Rather than Muslims being a minority among humans — one religious group among many — it is non-Muslims who are a small minority among everything in the universe. Of all creatures only humans (and jinn) are endowed with free will, and only non-Muslim humans (and jinn) choose to use that will to disobey the laws of their creator.[78]

Maududi believed that those elements of divine law of Islam applying to human beings covered all aspects of life.

Islam is not a 'religion' in the sense this term is commonly understood. It is a system encompassing all fields of living. Islam means politics, economics, legislation, science, humanism, health, psychology and sociology. It is a system which makes no discrimination on the basis of race, color, language or other external categories. Its appeal is to all mankind. It wants to reach the heart of every human being.[79]

Mawdudi adopted classical Hanbali theologian

non-Muslims; Mawdudi states:

'Islam is first of all the name of knowledge [ʿilm] and, after knowledge, the name of action [ʿamal]', that 'after you have acquired knowledge it is a necessity to also act upon it', and that 'a Muslim is distinct from an unbeliever [kāfir] only by two things: one is knowledge, the other action [upon it]'.[80]

But in rejecting Islam (Maududi believed) the non-Muslim struggled against truth:

His very tongue which, on account of his ignorance advocates the denial of God or professes multiple deities, is in its very nature 'Muslim'.... The man who denies God is called Kafir (concealer) because he conceals by his disbelief what is inherent in his nature and embalmed in his own soul. His whole body functions in obedience to that instinct.... Reality becomes estranged from him and he in the dark.[81]

Since a Muslim is the one who obeys divine law, simply having made a shahada (declaration of belief in the oneness of God and the acceptance of Muhammad as God's prophet) or being born into a Muslim family does not make you a Muslim.[82][83] Nor is seeking "knowledge of God" part of the religion of Islam.[84] The Muslim is a "slave of God", and "absolute obedience to God" is a "fundamental right" of God. The Muslim does "not have the right to choose a way of life for himself or assume whatever duties he likes."[85]

Though he set a high bar for who would qualify as a Muslim, Maududi was adamant that the punishment for a Muslim leaving the faith was death. He wrote that among early Muslims, among the schools of fiqh both Sunni and Shia, among scholars of shari'ah "of every century ... available on record", there is unanimous agreement that the punishment for apostate is death, and that "no room whatever remains to suggest" that this penalty has not "been continuously and uninterruptedly operative" through Islamic history; evidence from early texts that Muhammad called for apostates to be killed, and that companions of the Prophet and early caliphs ordered beheadings and crucifixions of apostates and has never been declared invalid over the course of the history of Islamic theology (Christine Schirrmacher).[86]

Of all aspects of Islam, Maududi was primarily interested in culture[7]—preserving Islamic dress, language and customs,[87] from (what he believed were) the dangers of women's emancipation, secularism, nationalism, etc.[7] It was also important to separate the realm of Islam from non-Islam—to form "boundaries" around Islam.[88][89][90] It would also be proven scientifically (Maududi believed) that Islam would "eventually ... emerge as the World-Religion to cure Man of all his maladies."[91][92]

But what many Muslims, including many Ulama, considered Islam, Maududi did not. Maudid complained that "not more than 0.001%" of Muslim knew what Islam actually was.[77][93] Maududi not only idealized the first years of Muslim society (Muhammad and the "rightly guided" Caliphs),[94] but considered what came after to be un-Islamic or jahiliya—with the exception of brief religious revivals.[95] Muslim philosophy, literature, arts, mysticism were syncretic and impure, diverting attention from the divine.[96]

Hadith

Maududi had a unique perspective on the transmission of hadith—the doings and sayings of the Islamic prophet Muhammad that were passed on orally before being written down, and which form most of the basis of Islamic law. The authenticity and "quality" of hadith are traditionally left to the judgments of "generations of muhaddithin" (hadith scholars) who base their decisions on factors like the number of chains of oral transmission (known as isnad) passing down the text of the hadith (matn) and reliability of the transmitters/narrators passing down the hadith in the chain. But Maududi believed that "with extensive study and practice one can develop a power and can intuitively sense the wishes and desires of the Holy Prophet", and that he had that intuitive ability. "Thus ... on seeing a Hadith, I can tell whether the Holy Prophet could or could not have said it."[97] Maududi also disagreed with many traditional/conservative Muslims in arguing that evaluating hadith, traditional hadith scholars had ignored the importance of the matn (content) in favor of the isnad (chain of transmission of the hadith).[98] Maududi also broke with traditional doctrine by raising the question of the reliability of companions of the prophet as transmitters of hadith, saying "even the noble Companions were overcome by human weaknesses, one attacking another".[99]

Sunnah

Maududi wrote a number of essays on the

Zayd divorced his wife against the wishes of Muhammad).[103] Mawdudi argued that mistakes by Muhammad corrected by God mentioned in the Quran should be thought of not as an indication of Muhammad's human frailty but of how God monitored his behavior and corrected even his smallest errors.[103] Mawdudi concluded that in theory (naẓarī) the Prophet's prophetic and personal capacities are separate and distinct, but in practice (ʿamalī) it is "neither practical nor permissible" for mortals to decide for themselves which is which, and so Muslims should not disregard any aspect of the sunnah.[103]

Women

According to Irfan Ahmad, while Maududi opposed all Western influence in Islam, "the greatest threat to morality" to him was "women's visibility" in the bazaar, colleges, theatres, restaurants. "Art, literature, music, film, dance, use of makeup by women: all were shrieking signs of immorality". [104]

Maududi preached that the duty of women is to manage the household, bring up children and provide them and her husband with "the greatest possible comfort and contentment".[105] Maududi supported the complete veiling and segregation of women as practiced in most of Muslim India of his time. Women, he believed, should remain in their homes except when absolutely necessary. The only room for argument he saw in the matter of veiling/hijab was "whether the hands and the face" of women "were to be covered or left uncovered."[106][107] On this question Maududi came down on the side of the complete covering of women's faces whenever they left their homes.[106]

Concerning the separation of the genders, he preached that men should avoid looking at women other than their wives, mothers, sisters, etc. (

Mohammad Najatuallah Siddiqui writes,

As to the argument that family planning enables better nourishment and education of children, Mawdudi refers to the beneficial effects of adversity and want on human character.[111][112]

Maududi opposed allowing women to be either a head of state or a legislator, since "according to Islam, active politics and administration are not the field of activity of the womenfolk."[113] They would be allowed to elect their own all-woman legislature which the men's legislature should consult on all matters concerning women's welfare. Their legislature would also have "the full right to criticize matters relating to the general welfare of the country," though not to vote on them.[113]

Music

Maududi saw music and dancing as social evils. In describing the wickedness that comes of ignoring Islamic law he included not only leaving the poor to "starvation and destitution" while wallowing in luxury, liquor and drugs, but having "a regular need" for music, satisfied with "musicians, dancing girls, drum-beaters and manufacturers of musical instruments".[114]

Economics

His 1941 lecture "The economic problem of man and its Islamic solution" is "generally considered to be "one of the founding document of modern Islamic economics.[115][116][117] Maududi has been called the leader of the "vanguard of contemporary Islamic orthodoxy" in "riba and finance."[117] and credited with laying "down the foundations for development" of Islamic economics.[118]

However, Maududi believed Islam "does not concern itself with the modes of production and circulation of wealth",[119] and was primarily interested in cultural issues rather than socioeconomic ones.[62] Maududi dismissed the need for a "new science of economics, embodied in voluminous books, with high-sounding terminology and large organisation",[120] or other "experts and specialists" which he believed to be "one of the many calamities of modern age".[121] But since Islam was a complete system, it included (a shariah-based) economic program, comparable and (of course) superior to other economic systems. Capitalism was a "satanic economic system" starting with the fact that it called for the postponement of some consumption in favor of investment.

One of the major fallacies of economics was that it regarded "as foolish and morally reprehensible" spending "all that one earns, and everyone is told that he should save something out of his income and have his savings deposited in the bank or purchase an insurance policy or invest it in stocks and shares of joint-stock companies." In fact, the practice of saving and not spending some income is "ruinous for humanity".[122] This led to overproduction and a downward spiral of lower wages, protectionism, trade wars and desperate attempts to export surplus production and capital through imperialist invasions of other countries,[123] finally ending in "the destruction of the whole society as every learned economist knows".[124]

On the other hand, socialism — by putting control of the means and distribution of production in the hands of the government – concentrates power to such an extent it inevitably leads to enslavement of the masses.[125] Socialists sought to end economic exploitation and poverty by structural changes and putting an end to private ownership of production and property. But in fact poverty and exploitation is caused not by the profit motive but by the lack of "virtue and public welfare" among the wealthy, which in turn comes from a lack of adherence to sharia law.[126] In an Islamic society, greed, selfishness and dishonesty would be replaced by virtue, eliminating the need for the state to make any significant intervention in the economy.[127]

According to Maududi, this system would strike a "golden mean" between the two extremes of laisse faire capitalism and a regimented socialist/communist society,[128] embodying all of the virtues and none of the vices of the two inferior systems.[129] It would not be some kind of mixed economy/social democratic compromise (as some alleged), because by following Islamic law and banning alcohol, pork, adultery, music, dancing, interest on loans, gambling, speculation, fraud, and "other similar things",[130] it would be distinct and superior to all other systems.[129]

Before the economy (like the government, and other parts of society) could be Islamized, an Islamic revolution-through-education would have to take place to develop this virtue and create support for total sharia law.

socialist programs because his solution was "neither immediate nor tangible".[131]

Banning interest

Of all the elements of Islamic laws dealing with property and money (payment of

Hindus dominated the money lending trade.)[127]

Maududi opposed any and all interest on loans as unIslamic riba. He taught that there

is hardly a country of the world in which moneylenders and banks are not sucking the blood of poor labouring classes, farmers and low income groups ... A major portion of the earning of a working man is expropriated by the moneylenders, leaving the poor man with hardly enough money to feed himself and his family.[132]

While the Quran forbid many sins, it saved its "severest terms" of punishment – according to Maududi – for use of interest.[Note 1]

He believed there was no such thing as a low "reasonable rate of interest"[133] and that even "the smallest and apparently harmless form"[124] of interest was intolerable in Islam as rates would inevitably increased over time when the "capitalists" (moneylenders) squeezed the entrepreneurs (borrowers) eliminating any entrepreneurial profit.[134][135] To replace interest-based finance he proposed "direct equity investment" (aka Profit and loss sharing), which he asserted would favor "societally profitable" ventures such as low-income housing that conventional finance ignores in favour of commercially profitable ones.[136] To eliminate the charging of interest he proposed penal punishment with the death penalty for repeat offenders.[137][138]

Feisal Khan says Maududi's description of interest-based finance resembles that of the dynamic between South Asian peasant and village moneylender rather than between modern bank lender and borrower; nor did Maududi give any explanation why direct equity finance would lead to any more investment in what is good for society but not commercially profitable for financiers than interest-based lending has.[139]

Socialism and populism

Unlike Islamists such as Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, Maududi had a visceral antipathy to socialism,[131] which he spent much time denouncing as "godless" as well as being unnecessary and redundant in the face of the Islamic state.[131] A staunch defender of the rights of property, he warned workers and peasants that "you must never take the exaggerated view of your rights which the protagonists of class war present before you."[131][140] He also did not believe in intervention in the economy to provide universal employment.

Islam does not make it binding on society to provide employment for each and every one of its citizens, since this responsibility cannot be accepted without thorough nationalisation of the country's resources.[127][141]

Maududi held to this position despite his florid denunciations of how the rich were "sucking the blood" and enslaving the poor,[132][142] the popularity of populism among many Pakistanis,[131] and the poverty and vast gap between rich and poor in Pakistan (a situation often described a "feudal" (jagirdari) in its large landholdings and rural poverty).

He openly opposed land reform proposals for Punjab by Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan in the 1950s, going so far as to justify feudalism by pointing to Islam's protection of property rights.[143] He later softened his views, extolling economic justice and equity (but not egalitarianism),[144] but cautioned the government against tampering with "lawful Jagirdari",[143] and continuing to emphasize the sanctity of private property.[144]

Islamic Modernism

Maududi believed that Islam supported modernization but not

Islamic Modernists
that Islam contained nothing contrary to reason, and that it was superior in rational terms to all other religious systems. He disagreed with their practice of examining the Quran and the Sunnah using reason as the standard, instead of starting from the proposition that "true reason is Islamic" and accepting the Book and the Sunnah, rather than reason, as the final authority. [146]

He also took a narrow view of ijtihad, limiting the authority to use it to those with thorough grounding in Islamic sciences, faith in the sharia, and then only to serve the needs of his vision of an Islamic state.[147]

At the same time, one scholar, Maryam Jameelah, has noted the extensive use of modern, non-traditionally Islamic ideas and "Western idioms and concepts" in Maududi's thought.

Islam was a "revolutionary ideology" and a "dynamic movement", the Jama'at-e-Islami, was a "party", the Shari'ah a complete "code" in Islam's "total scheme of life." His enthusiasm for [Western idioms and concepts] was infectious among those who admired him, encouraging them to implement in Pakistan all his "manifestos", "programmes" and "schemes'", to usher in a true Islamic "renaissance".[87][148]

Mughal Empire

Abul A'la Maududi, condemned

Din-e Ilahi, or "Religion of God") as a form of apostasy. (Contemporary scholars such as S. M. Ikram argue that Akbar's true intentions were to create an iradat or muridi (discipleship) and not a new religion.)[149]

Maududi appears to be a critic of not only

Western Civilization
but also of the Mughal Empire, many of whose achievements he deemed "Unislamic".

Secularism

Maududi did not see secularism as a way for the state/government to dampen tensions and divisions in multi-religious societies by remaining religiously neutral and avoid choosing sides. Rather, he believed, it removed religion from society (he translated secularism into Urdu as la din, literally "religionless"[150]). Since (he believed) all morality came from religion, this would necessarily mean "the exclusion of all morality, ethics, or human decency from the controlling mechanisms of society."[151] It was to avoid the "restraints of morality and divine guidance", and not out of pragmatism or some higher motive, that some espoused secularism.[152]

Science

Maududi believed "modern science was a 'body' that could accommodate any 'spirit'—philosophy or value system—just as radio could broadcast Islamic or Western messages with equal facility."[153]

Nationalism

Maududi strongly opposed the concept of nationalism, believing it to be shirk (polytheism),[154][155] and "a Western concept which divided the Muslim world and thus prolonged the supremacy of Western imperialist powers".[156] After Pakistan was formed, Maududi and the JI forbade Pakistanis to take an oath of allegiance to the state until it became Islamic, arguing that a Muslim could in clear conscience render allegiance only to God.[54][157]

Ulama

Maududi also criticized traditionalist clergy or ulama for their "moribund" scholastic style, "servile" political attitudes, and "ignorance" of the modern world".[158] He believed traditional scholars were unable to distinguish the fundamentals of Islam from the details of its application, built up in elaborate structures of medieval legal schools of fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence). To rid Islam of these obscure laws Muslims should return to the Quran and Sunna, ignoring judgments made after the reign of the first four "rightfully guided" caliphs (al-Khulafāʾu ar-Rāshidūn) of Islam.[159]

Maududi also believed there would be little need for the traditional roll of ulama as "leaders, judges, and guardians of the community", in a "reformed and rationalized Islamic order" where those trained in modern as well as traditional subjects would practice ijtihad and where Muslims were educated properly in Arabic, the Quran, Hadith, etc.[158]

However, over time Maududi became more orthodox in his attitudes,[160] including toward the ulama, and at times allied himself and his party with them after the formation of Pakistan.[161]

Sufism and popular Islam

Like other contemporary

Ibn Taymiyya and Ibn 'Abd al-Wahhab; Mawdudi opposed folkish forms of excessive Sufism. Maududi's conception of Tasawwuf was based on strict adherence to Qur'an and Sunnah like those of the earlier Sufis. He was heavily critical of the cult of saints that developed during the medieval period of Islam, and believed that abiding by the sharia (Islamic law) was essential to achieve Zuhd and Ihsan. Most significantly, Maududi asserts that the very highest stage of Ihsan was to be reached through collective societal efforts that establishes a just Islamic state as what occurred during the early period of Islam in the Rashidun Calpihate.[165]

Maududi would later clarify that he did not have any antagonism towards Sufism as a whole; by himself or the Jama'at.

Qur'an and Sunnah, Mawdudi condemned later manifestations of Sufism, writing in Risala-i diniyya (Treatise on Religion):

"They polluted the pure spring of Islamic Tasawwuf with absurdities that could not be justified by any stretch of imagination on the basis of the Qur'an and the Hadith. Gradually a section of Muslims appeared who thought and proclaimed themselves immune to and above the requirements of the Shari'ah. These people are totally ignorant of Islam, for Islam cannot admit of Tasawwuf that loosens itself out of the Shariah and takes liberties with it. No Sufi has the right to transgress the limits of the Shariah or treat lightly the primary obligations such as daily prayers, fasting, zakat and the Hajj"[165]

He "redefined" Sufism, describing it not in the modern sense as the form and spirit of an "esoteric dimension" of Islam, but as the way to measure "concentration" and "morals" in religion, saying: "For example, when we say our prayers,

Ka'ba ... while Tasawwuf (Sufism) will judge our prayers by our concentration ... the effect of our prayers on our morals and manners."[166][169]

Sufism is a reality whose signs are the love of Allah and the love of the Prophet (s), where one absents oneself for their sake, and one is annihilated from anything other than them, and it is to know how to follow the footsteps of the Prophet (s). ..Tasawwuf searched for the sincerity in the heart and the purity in the intention and the trustworthiness in obedience in an individual's actions.” “The Divine Law and Sufism: “Sufism and Shariah: what is the similitude of the two? They are like the body and the soul. The body is the external knowledge, the Divine Law, and the spirit is the internal knowledge.”[170]

In many ways, Maududi wanted to reform Sufism like the Sufis of the past by bringing it back to its earlier roots and thus from the mid-1960s onward, his "redefinition" of Tasawwuf "increasingly gave way to outright recognition of Sufism in Pakistan".

Jamaat-e Islami has grown more critical of certain Sufi trends.[172]

Sharia

Maududi believed that sharia was not just a crucial command that helped define what it meant to be a Muslim, but something without which a Muslim society could not be Islamic:

That if an Islamic society consciously resolves not to accept the sharia, and decides to enact its own constitution and laws or borrow them from any other source in disregard of the sharia, such a society breaks its contract with God and forfeits its right to be called 'Islamic.'"[173]

Many unbelievers agreed that God was the creator, what made them unbelievers was their failure to submit to his will, i.e. to God's law. Obedience to God's law or will was "the historical controversy that Islam has awakened" throughout the world. It brought not only heavenly reward, but earthly blessing. Failure to obey, or "rebellion" against it, brought not only eternal punishment, but evil and misery here on earth.[78]

The source of sharia, was to be found not only in the Quran but also in the Sunnah (the doings and sayings of the Islamic prophet Muhammad), since the Quran proclaimed "Whoever obeys the messenger [i.e. Muhammad] obeys Allah."[Quran 4:80][174] Sharia was perhaps most famous for calling for the abolition of interest-bearing banks, hadd penalties such as flogging and amputation for alcohol consumption, theft, fornication, adultery and other crimes.[175] Hadd penalties have been criticized by Westernized Muslims as cruel and in violation of international human rights but Maududi argued that any cruelty was far outweighed by the cruelty in the West that resulted from the absence of these punishments,[176][177][178] and in any case would not be applied until Muslims fully understood the teachings of their faith and lived in an Islamic state.[176]

But in fact sharia was much more than these laws. It recognizes no division between religion and other aspects of life, in Maududi's view,[179][180] and there was no area of human activity or concern which the sharia did not address with specific divine guidance.[151]

Family relationships, social and economic affairs, administration, rights and duties of citizens, judicial system, laws of war and peace and international relations. In short it embraces all the various departments of life ... The sharia is a complete scheme of life and an all-embracing social order where nothing is superfluous and nothing lacking.[181][182]

A "very large part" of sharia required "the coercive power and authority of the state" for its enforcement.[183] Consequently, while a state based on Islam has a legislature which the ruler must consult, its function "is really that of law-finding, not of law-making."[184]

At the same time, Maududi states ("somewhat astonishingly" according to one scholar)[185] "there is yet another vast range of human affairs about which sharia is totally silent" and which an Islamic state may write "independent" legislation.[185]

According to scholar (Vali Nasr), Maududi believed that the sharia needed to be "streamlined, reinterpreted, and expanded" to "address questions of governance to the extent required for a state to function." For example, sharia needed to "make clear the relation between the various branches of government".[186]

Islamic Revolution

Though the phrase "Islamic Revolution" is commonly associated with the 1979 Iranian Revolution,[187] (or General Zia's Islamisation),[188] Maududi coined and popularized it in the 1940s. The process Maududi envisioned—changing the hearts and minds of individuals from the top of society downward through an educational process or da'wah[189]—was very different than what happened in Iran, or under Zia ul-Haq. Maududi talked of Islam being "a revolutionary ideology and a revolutionary practice which aims at destroying the social order of the world totally and rebuilding it from scratch",[190][191][192] but opposed sudden change, violent or unconstitutional action, and was uninterested in grassroots organizing, socio-economic changes, or even street demonstrations, often associated with revolutions.

His "revolution" would be achieved "step-by-step"[193][194] with "patience",[195] since "the more sudden a change, the more short-lived it is."[196] He warned against the emotionalism of "demonstrations or agitations, ... flag waving, slogans ... impassioned speeches ... or the like".[197] He believed that "societies are built, structured, and controlled from the top down by conscious manipulation of those in power,"[198] not by grassroots movements. The revolution would be carried out by training a cadre of pious and dedicated men who would lead and then protect the Islamic revolutionary process.[189] To facilitate this far-reaching program of cultural change, his party "invested heavily" in producing and disseminating publications.[188]

Maududi was committed to non-violent legal politics "even if the current methods of struggle takes a century to bear fruit."

People's Party (in 1972) governments, Maududi kept his party from clandestine activity.[201] It was not until he retired as emir of JI that JI and Jam'iat-e Tulabah "became more routinely involved in violence."[144]

The objective of the revolution was to be justice (adl) and benevolence (ihsan), but the injustice and wrong to be overcome that he focused on was immorality (fahsha) and forbidden behavior (munkarat).[199] Maududi was interested in ethical changes, rather than socio-economic changes of the sort that drive most historical revolutions and revolutionary movements. He did not support these (for example, opposing land reform in the 1950s as an encroachment on property rights)[143] and believed the problems they addressed would be solved by the Islamic state established by the revolution.[202]

Islamic state

The modern conceptualization of the "Islamic state" is also attributed to Maududi.[187] This term was coined and popularized in his book, The Islamic Law and Constitution (1941),[203] and in subsequent writings.[187]

After the creation of Pakistan, Maududi's "concentrated" his efforts on converting it to an Islamic state, were he envisioned Sharia would be enforced -- banks that charged and gave interest would be abolished, the sexes would be segregated, hijab compulsory, and the hadd penalties (public lashing, amputation of hands and/or feet, stoning to death, etc.) for theft, alcohol consumption, adultery and other crimes.[204]

Maududi's Islamic state is both ideological and all-embracing,

Islamic Democracy,"[206] and will eventually "rule the earth".[207] In 1955 he described it as a "God-worshipping democratic Caliphate, founded on the guidance vouchsafed to us through Muhammad."[208][209] Ultimately though, Islam was more important and the state would be judged by its adherence to din (religion and the Islamic system) and not democracy.[210]

Unlike the Islamic state of Ayatollah Khomeini, it would not establish and enforce Islamisation, but follow the Islamisation of society. As Maududi became involved in politics, this vision was "relegated to a distant utopia".[211]

Three principles underlying it:

khilafa (caliphate).[212][213][214][215] The "sphere of activity" covered by the Islamic state would be "co-extensive with human life ... In such a state no one can regard any field of his affairs as personal and private."[216]

The Islamic state recognizes the sovereignty of God, which meant God was the source of all law.[217] The Islamic state acts as the vicegerent or agent of God on earth[Quran 24:55][174] and enforces Islamic law, which as mentioned above is both all-embracing and "totally silent" on a "vast range of human affairs".[185] While the government follows the sharia law, when it comes to a question about which no explicit injunction is to be found in the sharia, the matter is "settled by consensus among the Muslims."[218][219]

The state can be called a

Quraysh tribe[220] but (Maududi believed) the entire Muslim community, a "popular vicegerency".[174] (Although there would also be an individual leader chosen by the Muslim community.) Thus the state would be not a "theocracy", but a "theodemocracy".[219]
Maududi believed that the sovereignty of God (hakimiya) and the sovereignty of the people are mutually exclusive.[221] Sovereignty of human beings is simply the domination of man by man, the source of most human misery and calamity.[222] Governance based on sovereignty other than that of God's does not just lead to inferior governance and "injustice and maladministration", but "evil."[223]

Therefore, while Maududi used the term democracy to describe his state,

Islamic democracy" was to be the antithesis of secular Western democracy which transfers hakimiya (God's sovereignty) to the people,[227]
who may pass laws without regard for God's commands.

The Islamic state would conduct its affairs by mutual consultation (shura) among all Muslims.[219] The means of consultation should suit the conditions of the particular time and place but must be free and impartial. While the government follows the sharia law, when it comes to a question about which no explicit injunction is to be found in the sharia, the matter is "settled by consensus among the Muslims."[218][219] Maududi favored giving the Islamic state exclusive right to the power of declaring jihad and ijtihad (establishing an Islamic law through "independent reasoning"), traditionally the domain of the ulama.[228]

Rights

While no aspect of life was to be considered "personal and private"[216] and the danger of foreign influence and conspiracies was ever present, (nationalism, for example, was "a Western concept which divided the Muslim world and thus prolonged the supremacy of Western imperialist powers"[156]), there would also be personal freedom and no suspicion of government. Maududi's time spent in jail as a political prisoner led him to have a personal interest in individual rights, due process of law, and freedom of political expression.[229] Maududi stated:

This espionage on the life of the individual cannot be justified on moral grounds by the government saying that it is necessary to know the secrets of the dangerous persons.... This is exactly what Islam has called as the root cause of mischief in politics. The injunction of the Prophet is: "When the ruler begins to search for the causes of dissatisfaction amongst his people, he spoils them" (Abu Dawud).[230]

However, the basic human right in Islamic law was to demand an Islamic order and to live in it. Not included were any rights to differ with its rulers and defy its authority.[231]

Islamic Constitution

According to Maududi, Islam had an "unwritten constitution" that needed "to be transformed into a written one".[56][232] The constitution would not be the sharia (or the Quran, as Saudi Arabia's constitution is alleged to be) but a religious document based on "conventions" of the "rightly guided caliphs", and the "canonized verdicts of recognized jurists" (i.e. the sharia) as well as the Quran and hadith.[186]

Model of government

In expanding on what the government of an Islamic state should look like in his book The Islamic Law and Constitution, Maududi took as his model the government of Muhammad and the first four caliphs (al-Khulafāʾu ar-Rāshidūn). The head of state should be the supreme head of legislature, executive and judiciary alike, but under him these three organs should function "separately and independently of one another." This head of state should be elected and must enjoy the country's confidence, but he is not limited to terms in office.[233] No one is allowed to nominate him for the office, nor to engage in electioneering or run for office, according to another source.[228] Because "more than one correct position" could not exist, "pluralism", i.e. competition between political views/parties, would not be allowed,[228][234] and there would be only one party.[235]

On the other hand, Maududi believed the state had no need to govern in the Western sense of the term, since the government and citizenry would abide by the same "infallible and inviolable divine law", power would not corrupt and no one would feel oppressed. Power and resources would be distributed fairly. There would be no grievances, no mass mobilizations, demands for political participation, or any other of the turmoil of non-Islamic governance.[236] Since the prophet had told early Muslims "My community will never agree on an error", there was no need for establishing concrete procedures and mechanisms for popular consultation.[237][238]

Since the state would be defined by its ideology—not by boundaries or ethnicity—its raison d'etre and protector would be ideology, the purity of which must be protected against any efforts to subvert it.[239] Naturally it must be controlled and run exclusively by Muslims,[240] and not just any Muslims but only "those who believe in the ideology on which it is based and in the Divine Law which it is assigned to administer".[241][242]

The state's legislature "should consist of a body of such learned men who have the ability and the capacity to interpret Quranic injunctions and who in giving decisions, would not take liberties with the spirit or the letter of the sharia". Their legislation would be based on the practice of ijtihad[243] (a source of Islamic law, relying on careful analogical reasoning, using both the Qu'ran and Hadith, to find a solution to a legal problem), making it more a legal organ than a political one.[243] They must also be "persons who enjoy the confidence of the masses". They may be chosen by "the modern system of elections", or by some other method which is appropriate to "the circumstances and needs of modern times."[233] Since upright character is essential for office holders and desire for office represents greed and ambition, anyone actively seeking an office of leadership would be automatically disqualified.[244]

Non-Muslims or women may not be a head of state but could vote for separate legislators.[245]

Originally Maududi envisioned a legislature only as a consultative body, but later proposed using a referendum to deal with possible conflicts between the head of state and the legislature, with the loser of the referendum resigning.[246] Another later rule was allowing the formation of parties and factions during elections of representatives but not within the legislature.[233]

In the judiciary, Maududi originally proposed the inquisitional system where judges implement law without discussion or interference by lawyers, which he saw as un-Islamic. After his party was "rescued" from government repression by the Pakistani judiciary he changed his mind, supporting autonomy of the judiciary and accepting the adversarial system and right of appeal.[247]

Failure of Western Democracy

Secular Western representative democracy—despite its free elections and civil rights—is a failure (Mawdudi believed) for two reasons. Because secular society has "divorced" politics from religion, its leaders have "ceased to attach much or any importance to morality and ethics" and so ignore their constituents' interests and the common good. Furthermore, without Islam "the common people are incapable of perceiving their own true interests". An example being the

American Congress.[248]

Non-Muslims

Maududi believed that copying cultural practices of non-Muslims was forbidden in Islam, having

very disastrous consequences upon a nation; it destroys its inner vitality, blurs its vision, befogs its critical faculties, breeds inferiority complexes, and gradually but assuredly saps all the springs of culture and sounds its death-knell. That is why the Holy Prophet has positively and forcefully forbidden the Muslims to assume the culture and mode of life of the non-Muslims.[249]

In his commentary on Surah An-Nisa Ayat 160 he wrote

The Jews, on the whole, are not satisfied with their own deviation from the path of God. They have become such inherent criminals that their brains and resources seem to be behind almost every movement which arises for the purpose of misleading and corrupting human beings. And whenever there arises a movement to call people to the Truth, the Jews are inclined to oppose it even though they are the bearers of the Scripture and inheritors of the message of the Prophets. Their latest contribution is Communism – an ideology which is the product of a Jewish brain and which has developed under Jewish leadership. It seems ironical that the professed followers of Moses and other Prophets should be prominent as the founders and promoters of an ideology which, for the first time in human history, is professedly based on a categorical denial of, and an undying hostility to God, and which openly strives to obliterate every form of godliness. The other movement which in modern times is second only to Communism in misleading people is the philosophy of Freud. It is a strange coincidence that Freud too was a Jew.[250][251]

He was appalled at (what he saw as) the

satanic flood of female liberty and licence which threatens to destroy human civilisation in the West.[252]

Maududi strongly opposed the

The Qadiani Problem and the book The Finality of Prophethood.[253]

Under the Islamic state

The rights of non-Muslims are limited under Islamic state as laid out in Maududi's writings. Although non-Muslim "faith, ideology, rituals of worship or social customs" would not be interfered with, non-Muslims would have to accept Muslim rule.

Islamic 'jihad' does not recognize their right to administer state affairs according to a system which, in the view of Islam, is evil. Furthermore, Islamic 'jihad' also refuses to admit their right to continue with such practices under an Islamic government which fatally affect the public interest from the viewpoint of Islam."[254]

Non-Muslims would be eligible for "all kinds of employment", but must be "rigorously excluded from influencing policy decisions"[255][256] and so not hold "key posts" in government and elsewhere.[257] They would not have the right to vote in presidential elections or in elections of Muslim representatives. This is to ensure that "the basic policy of this ideological state remains in conformity with the fundamentals of Islam." An Islamic Republic may however allow non-Muslims to elect their own representatives to parliament, voting as separate electorates (as in the Islamic Republic of Iran).[258] While some might see this as discrimination, Islam has been the most just, the most tolerant and the most generous of all political systems in its treatment of minorities, according to Maududi.[259]

Non-Muslims would also have to pay a traditional special tax known as jizya. Under Maududi's Islamic state, this tax would be applicable to all able-bodied non-Muslim men—elderly, children and women being exempt—in return from their exemption from military service, (which all adult Muslim men would be subject to).[260] Those who serve in the military are exempted. Non-Muslims would also be barred from holding certain high level offices in the Islamic state.[57] Jizya is thus seen as a tax paid in return for protection from foreign invasion,[261] but also as a symbol of Islamic sovereignty.

... Jews and the Christians ... should be forced to pay Jizya in order to put an end to their independence and supremacy so that they should not remain rulers and sovereigns in the land. These powers should be wrested from them by the followers of the true Faith, who should assume the sovereignty and lead others towards the Right Way.[262]

Jihad

Maududi's first work to come to public attention was Al Jihad fil-Islam ("Jihad in Islam"), which was serialized in a newspaper in 1927, when he was only twenty-four.[263] In it he maintained that because Islam is all-encompassing, the Islamic state was for all the world and should not be limited to just the "homeland of Islam" where Muslims predominate. Jihad should be used to eliminate un-Islamic rule everywhere and establish a worldwide Islamic state:

Islam wishes to destroy all states and governments anywhere on the face of the earth which are opposed to the ideology and programme of Islam, regardless of the country or the nation which rules it. The purpose of Islam is to set up a state on the basis of its own ideology and programme, regardless of which nation assumes the role of the standard-bearer of Islam or the rule of which nation is undermined in the process of the establishment of an ideological Islamic State. Islam requires the earth—not just a portion, but the whole planet.... because the entire mankind should benefit from the ideology and welfare programme [of Islam] ... Towards this end, Islam wishes to press into service all forces which can bring about a revolution and a composite term for the use of all these forces is 'Jihad'.... the objective of the Islamic 'jihād' is to eliminate the rule of an un-Islamic system and establish in its stead an Islamic system of state rule.[264]

Maududi taught that the destruction of the lives and property of others was lamentable (part of the great sacrifice of jihad), but that Muslims must follow the Islamic principle that it is better to "suffer a lesser loss to save ourselves from a greater loss". Though in jihad "thousands" of lives may be lost, this cannot compare "to the calamity that may befall mankind as a result of the victory of evil over good and of aggressive atheism over the religion of God." [265]

He explained that jihad was not only combat for God but activity by the rear echelon in support those waging combat (qitaal), including non-violent work:

In the jihad in the way of Allah, active combat is not always the role on the battlefield, nor can everyone fight in the front line. Just for one single battle preparations have often to be made for decades on end and the plans deeply laid, and while only some thousands fight in the front line there are behind them millions engaged in various tasks which, though small themselves, contribute directly to the supreme effort.[266]

At the same time he took a more conservative line on jihad than other revivalist thinkers (such as Ayatollah

Khomeini and Sayyid Qutb), distinguishing between jihad properly understood and "a crazed faith ... blood-shot eyes, shouting Allahu akbar, decapitating an unbeliever wherever they see one, cutting off heads while invoking La ilaha illa-llah [there is no god but God]". During a cease-fire with India (in 1948), he opposed the waging of jihad in Kashmir, stating that Jihad could be proclaimed only by Muslim governments, not by religious leaders.[143]

Mystique, personality, personal life

As the Amir (Guide) of Jama'at e-Islami (JI), Mawdudi remained in close contact with JI members, conducting informal discussions every day in his house between Asr and Maghrib salat prayers,[267] although according to some, in later years discussion was replaced by answers to members' questions with any rebuttals ignored.[268]

For his votaries in the Jama'at, Maududi was not only a "revered scholar, politician, and thinker, but a hallowed Mujaddid."[5] Adding to his

Ayub Khan, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto) "fell from grace" or were killed.[6] He had a powerful command of Urdu language which he insisted on using, in order to "free Muslims minds from the influence of English."[269]

In private he has been described as "strict but not rigid", taciturn, poised, composed, uncompromising and unyielding.[64] His biographers have talked of his karamat (special gifts) and haybah (great presence)."[6] His public speaking style has been described as having "great authority". Maududi would make his argument step-by-step with Islamic edicts, rather than attempting to excite his audience with oratory.[268] Although he did not publicize the fact, Maududi was a practitioner of traditional medicine or unani tibb.[64]

Family and health

Maududi has been described as close to his wife, but not able to spend much time with his six sons and three daughters due to his commitments to religious dawah and political action. Only one of his offspring, ever joined the JI. And only his second daughter Asma, showed "any scholarly promise".[270]

Maududi suffered from a kidney ailment most of his life. He was often bedridden in 1945 and 1946, and in 1969 was forced to travel to England for treatment.[270]

Late life

In April 1979, Maududi's long-time kidney ailment worsened and by then he also had heart problems. He went to the United States for treatment and was hospitalized in

funeral prayer for him.[271]

Legacy

Iranian revolution and shape the ideological foundations of Al-Qaeda
.

Pakistan and South Asia

In Pakistan, (where the JI claims to be the oldest religious party[51]) it is "hard to exaggerate the importance" of that country's "current drift" toward Maududi's "version of Islam", according to scholar Eran Lerman.[273]

His background as a journalist, thinker, scholar and political leader has been compared to Indian independence leader

Abul Kalam Azad by admiring biographers.[274]

He and his party are thought to have been the most important factors in Pakistan working to generate support for an

Sharization" to Pakistan,[15]
(Sharia laws decreed by Zia included bans on interest on loans (
Hudood Ordinances. One policy of Zia's that was originally proposed by Maududi, and not found in classic Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh), was the introduction of separate electorates for non-Muslims (Hindus and Christians) in 1985.[275]
)

In return, Maududi's party was greatly strengthened by Zia with 10,000s of members and sympathizers given jobs in the judiciary and civil service early in Zia's rule.[16]

South Asia in general, including the diaspora, including "significant numbers" in Britain, was "hugely influenced" by Maududi's work.[276]

Arab World

Outside of South Asia, Muslim Brotherhood founder

Abdullah Azzam, the Palestinian Islamist jurist and renewer of jihad in Afghanistan and elsewhere.[276]

Iran

Maududi also had a major impact on Shia Iran, where Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini is reputed to have met Maududi as early as 1963 and later translated his works into Persian. "To the present day, Iran's revolutionary rhetoric often draws on his themes."[276]

Turkey

In Turkey, where his name is spelled Mevdudi, from the mid-1960s onward his "full oeuvre was available in Turkey within a few years" and he became an influential figure within the local Islamist circles.[277]

Militant Islam

Mawdudi is considered as "second to Qutb" among the intellectual fathers of contemporary militant

Muslim Brotherhood of Syria), "derive their ideological and political programmes" from the writings of Maududi and Sayyid Qutb.[278]

His works have also influenced the leadership of the

Timeline of Abul A'la Maududi's life

Selected bibliography

Maududi wrote 73 books,

Qur’an, Tafhim ul-Qur’an (The Meaning of the Qur'an, also Introductions to the Qur'an), intended to give the Qur’an a self-claim interpretation. It became widely read throughout the South Asia and has been translated into several languages.[59]

Some of his books translated into English.

Other noteworthy books by Maududi.

See also

References

Notes

  1. ^ " ... The Holy Quran forbids many other sins also and warnings of condign [sic] punishment for them have also been given, but in no other case have such severest terms been used as in the prohibition of usury"[124]

Citations

  1. S2CID 161170329
    .
  2. .
  3. .
  4. ^ a b c Adams, Maududi and the Islamic State 1983, p. 99
  5. ^ a b Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 140
  6. ^ a b c Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 138
  7. ^ a b c Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 49
  8. .
  9. ^ .
  10. ^ Jackson 2010, pp. 64–65
  11. ^ . In the debate over whether Muslims should establish their own state, separate from a Hindu India, Maududi initially argued against such a creation and asserted that the establishment of a political Muslim state defined by borders violated the idea of the universal umma. Citizenship and national borders, which would characterize the new Muslim state, contradicted the notion that Muslims should not be separated by one another by these temporal boundaries. In this milieu, Maududi founded the organization Jama'at-i Islamic. ... The Jama'at for its first few years worked actively to prevent the partition, but once partition became inevitable, it established offices in both Pakistan and India.
  12. ^ a b c d e f Rasheed, Nighat. A critical study of the reformist trends in the Indian Muslim society during the nineteenth century (PDF). p. 336. Retrieved 2 March 2020. The Jama'at -i-lslami was founded in 1941. Maulana Maududi being its founder strongly opposed the idea of creating Pakistan, a separate Muslim country, by dividing India, but surprisingly after the creation of Pakistan he migrated to Lahore. Again in the beginning he was opposed to and denounced the struggle for Kashmir as un-Islamic, for which he was imprisoned in 1950, but later on in 1965, he changed his views and endorsed the Kashmir war as Jihad. Maulana Maududi took an active part in demanding discriminative legislation and executive action against the Ahmadi sect leading to widespread rioting and violence in Pakistan. He was persecuted arrested and imprisoned for advocating his political ideas through his writings and speeches. During the- military regime from 1958 the Jama'at-iIslami was banned and was revived only in 1962, Maududi was briefly imprisoned. He refused to apologize for his actions or to request clemency from the government. He demanded his freedom to speak and accepted the punishment of death as the will of God. His fierce commitment to his ideals caused his supporters worldwide to rally for his release and the government acceded commuting his death sentence to a term of life imprisonment. Eventually the military government pardoned Maulana Maududi completely.
  13. ^
    Rediff. Archived
    from the original on 25 December 2020. Retrieved 29 April 2020.
  14. ^ a b Adams, Maududi and the Islamic State 1983, p. 99: "Mawdudi was, until his death in 1979, but especially to the time of his resignation as Amir of the Jamaat-e-Islami in 1972, the best known, most controversial, and most highly visible of all the religious leaders of the country."
  15. ^ a b Devichand, Mukul (10 November 2005). "How Islam got political: Founding fathers". BBC News. Archived from the original on 27 December 2020. Retrieved 8 November 2014. "Maududi made plenty of enemies in his lifetime – but his most significant domestic impact came after his death. Pakistan's military ruler General Zia-ul-Haq put some of Maududi's ideas into practice in 1979, turning Islamic "sharia-based criminal punishments into law."
  16. ^ . … Zia rewarded the only political party to offer him consistent support, Jamaat-e-Islami. Tens of thousands of Jamaat activists and sympathizers were given jobs in the judiciary, the civil service and other state institutions. These appointments meant Zia's Islamic agenda lived on long after he died.
  17. ^ "Service to Islam". King Faisal's Prize. Archived from the original on 6 January 2015. Retrieved 7 January 2015.
  18. ^ Encyclopaedia Dictionary Islam Muslim World, etc. p. 873. Retrieved 29 February 2020. From 1956, the discussion of the role of Islam in the constitution, died down and Maududi, until restricted by ill-health in 1969, traveled widely outside Pakistan. He was a particularly frequent visitor to Saudi Arabia, where he took part in both the establishment and the running of Medina's Islamic university and the World Muslim League.
  19. ^ "Sayyid Abul A'la Maududi". Official website of the Jamaat-e-Islami. Archived from the original on 18 April 2014.
  20. ^ Hartung, Jan-Peter (2014). A System of Life: Mawdudi and the Ideologisation of Islam. Oxford University Press. p. 14.
  21. ^ a b c Adams, Maududi and the Islamic State 1983, pp. 100–101
  22. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 10
  23. JSTOR 20837163
    .
  24. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 11
  25. ^ .
  26. ^ Jackson 2010, p. 18
  27. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 12
  28. ^ Jackson 2010, p. 19
  29. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 13
  30. ^ Muhammad Suheyl Umar, "… hikmat i mara ba madrasah keh burd? The Influence of Shiraz School on the Indian Scholars”, October 2004 – Volume: 45 – Number: 4, note 26 Archived 27 December 2020 at the Wayback Machine
  31. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 24
  32. ^ Nasr, Vali (1996). Mawdudi and the Making of Islamic Revivalism. Oxford University Press. p. 15.
  33. ^ Khurshid Ahmad & Zafar Ishaq Ansari, Mawlānā Mawdūdī: An Introduction to His Life and Thought, Islamic Foundation (1979), p. 7
  34. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 17
  35. ^ Jackson 2010, pp. 29–30
  36. ^ a b Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 20
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  39. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 29
  40. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 30
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  42. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 32
  43. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 34
  44. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 35
  45. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 36
  46. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 37
  47. ^ a b Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, pp. 38–39
  48. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, pp. 40–41
  49. ^ Panicker, P L John. Gandhian approach to communalism in contemporary India (PDF). p. 167. Retrieved 6 November 2019.
  50. . Syde Abul A'ala Maududi founded Jamaat-e-Islami in August 1941 ... Maududi proposed forming a Muslim theodemocracy in which Islamic law would guide public policy in all areas of life. (Maududi specifically rejected the term 'theocracy' to describe his ideal state, arguing that the truly Islamic state would be ruled not by the ulema but by the entire Muslim community.) ... Maududi founded the Jamaat-e-Islami as a vehicle for developing and establishing such a state.
  51. ^ a b c d Jamaat-e-Islami Archived 24 May 2011 at the Wayback Machine, GlobalSecurity.org Archived 22 July 2017 at the Wayback Machine. Retrieved 1 July 2007.
  52. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 41
  53. ^ a b c d e Ruthven, Islam in the World, 2000, pp=332–3
  54. ^ a b Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 42
  55. ^ a b c Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 43
  56. ^ a b c Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 96
  57. ^ a b Ruthven, Islam in the World, 2000, pp.330–331
  58. ^ a b c d "Abul Ala Maududi". famousmuslims.com.
  59. ^ a b Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 139
  60. ^ Nasr, Vanguard of the Islamic Revolution 1994, pp. 108
  61. ^ a b c d Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 44
  62. ^ a b Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 45
  63. ^ a b c d Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 128
  64. ^ a b c Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 46
  65. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, pp. 98, 104: "When General Zia ul-Haq enacted his Hudud Ordinances of 1979, this caused difficulties in the Jama'at's alliance with the general's government and led to costly doctrinal compromises by the party." [p. 98] "... Maududi again underlined the importance of education in Islam as a prerequisite for the Islamization of society ... This idea was in direct opposition to the "Islamzation first" approach of General Zia ul-Haq." [p. 104]
  66. ^ Maududi, S.A.A. (1963). A Short History of the Revivalist Movement in Islam. Lahore: Islamic Publications. p. 36.
  67. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 138: "He argued that his intent was not only to revive Islam but to propagate true Islam, the absence of which accounted for the failure of earlier efforts at tajdid."
  68. ^ Maududi, S.A.A. (1963). A Short History of the Revivalist Movement in Islam. Lahore: Islamic Publications. p. 109.
  69. ^ Jama'at-i Islami ke untis sal (Lahore: Shu'bah'bah-i Nashr'u Isha'at-i Jama'at-i Islami, 1970), pp. 38–39
  70. ^ .
  71. ^ a b Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 124
  72. ^ a b Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 61
  73. ^ a b Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 62
  74. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 51: "The erection of communal boundaries and the search for identity in Mawdudi's works increasingly cast the world in terms of good and evil, converting history into an arena for an apocalyptic battle between the two."
  75. ^ 1979, Tafhimul Qur'an, Vol. I, Lahore, p. 334
  76. ^ a b Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 64
  77. ^ a b c d Adams, Maududi and the Islamic State 1983, p. 112
  78. ^ Sayyid Abul Ala Mawdudi, Towards Understanding the Quran, Chapter 7, Lahore, Pakistan.
  79. ^ .
  80. ^ "A. Maududi's 'Towards Understanding Islam'". Message of Islam to Humankind (Explaining Islam). Archived from the original on 6 April 2001.
  81. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, pp. 64–65: "a Islam, we wrote, was not a birthright, nor a simple proclamation of the shahadah, but the testimony to an individual's absolute obedience to God – Islam found meaning only in the context of works."
  82. ^ Maududi, Seyed Abu'l A'la (1978). Fundamentals of Islam (reprint ed.). p. 21. A Muslim is not a Muslim by appellation or birth, but by virtue of abiding by holy law.
  83. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 66
  84. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 58: "He wrote: 'You must remember that you are a born slave of God. He has created you for His servitude only'.... He viewed absolute obedience to God as a fundamental right of God.... 'Man ... does not have the right to choose a way of life for himself or assume whatever duties he likes.'"
  85. ^ Schirrmacher, Christine (2020). "Leaving Islam". In Enstedt, Daniel; Larsson, Göran; Mantsinen, Teemu T. (eds.). Handbook of Leaving Religion (PDF). Brill. p. 85. Retrieved 6 January 2021.
  86. ^ a b Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 50
  87. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 63: "This redefinition of Islam began with erecting impregnable boundaries around the religion, a necessary first step in constructing an Islamic ideology.... The lines of demarcation that defined Islam were perforce steadfast: there was either Islam, as it was understood and defined by Mawdudi, or there was un-Islam."
  88. ^ Maududi, Towards Understanding Islam pp. 4, 11–12, 18–19,
  89. ^ Maududi, Let Us Be Muslims, pp. 53–55
  90. ^ Sayyid Abu'l-A'la Maududi, A Short History of the Revivalist Movement in Islam, reprint (Lahore: Islamic Publications, 1963), p. iii
  91. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 56: "[he would] scientifically prove that Islam is eventually to emerge as the World-Religion to cure Man of all his maladies."
  92. ^ Sayyid Abu'l-A'la Mawdudi, Tahrik-i axadi Hind awr Musalman (Lahore, 1973), 2:140
  93. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 60
  94. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 136: "He regarded Islamic history from the end of the rightly guided caliphs onward as essentially a period of decline and of jahiliyah. Except for periodic surges of orthodoxy in the guise of revivalist movements, Muslim life had been defiled by syncretic concessions to heathen tendencies ..."
  95. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 59: "Although traditional divines idealized the early history of Islam, they did not view what followed that era to be "un-Islamic", ...Maududi did not view Islamic history as the history of Islam but as the history of un-Islam or jahiliyah. Islamic history as the product of human choice, was corruptible and corrupted."
  96. ^ Maududi, S.A.A., Tafhimat (Lahore, 1965) 1:202, quoted in Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 137
  97. ^ Maududi, Abul A'la, Tafhimat (16th edition, Lahore, 1989), 356; quoted in Brown 1996, pp. 114–115
  98. ^ Maudūdī, Abū al-ʿAlā, Tafhīmāt, 16th edition, Lahore, 1989, 359; quoted in Brown 1996, pp. 86–7
  99. ^ Mawdūdī, Abū al-ʿAlā (1989). "Rasūl kī ḥaithiyyat shakhṣī wa ḥaithiyyat nabawī". Tafhīmāt (16th ed.). Lahore. pp. 273–281.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link)
  100. ^ Brown 1996, pp. 77–80
  101. ^ Brown 1996, p. 79
  102. ^ a b c Brown 1996, p. 78
  103. .
  104. ^ Maududi, Abul A'la. Towards_Understanding_Islam (PDF). Archived (PDF) from the original on 27 December 2020. Retrieved 7 December 2014. To the woman it assigns the duty of managing the household, training and bringing up children in the best possible way, and providing her husband and children with the greatest possible comfort and contentment. The duty of the children is to respect and obey their parents, and, when they are grown up, to serve them and provide for their needs.
  105. ^ a b c Ruthven, Islam in the World, 2000, p.329
  106. ^ Maududi, Purdah and the Status of Woman in Islam, (Lahore, 1979), p. 20
  107. ^ Mawdudi, Abul A'la (November 1979). Towards Understanding Islam. Khurshid Ahmad, translator. Islamic Publications. p. 112. Outside the pale of the nearest relations between whom marriage is forbidden men and women have been asked not to mix freely with each other and if they do have to have contact with each other they should do so with purdah. When women have to go out of their homes, they should ... be properly veiled. They should also cover their faces and hands as a normal course. Only in genuine necessity can they unveil, and they must recover as soon as possible.... men have been asked to keep down their eyes and not to look at women.... To try to see them is wrong and to try to seek their acquaintance is worse.
  108. ^ Maududi, Birth Control, (Lahore, 1978), p. 73
  109. ^ Maududi, Islam and Birth Control (Urdu), 1962. pp. 104–130, 150–53
  110. ^ Siddiqi, Mohammad Nejatullah, Muslim Economic Thinking: A Survey of Contemporary Literature, The Islamic Foundation, Leicester, 2007, p. 41
  111. ^ Maududi, Islam and Birth Control (Urdu), 1962. p. 132
  112. ^ a b Maududi, Islamic Law and Constitution, 1977: p. 308
  113. ^ Maududi, Maulana (1941). Maulana Maududi: Economic System of Islam. Australian Islamic Library. Retrieved 19 March 2018.
  114. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, pp. 103–106
  115. ^ Kuran, Islam and Mammon, 2004: pp. 84-6
  116. ^ a b Khan, Islamic Banking in Pakistan, 2015: p. 57
  117. .
  118. ^ Maududi, Economic System of Islam, n.d.: p. 1
  119. ^ Maududi, Economic System of Islam, n.d.: p.8-9
  120. ^ Maududi, Economic System of Islam, n.d.: p. 10
  121. ^ Maududi, Economic System of Islam, n.d.: p. 24
  122. ^ Maududi, Economic System of Islam, n.d.: p.21-3
  123. ^ a b c Maududi, Economic System of Islam, n.d.: p. 166
  124. ^ Maududi, Economic System of Islam, n.d.: p.25-8
  125. ^ Ruthven, Islam in the World, 2000, pp.329–330
  126. ^ a b c d Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 104
  127. ^ Maududi, Economic System of Islam, n.d.: p. 5
  128. ^ a b Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 103
  129. ^ Maududi, Economic System of Islam, n.d.: p. 30
  130. ^ a b c d e Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, pp. 105–106
  131. ^ a b Maududi, Economic System of Islam, n.d.: p. 192
  132. ^ Maududi, Economic System of Islam, n.d.: pp. 178–9
  133. ^ Maududi, Economic System of Islam, n.d.: p. 181
  134. ^ Khan, Islamic Banking in Pakistan, 2015: p. 63
  135. ^ Maududi, Economic System of Islam, n.d.: p. 188
  136. ^ Maududi, Economic System of Islam, n.d.: p. 199
  137. ^ Khan, Islamic Banking in Pakistan, 2015: p. 65
  138. ^ Khan, Islamic Banking in Pakistan, 2015: p. 64
  139. ^ From the text of lecture at a Labour Committee convention in 1957; reprinted in Mawdudi, Economic System of Islam, (1984) p. 284
  140. ^ Maududi, Sayyid Abul-A'la, Capitalism, Socialism and Islam, (Lahore, 1977), p. 65
  141. ^ Maududi, Economic System of Islam, n.d.: p. 23
  142. ^ a b c d Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 74
  143. ^ a b c Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 132
  144. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 53: "[Islam] says "yes" to modernization but "no" to blind Westernisation."
  145. . He agreed with them in holding that Islam required the exercise of reason by the community to understand God's decrees, in believing, therefore, that Islam contains nothing contrary to reason, and in being convinced that Islam as revealed in the Book and the Sunna is superior in purely rational terms to all other systems. But he thought they had gone wrong in allowing themselves to judge the Book and the Sunna by the standard of reason. They had busied themselves trying to demonstrate that "Islam is truly reasonable" instead of starting, as he did, from the proposition that "true reason is Islamic". Therefore they were not sincerely accepting the Book and the Sunna as the final authority, because implicitly they were setting up human reason as a higher authority (the old error of the Mu'tazilites). In Maududi's view, once one has become a Muslim, reason no longer has any function of judgement. From then on its legitimate task is simply to spell out the implications of Islam's clear commands, the rationality of which requires no demonstration.
  146. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 107
  147. ^ Jameelah, Maryam (1987). "An Appraisal of Some Aspects of Maulana Sayyid Ala Maudoodi's Life and Thought". Islamic Quarterly. 31 (2): 127.
  148. ^ Ikram, S. M. (1964). "XII. Religion at Akbar's Court". In Ainslie T. Embree (ed.). Muslim Civilization in India. New York: Columbia University Press. Archived from the original on 21 February 2014. Retrieved 5 July 2014. (Page of Prof. Emerita Frances W. Pritchett, Columbia University)
  149. ^ Adams, Maududi and the Islamic State 1983, p. 103
  150. ^ a b Adams, Maududi and the Islamic State 1983, p. 113
  151. ^ Adams, Maududi and the Islamic State 1983, pp. 113–114: "[Maududi believed that] when religion is relegated to the personal realm, men inevitably give way to their bestial impulses and perpetrate evil upon one another. In fact it is precisely because they wish to escape the restraints of morality and the divine guidance that men espouse secularism."
  152. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 53: "modern science was a 'body' that could accommodate any 'spirit' – philosophy or value system – just as radio could broadcast Islami or Western messages with equal facility."
  153. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 54
  154. ^ Maududi, Nationalism in India, 1947, pp 48–9
  155. ^ a b Political Islam in the Indian Subcontinent by Frederic Grare |BOOK REVIEW |Anatomy of Islamism |South Asia |Asia Times
  156. ^ Nasr, Vanguard of the Islamic Revolution 1994, pp. 119–120
  157. ^ a b Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 115
  158. .
  159. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 109
  160. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, pp. 116–117
  161. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 122: "... he held Sufism accountable for causing the decline of Islam throughout history, referring to it as chuniya begum (lady opium). He believed that Sufism had misled Mughal rulers like Emperor Akbar and his son Dara Shukuh into gravitating toward syncretic experiments."
  162. . shun the language and terminology of the Sufis; their mystical allusions and metaphoric references, their dress and etiquette, their master-disciple institutions and all other things associated with it.
  163. ^ Maududi, S.A.A. (1981). A Short History of the Revivalist Movement in Islam (5th ed.). Islamic Publications.
  164. ^ a b Sirriyeh 2013, pp. 162–163
  165. ^ a b c Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 123
  166. ^ This happened in 1951, (source: Tarjumanu'l-Qur'an, September 1951, pp. 55–6, and November 1951, pp. 34–36)
  167. Sind
    , Sufism played an important role in the popular culture of the masses and eventually in their politics."
  168. ^ Maududi, S.A.A., Towards Understanding Islam, (Indianapolis, 1977), p. 111
  169. ^ Maududi, S.A.A., Mabadi’ al-Islam, 1961, p. 17
  170. ISSN 0002-9602
    .
  171. ^ Sirriyeh 2013, p. 164
  172. ^ Maududi, S. Abul A'la, Islamic Law and Its Introduction, Islamic Publications, LTD, 1955, pp. 13–4.
  173. ^ a b c Adams, Maududi and the Islamic State 1983, p. 116
  174. ^ Ruthven, Islam in the World, 2000, pp.330
  175. ^ a b Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 98
  176. ^ Maududi, S. Abul A'la, Human Rights in Islam, Islamic Foundation, 1976, pp. 31–32
  177. ^ Maududi, S. Abul A'la, Islamic Law and Its Introduction, Islamic Publications, LTD, 1955, p. 67
  178. ^ Maududi, Islamic Law and Constitution, 1977: p. 165
  179. ^ Adams, Maududi and the Islamic State 1983, p. 165
  180. ^ Mawdudi, Islamic Law, p. 57 quoted in Adams p. 113
  181. ^ Maududi, Sayyid Abdul al'al (1960). Political Theory of Islam (1993 ed.). Lahore, Pakistan: Islamic Publications. p. 4. ... And Prophet Muhammad (peace be upon him) ... revealed the final code of human guidance, in all its completeness.
  182. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 57
  183. ^ Mawdudi, Islamic Law, p. 77 quoted in Adams p. 125
  184. ^ a b c Adams, Maududi and the Islamic State 1983, p. 126: "... The fourth and final mode of 'legislation' Maududi characterizes somewhat astonishingly as the 'province of independent legislation'. The 'independence' of the legislature in this sphere derives from the fact that '... there is yet another vast range of human affairs about which Shariah is totally silent.'"
  185. ^ a b Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 97
  186. ^ a b c Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, Ch. 4
  187. ^ a b Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 78
  188. ^ a b Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 77
  189. ^ Maududi, The Process of Islamic Revolution
  190. .
  191. .
  192. ^ Short Proceedings of the 2nd Annual Conference, Jamaat-e-Islami, East Pakistan, (Dacca, 1958), p 8; enclosed with U.S. Consulate, Dacca, Dispatch no.247, 3 April 1958, 790D.00/4-358, United States National Archives.
  193. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 70
  194. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 71
  195. ^ Mawdudi, Sayyid Abu'l-A'la, Islamic Law and Constitution, (Karachi, 1955), p. 48
  196. ^ Rudad-i Jama'at-i Islami, 1:49–50 [proceedings of various Jama'at congresses between 1941 and 1955]
  197. ^ Smith, Donald E., ed. (1966). "The Ideology of Mawlana Mawdud". South Asian Politics and Religion. Princeton University Press. pp. 388–9.
  198. ^ a b Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 76
  199. ^ Sayyid Abu'l-A'la Mawdudi, Tahrik-i Islami ka a`indah la`ihah-i 'amal, Lahore, 1986, p. 205
  200. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 73
  201. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 71: "In Mawdudi's conception, revolution and its corollary, ideology, had no class reference. They simply permitted Mawdudi to equip the Jama'at with a repertoire of terms that allowed the party to stand its ground in debates over what constituted progress, justice, and political idealism."
  202. ^ Maududi, Islamic Law and Constitution, 1977: p. v
  203. . the abolition of interest-bearing banks, sexual segregation and veiling of women, and the hadd penalties for theft, adultery and other crimes
  204. ^ Adams, Maududi and the Islamic State 1983, p. 119
  205. ^ Abu al-A'la al-Mawdudi, "Political Theory of Islam," in Khurshid Ahmad, ed., Islam: Its Meaning and Message (London: Islamic Council of Europe, 1976), pp. 159–61.
  206. ^ Maududi, Sayyid Abdul al'al (1960). Political Theory of Islam (1993 ed.). Lahore, Pakistan: Islamic Publications. p. 35. the power to rule over the earth has been promised to the whole community of believers. [italics original]
  207. ^ Sayyid Abu'l-A'la Mawdudi, The Message of Jam'at-i-Islami, (Lahore, 1955), p. 46
  208. ^ (Nasr speaking) Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 88
  209. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 93
  210. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 87, 95
  211. ^ Abu al-A'la al-Mawdudi, Islamic Way of Life (Delhi: Markazi Maktaba Islami, 1967), p. 40
  212. JSTOR 4328314
    .
  213. .
  214. .
  215. ^ a b Mawdudi, Islamic Law, p. 154
  216. ^ Adams, Maududi and the Islamic State 1983, p. 115
  217. ^ a b Maududi, Islamic Law and Constitution, 1977: p. 148
  218. ^ a b c d Adams, Maududi and the Islamic State 1983, p. 117
  219. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 94
  220. ^ Abu al-A'la al-Mawdudi, "Political Theory of Islam," in John J. Donahue and John L. Esposito, eds., Islam in Transition: Muslim Perspective, (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982), p. 253.
  221. ^ Adams, Maududi and the Islamic State 1983, p. 115: "Maududi traces the root cause of most human misery and calamity to the tendency of men to dominate over other men, either by claiming themselves to be rabbs or ilahs or by investing idols, objects, political parties, ideologies, etc., with the qualities of rabb or ilah, and then manipulating the credulity of other men for their own purposes."
  222. ^ Maududi, Maulana (1960). First Principles of the Islamic State. Lahore, Pakistan: Islamic Publications. p. 21. no creature has the right to impose his will or words on other creatures and ... this is a right exclusively reserved for God himself ... if we invest some human agency with superhuman mantle of sovereignty ... injustice and maladministration of the most contagious type [invariably results] .... Evil is inherent in the nature of such a system.
  223. ^ Maududi, Maulana (1960). First Principles of the Islamic State. Lahore, Pakistan: Islamic Publications. p. 26. ... what we Muslims call democracy is a system wherein the people enjoy only the right of Khilafat or vicegerency of God.
  224. ^ Maududi, Abul Ala. "Essential Features of the Islamic Political System". Islam 101. Archived from the original on 27 December 2020. Retrieved 6 December 2014.
  225. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 86: "Because Maududi was compelled to directly address the question of the nature of authority in the Islamic state if he was to win Westernized intellectuals over, he used democracy to deal with their concerns."
  226. ^ Abu al-A'la al-Mawdudi, Political Theory of Islam (Lahore: Islamic Publications, 1976), pp. 13, 15–7, 38, 75–82.
  227. ^ a b c Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 90
  228. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 87
  229. ^ Maududi,Human Rights in Islam, p. 11
  230. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 92
  231. ^ Maududi, First Principles, p. 1
  232. ^ a b c Maududi, Islamic Law and Constitution, 1977: p. 211
  233. ^ cited in Jasarat, 28 October 1978, pp. 1, 9, Muhammad Mujeed characterized Mawdudi's program as naive: see Mujeeb, Muhammad, The Indian Muslims, (London, 1967), p. 403
  234. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 99
  235. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, pp. 85–86
  236. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 91
  237. ^ M. Bernard, "Idjma" in Encyclopedia of Islam
  238. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 100
  239. ^ Adams, Maududi and the Islamic State 1983, pp. 120–121
  240. ^ Mawdudi, Islamic Law, p. 155
  241. ^ Maududi, Sayyid Abdul al'al (1960). Political Theory of Islam (1993 ed.). Lahore, Pakistan: Islamic Publications. p. 31. It is clear from a careful consideration of the Qura'an and the Sunnah that the state in Islam is based on an ideology ... the community that runs the Islam State ... those who do not accept it are not entitled to have any hand in shaping the fundamental policy of the state.
  242. ^ a b Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 95
  243. ^ Adams, Maududi and the Islamic State 1983, p. 123
  244. ^ Adams, Maududi and the Islamic State 1983, p. 237, 308
  245. ^ Maududi, Islamic Law and Constitution, 1977: p.211-32
  246. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 97: "In the beginning, Mawdudi had rejected both the adversarial system and the tole of lawyers as immoral and un-Islamic, arguing that Islam accepted only an inquisitional system in which the judge was the final authority ... without discussion or the interference of lawyers ... Then in 1948, 1953, and again in 1963, when the Pakistan government tried to crush the Jama'at, it had been the judiciary that rescued the party. Mawdudui and the Jama'at consequently favored the autonomy of the Pakistani judiciary and accepted the adversarial system and the right to appeal as beneficial ..."
  247. ^ Mawdudi, Abul A'la (1960). Political Theory of Islam. Khurshid Ahmad, translator (8th, 1993 ed.). Islamic Publications. pp. 23–5. The people delegate their sovereignty to their elected representative [who] make and enforce laws. [Because of the] divorce ... between politics and religion ... society ... have ceased to attach much or any importance to morality and ethics ... these representatives ... soon set themselves up as an independent authority and assume the position of overlords ... They often make laws not in the best interest of the people ... but to further their own sectional and class interests ... This is the situation which besets people in England, America and in all those countries which claim to be the haven of secular democracy.
    [Second reason is] it has been established by experience that the great mass of the common people are incapable of perceiving their own true interests [and] quite often ... reject the pleas of reason simply because it conflicts with [their] passion and desire. [An example being the] Prohibition Law of America. It had been rationally and logically established that drinking is injurious to health, produces deleterious disorder in human society. [But after] the law was passed by the majority vote [the people] revolted against it ... because the people had been completely enslaved by their habit and could not forgo the pleasure of self-indulgence. They delegated their own desires and passions as their ilahs (gods) at whose call they all went in for the repeal of [prohibition].
  248. ^ Maududi, Towards Understanding Islam, p. 131
  249. ^ "Surah An-Nisa Ayat 160 (4:160 Quran) With Tafsir". My Islam. Retrieved 11 December 2022.
  250. ^ "4. An-Nisaa - سورة النساء - ( The Women ) - Read the Quran Tafsir by Sayyid Abul Ala Maududi - Tafhim al-Quran - The Meaning of the Quran". www.searchtruth.com. Retrieved 11 December 2022.
  251. ^ Maududi, Sayyid Abdul al'al (1960). Political Theory of Islam (1993 ed.). Lahore, Pakistan: Islamic Publications. p. 27. [Under Islamic law] There would remain neither that tyranny of cruelty and oppression, nor that satanic flood of female liberty and licence which threatens to destroy human civilisation in the West.
  252. . Mawdudi had inflamed the passions of many Muslims against the Ahmadi by publishing his pamphlet The Qadiani Question and his book The Finality of Prophethood. Both works contained a scathing attack on Ahmadi teaching, especially the idea that there can be prophecy after the Prophet.
  253. ^ Sayeed Abdul A'la Maududi, Jihad in Islam, Islamic Publications (Pvt.) Ltd, p. 28.
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  255. ^ Iqbal, Anwar (13 September 2014). "Fighting the IS: Holes in the game plan". Dawn. Pakistan. Archived from the original on 27 December 2020. Retrieved 8 November 2014.
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  257. ^ Maududi, Islamic Law and Constitution, 1977: pp.236, 282, 288–97
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  259. ^ Maududi, Sayyid Abul A'La (1983). The Islamic Law & Constitution. Islamic Books. p. 292.
  260. ^ Abul A'la Mawdudi, The Meaning of the Qur'an, (Islamic Publications Ltd., Lahore (1993 edition), vol 2, pp. 183 & 186 (last paragraph)).
  261. ^ Abul A'la Mawdudi, The Meaning of the Qur'an, vol 2, p. 183.
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  263. ^ Sayeed Abdul A'la Maududi, Jihad in Islam, pp. 6, 7, 22
  264. ^ Mawdudi, Abul A'la (1979). Towards Understanding Islam. Khurshid Ahmad, translator. Islamic Publications. p. 105. The greatest sacrifice for God is made in Jihad, for in it a man sacrifices not only his own life and property in His cause but destroys those of others also. But, as already stated, one of the Islamic principles is that we should suffer a lesser loss to save ourselves from a greater loss. How can the loss of some lives – even if the number runs into thousands – be compared to the calamity that may befall mankind as a result of the victory of evil over good and of aggressive atheism over the religion of God. That would be a far greater loss and calamity, for as a result of it not only would the religion of God be under dire threat, the world would also become the abode of evil and perversion, and life would be disrupted both from within and without.
  265. ^ Vol 2. No1. of The Faithful Struggle in the section entitled "Permanent Jihad."
  266. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 129
  267. ^ a b Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 130
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  272. JSTOR 4282856
    . it is hard to exaggerate the importance of its [Pakistan's] current drift toward's Maududi's version of Islam
  273. ^ Nasr, Mawdudi and Islamic Revivalism 1996, p. 134
  274. . In 1985 Pakistan's previous military ruler, General Zia ul Haq, had introduced separate electorates for Pakistan's minorities. Under the measure, Muslims voted for Muslims, Christians for Christians and Hindus for Hindus.
  275. ^ a b c Jenkins, Philip (23 December 2008). "Clerical Terror: The roots of jihad in India". The New Republic.
  276. ^ Vömel, Jan-Markus (2022). "Global Intellectual Transfers and the Making of Turkish High Islamism, c. 1960–1995". In Papuççular, Papuççular; Kuru, Kuru (eds.). The Turkish Connection: Global Intellectual Histories of the Late Ottoman Empire and Republican Turkey. De Gruyter. p. 256.
  277. . ... all the major contemporary radicalist movements, particularly the Tunisian Islamic Tendency, led by Rashid Ghannushi, the Egyptian Islamic Jihad organization and the Syrian Muslim Brotherhood, derive their ideological and political programmes from the writings of al Mawdudi and Sayyid Qutb.
  278. ^ "Interview: ISIS's Abdul Nasser Qardash". Archived from the original on 27 December 2020. Retrieved 5 June 2020.
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  281. ^ Syed Moudoodi biography at a glance Archived 14 September 2007 at the Wayback Machine
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    .
  283. ^ Farooqui, Muhammad Rafiuddin (11 January 2013). "The political Thought of Maulana Mawdudi". University. Appendixes: Osmania University-Shodhganga: 184. Retrieved 4 April 2020.
  284. Tehreek e Islami[circular reference
    ]

Books and articles

Further reading

  • Masood Ashraf Raja. "Abul A'ala Maududi: British India and the Politics of Popular Islamic Texts." Literature of British India. S. S Towheed. Ed. Stuttgart/Germany: Ibidem, 2007: 173–191.

External links

Party political offices
Preceded by
Party created
Ameer of
Jamaat-e-Islami

1941–1972
Succeeded by