Adevărul

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Adevărul
Media of Romania
  • List of newspapers

    • Adevărul (Romanian pronunciation:

    Communist Romania's censorship apparatus
    and again closed down in 1951.

    A newspaper of the same name was set up in 1989, just days after the

    Romanian Revolution, replacing Scînteia, organ of the defunct Romanian Communist Party. Initially a supporter of the dominant National Salvation Front, it adopted a controversial position, being much criticized for producing populist and radical nationalist messages and for supporting the violent Mineriad of 1990. Under editors Dumitru Tinu and Cristian Tudor Popescu, when it reasserted its independence as a socially conservative venue and was fully privatized, Adevărul became one of the most popular and trusted press venues. Nevertheless, it remained involved in scandals over alleged or confirmed political and commercial dealings, culminating in a 2005 conflict which saw the departure of Popescu, Bogdan Chireac and other panelists and the creation of rival newspaper Gândul. As of 2006, Adevărul had been the property of Dinu Patriciu
    , a prominent Romanian businessman and politician.

    Ownership, editorial team and structure

    Adevărul is the main

    Dilema Veche and Historia [ro], the tabloid Click!, the magazines Click! pentru femei, Click! Sănătate, Click! Poftă bună! and OK! Magazine
    .

    In December 2010, Adevărul Holding also launched a sister version of its title asset, published in neighboring Moldova as Adevărul Moldova.[2]

    The Romanian newspaper had special pages of regional content, one each for

    free daily newspaper and evening edition, which was closed down in May 2011.[3]

    As of 2008, the newspaper publishes Colecția Adevărul, a collection of classic and popular works in world and

    Romanian literature
    . These are issued as additional supplements, and sold as such with the newspaper's Thursday editions.

    History

    1871 and 1888 editions

    Origins

    The Adeverulu published in Iași (front page of the first issue in the 1871 series).
    First version of the Adevĕrul logo (front page of the first issue in the 1888 series). A similar version was used in the early 1990s (Adevărul, in light blue, with identical typeface).

    A newspaper by the name Adevĕrulŭ (pronounced the same as Adevărul, but following versions of the

    Iași, the former capital of Moldavia. Beldiman directed the newspaper in opposition to Romania's new Domnitor, the German prince Carol of Hohenzollern, calling for the restoration of his deposed and exiled predecessor, the Moldavian-born Alexandru Ioan Cuza.[4] Its articles against the new monarch soon after resulted in Beldiman's indictment for defamation and attack on the 1866 Constitution.[4] He was eventually acquitted, but the journal ceased publication with its 13th issue (April 1872).[4]

    Adevărul reemerged as a daily on August 15, 1888, seven years after the proclamation of a Romanian Kingdom. It was then known as Adevĕrul, which also reflected the veritas origin, and the ĕ, although obsolete by the early 20th century, was kept as a distinctive sign by all the paper's owners until 1951.[4][5] Initially financed by a printer, who agreed to advance it a short-term credit,[6] the new gazette was co-founded by Alexandru Beldiman and Alexandru Al. Ioan, the son of former Domnitor Cuza, and was again noted for its radical and often irreverent critique of newly crowned King Carol and the "foreign dynasty".[4][5][7][8] The small editorial team included writer Grigore Ventura and his son Constantin, as well as, after a while, political columnist I. Hussar.[7] In December 1888, it changed its format, from a No. 6 to a No. 10 in paper size, while abandoning the initial, calligraphed logo, in favor of a standard serif which it used until 1951.[7]

    Beldiman's hostility to the monarchy was reflected in one of the 15 objectives set by the second series' first issue, whereby Adevărul called for an

    Norddeutsche Allgemeine Zeitung and Kölnische Zeitung, who worried that Romania's anti-dynasticists plotted Carol's murder, assuring them that the actual battle was political, "in broad daylight, on the wide path of public opinion."[8] In 1891, the paper called for boycotting Carol's 25th anniversary on the throne.[8]

    Early campaigns

    Located in Bucharest, the new Adevărul had its original headquarters in Calea Victoriei (Doamnei Street, Nouă Street, Brătianu Boulevard and Enei Street).[7][13] It later moved to a building near the National Bank and the Vilacrosse Passage, where it occupied just several rooms (leading its staff to repeatedly complain about the lack of space).[5][13][14] A serious crisis occurred during 1892, when, having omitted to register his trademark, Beldiman was confronted with the appearance of a competing Adevărul, published by his former associate Toma Basilescu, who had been the original gazette's administrator for the previous year.[10] In June 1892, an arbitral tribunal decided in favor of Beldiman, ordering Basilescu to close down his paper.[10]

    With time, the newspaper had moved from advocating King Carol's replacement with a local ruler to supporting

    emancipation for Romanian Jews.[7] It embraced the cause of Romanians living outside the Old Kingdom, particularly those in Austro-Hungarian-ruled Transylvania,[7][8] while calling for Romania to separate itself from its commitment to the Triple Alliance, and advocating a Balkan Federation to include Romania.[7]

    Adevărul also took an active interest in the problems facing Romania's rural population: while calling for a land reform, it expressed condemnation of the failing sanitary system, which it blamed for the frequency of countryside epidemics, and for the administrative system, which it accused of

    assimilable Jewish majority.[8]

    Under Beldiman, the newspaper took pride in stating its independence, by taking distance from the

    Gendarmerie.[10]

    In parallel, Adevărul took steps to establishing its reputation as a

    Romanian literature for the general public and following a method outlined by a 1913 article: "In his free time [...], the reader, having satisfied his curiosity about the daily events, finds entertainment for the soul in the newspaper's literary column. People who would not spend a dime on literary works, will nevertheless read literature once this is made available to them, in a newspaper they bought for the information it provides."[15] Initially, Adevărul dedicated its Sunday issue to literary contributions, receiving such pieces from George Coșbuc, Haralamb Lecca, Ioan N. Roman, and the adolescent poet Ștefan Octavian Iosif.[15]

    Mille's arrival and rise in popularity

    Adevărul editors in 1897. Constantin Mille is first seated from left. Standing behind him are Ioan Bacalbașa (middle) and Constantin Bacalbașa (right)

    By 1893, the gazette's panel came to include several leading activists of the newly created

    Constantin Dobrescu-Argeș of having embezzled the funds put at his disposal.[17]

    In 1895, Mille purchased the newspaper, but, even though the Alecsandri motto was removed a short while after,[5] Beldiman maintained editorial control until his death three years later, explaining that he was doing so in order to maintain an independent line.[4][5] The purchase was received with consternation by many PSDMR members, particularly since Adevărul competed with its official platforms (Munca and, after 1894, Lumea Nouă).[18] In late 1893, Adevărul was also publishing articles by an unsigned author, who may have been Constantin Stere (later known as the man behind post-socialist "Poporanism") ridiculing Munca's elitist content.[19]

    Eventually, the PSDMR expelled Mille on grounds of having betrayed socialism.[5][18] Allegedly upset that Beldiman had chosen Mille's offer over his own, Anton Bacalbașa quit Adevărul, becoming one of Mille's most vocal critics.[5] A third Bacalbașa, Constantin, stayed on, and, from 1895, was Mille's first editor.[20] He became known for his anti-colonial stance, giving positive coverage to the 1896 Philippine Revolution.[21]

    In 1904, the board created Adevĕrul S. A., the first in a series of

    Alfons Mucha, and by its own occasional illustrator, Nicolae Vermont.[5][13] Around 1900, Mille purchased a neighboring plot, the former Saint-Frères manufacturing plant, and unified both buildings under a single facade.[13] It was there that, after placing an order with the Mergenthaler Company, he installed the first Linotype machines to be used locally.[5][6][12][13]

    Adevărul established itself as the most circulated paper, setting up successive records in terms of copies per issue due to Mille's favorable approach to modern printing techniques: from 10,000 in 1894, these brought the circulation to 12,000 in 1895 and 30,000 in 1907.

    right-wing competitor Universul,[5] Mille established a morning edition, which was emancipated under separate management in December of the same year, under the new name Dimineața. As of 1912, Dimineața was the first Romanian daily to use full color print, with a claim to have been the world's first color newspaper.[5][6] Beginning 1905, both gazettes ensured stable revenues by leasing their classified advertising sections to Carol Schulder's Schulder Agency.[6]

    Early cultural ventures

    Nicolae Petrescu Găină's caricature of C. I. Stăncescu, original watercolor
    The same image, as republished by Adevărul
    Beaux Arts facade with little Art Nouveau
    influences. The building was inaugurated in 1898

    In order to consecrate the newspaper's cultural ambitions, Mille became head of a literary club,

    Alexandre Dumas, père.[15]

    In later years, Adevărul experimented by publishing a different supplement each day, including one titled Litere și Arte ("Arts and Letters").

    Nicolae Petrescu-Găină).[26]

    By 1905, Adevărul was publishing a supplement titled Viața Literară ("The Literary Life", edited by Coșbuc, Gorun and

    Nicholas II (attacked for violently suppressing the 1905 Revolution).[27] As a promotional tactic, Adevărul participated in the National Fair of 1906, where it exemplified its printing techniques while putting out a collector's version of the newspaper, titled Adevĕrul la Expoziție ("Adevĕrul at the Exhibit").[6]

    New advocacies and 1907 Revolt coverage

    Several mass social, cultural and political campaigns were initiated or endorsed by Adevărul before 1910. According to one of Constantin Mille's columns of 1906, the newspaper continued to see itself as an advocate of people's causes: "Any of our readers know that, should any injustice be committed against them, should all authorities discard them, they will still find shelter under this newspaper's roof."

    Stephen the Great, and the erection in Craiova of a bust honoring its deceased contributor, poet Traian Demetrescu.[12] At around the same time, Mille's gazette became a noted supporter of feminism, and created a special column, Cronica femeii ("The Woman's Chronicle"), assigned to female journalist Ecaterina Raicoviceanu-Fulmen.[28] Over the following decade, it hosted regular contributions by other militant women, among them Lucrezzia Karnabatt, E. Marghita, Maura Prigor, Laura Vampa and Aida Vrioni.[28] Having endorsed the creation of a journalists' trade union and a Romanian Writers' Society, the newspaper also claimed to have inspired the idea of a Bucharest ambulance service, a project taken up by physician Nicolae Minovici and fulfilled in 1906.[12] Despite his leftist sympathies, Mille found himself in conflict with Romania's labor movement: believing that the Linotype machines would render their jobs obsolete, they went on strike, before the editor himself resolved to educate them all in the new techniques.[6]

    Adevărul's ongoing support for Jewish emancipation was accompanied by a sympathetic take on the growing Zionist movement. In 1902, the paper offered an enthusiastic reception to visiting French Zionist Bernard Lazare, prompting negative comments from the antisemitic French observers.[29] By 1906, Adevărul's attitude prompted historian Nicolae Iorga, leader of the antisemitic Democratic Nationalist Party, to accuse the newspaper of cultivating a "Jewish national sentiment" which, he claimed, had for its actual goal the destruction of Romania.[30] In his Naționalism sau democrație ("Nationalism or Democracy") series of articles for Sămănătorul magazine (an ethno-nationalist organ published by Iorga), the Transylvanian-based thinker Aurel Popovici, who criticized the elites of Austria-Hungary on grounds that they were serving Jewish interests, alleged that the impact of Adevărul and Dimineața carried the same risk for Romania.[31] In later years, Iorga casually referred to Adevărul as "the Jewish press organ", while, together with his political associate A. C. Cuza and other contributors to his Neamul Românesc journal, he repeatedly claimed that the entire press was controlled by the Jews.[32] The antisemitic discourse targeting the Sărindar-based publications was taken up in the same period by the traditionalist Transylvanian poet Octavian Goga and by businessman-journalist Stelian Popescu (who, in 1915, became owner of Universul).[33]

    Pursuing its interest in the peasant question, Adevărul was one of the main factors of dissent during the

    1907 Peasant Revolt, which was violently quelled by the National Liberal cabinet of Dimitrie Sturdza. The paper reported on or made allegations about the shooting and maltreatment of peasants, reputedly to the point where government officials promised to end repression if Mille agreed to tone down his publication.[8] Various researchers accuse Mille of having seriously exaggerated the scale of repression for political purposes.[23][34][35][36] Historian Anton Caragea, who theorizes the intrusion of Austria-Hungary, argues that, having received payments from Austro-Hungarian spies, both Adevărul and Universul were conditioned to incite public sentiment against the Sturdza executive.[35] Soon after the revolt, Editura Adevĕrul published Caragiale's 1907, din primăvară până în toamnă ("1907, From Spring to Autumn"), an attack on the Kingdom's institutions and analysis of its failures in connection to the rebellion, which was an instant best-seller.[15][37]

    Early 1910s

    Following the 1907 events, the gazette participated in an extended anti-monarchy campaign, which also involved Facla, a newspaper edited by Mille's son-in-law,

    lèse majesté, by reporting the mock procedures and hosting advertisements for Facla.[38] Like Facla itself, Adevărul circulated stereotypical satires of Carol I, constantly referring to him as neamțul ("the German" in colloquial terms) or căpușa ("the tick").[38]

    In 1912, the combined circulation of Adevărul and Dimineața exceeded 100,000 copies, bringing it a revenue of 1 million lei;[12] the two periodicals assessed that, between January and August 1914, they had printed some 1,284 tons of paper.[39] Adevărul had become the highest-grossing, but also the highest-paying press venue, and consequently the most sought-after employer: in 1913, it had a writing and technical staff of 250 people (whose salaries amounted to some 540,000 lei), in addition to whom it employed 60 correspondents and 1,800 official distributors.[12] Adevărul reportedly had a notoriously stiff editorial policy, outlined by Mille and applied by his administrative editor Sache Petreanu, whereby it taxed the proofreaders for each typo.[12][14] Mille himself repeatedly urged his employees to keep up with the events, decking the walls with portraits of 19th-century newspaperman Zaharia Carcalechi, infamous for his professional lassitude.[5] In addition to establishing permanent telephone links within Austria-Hungary (in both Vienna and Budapest), Adevărul maintained a regular correspondence with various Balkan capitals, and pioneered shorthand in transcribing interviews.[6] Among its indigenous journalists to be sent on special assignment abroad were Emil Fagure and Barbu Brănișteanu, who reported on the 1908 Young Turk Revolution from inside the Ottoman Empire, as well as from the Principality of Bulgaria and the Kingdom of Serbia.[6] The newspaper was nevertheless subject to a practical joke played by its correspondent, future writer Victor Eftimiu: instead of continuing his Adevărul-sponsored trip to France, Eftimiu stopped in Vienna, and compiled his "Letters from Paris" column from the press articles he read at Café Arkaden.[40]

    Adevărul's coverage of the international scene gave Romanians a window to political and cultural turmoil. By 1908, Adevărul was covering the burgeoning European

    Albert Gjika in Cetinje.[6] In July 1913, the newspaper reported extensively on massacres committed by the Hellenic Army in Dojran, Kilkis and other settlements of Macedonia, while discussing the "terror regime" instituted in Bulgaria by Tsar Ferdinand I.[43] Later the same month, as Romania joined the anti-Bulgarian coalition and her troops entered Southern Dobruja, Adevărul gave coverage to the spread of cholera among soldiers, accusing the Conservative executive headed by Titu Maiorescu of hiding its actual toll.[44]

    Also at that stage, the newspaper had become known for organizing

    Romanian Post, whereby postmen acted as press distributors, allowing some 300 press storage rooms to be established nationally.[5][12] Political differences of the period, pitting Adevărul editors against National Liberal politicos, threatened this monopoly: under National Liberal cabinets, the Post was prevented from distributing the newspaper, leading it to rely on subscriptions and private distributors.[12] Famous among the latter were Bucharest paperboys, who advertised Adevărul with political songs such as the republican anthem La Marseillaise.[12]

    World War I

    Bucharest demonstration in favor of Romania's entry into World War I (1915 or 1916).

    After the outbreak of

    irredenta; an exception was the Germanophile Brănișteanu, for a while marginalized within the group.[47]

    Adevărul agitated with energy against Austria-Hungary on the Transylvanian issue, while giving less exposure to the problems of Romanians in Russian-held

    ethnic German Transylvanian Saxons and their relationship with Romanians in Austria-Hungary, claiming: "Except for the Hungarians, we had throughout our history, just as we have today, an enemy just as irreducible and who would desire our disappearance just as much: the Saxon people."[51] According to literary historian Dumitru Hîncu, such discourse was replicated by other pro-Entente venues, marking a temporary break with a local tradition of more positive ethnic stereotypes regarding the Germans.[51]

    The interventionist campaign peaked in summer 1916, when it became apparent that

    Galați.[54] Using a style Torrey describes as "inflammatory", Adevărul also attacked PSDR leader Christian Rakovsky, co-founder of the anti-interventionist and internationalist Zimmerwald Movement, accusing him of being an "adventurer" and hireling of the German Empire.[55] In a 1915 letter to Zimmerwald promoter Leon Trotsky, Rakovsky himself claimed that Mille had been corrupted by Take Ionescu, leader of the pro-Entente Conservative-Democratic Party, and that his newspapers issued propaganda "under the mask of independence".[56]

    Romania eventually signed the

    collaborationist" journalists, including some of its former and future contributors (Stere, Tudor Arghezi, Saniel Grossman).[58] The newspaper was by then also reporting about Seton-Watson's disappointment with post-war Greater Romania and the centralist agenda of its founders.[59]

    1919 edition

    Early interwar years

    Adevĕrul logo, used in the interwar period. The subtitle reads: "Evening political newspaper. Appears each day at 3 PM"

    Once reestablished, Adevărul became a dominant newspaper of the interwar period and preserved its formative role for popular culture, being joined in its leftist niche some other widely circulated periodicals (Cuvântul Liber, Rampa etc.).[60] More serious competition came from its old rival Universul, which now surpassed it in popularity at a national level.[61] By 1934, Adevărul and Dimineața still boasted a combined daily circulation of 150,000 copies.[62]

    In 1920, Mille retired from the position of editor-in-chief and moved on to create Lupta journal, amidst allegations that he had been pressured out by rival business interests.[5][22] Adevărul and Dimineața were both purchased by Aristide Blank, a Romanian Jewish entrepreneur, National Liberal politician and owner of Editura Cultura Naţională company. He sold the controlling stock to other prominent Jewish businessmen, Emil and Simion Pauker, reactivating the Adevĕrul S. A. holding in the process.[5][13][22] Mille himself was replaced by Constantin Graur, who held managerial positions until 1936.[13][22][63] Simion and Emil Pauker were, respectively, the father and uncle of Marcel Pauker, later a maverick figure in the outlawed Romanian Communist Party (PCR).[22][64] The Paukers' ethnicity made their two newspapers preferred targets of attacks by the local antisemitic groups.[22][65] In that decade, Adevărul was generally sympathetic to the National Peasants' Party, the main political force opposing the National Liberal establishment.[66]

    The paper employed a new generation of panelists, most of whom were known for their advocacy of left-wing causes. In addition to professional journalists Brănișteanu, Constantin Bacalbașa,

    Tudor Teodorescu-Braniște, they included respected novelist Mihail Sadoveanu and debuting essayist Petre Pandrea,[15] as well as the best-selling fiction author Cezar Petrescu, who was briefly a member of the editorial staff.[67] Other writers with socialist or pacifist sympathies also became collaborators of Adevărul and Dimineața, most notably: Elena Farago, Eugen Relgis, Ion Marin Sadoveanu and George Mihail Zamfirescu.[68] Especially noted among the young generation of leftists was F. Brunea-Fox. After a stint as political editorialist with Adevărul, he became the Romanian "prince of reporters", with investigative journalism pieces which were mainly hosted by Dimineața.[62]

    Reinforced concrete extension from the 1930s of the Adevărul Newspaper Headquarter on Strada Constantin Mille, with an Art Deco facade

    Despite the effects of the Great Depression, the new management purchased another building in Sărindar area, tearing it down and replacing it with another palace wing, in reinforced concrete, and unifying the three facades by late 1933.[13] The extended location, covering some 1,700 m2, came to house a rotary printing press which was also in use by the magazine Realitatea Ilustrată, a conference hall, a cafeteria and sleeping quarters for the janitors.[13] The post-1920 issues introduced a number of changes in format. It began hosting photojournalistic pieces by Iosif Berman, one of Romania's celebrated photographers (who had made his debut with Dimineața in 1913).[69][70] Adevărul began headlining its front page with a short listing of the top news of the day, often accompanied by sarcastic editorial commentary.[63]

    Among the other innovations were regular columns discussing developments in literature and philosophy, written by two young

    Romanian Radio enthusiasts, under the title Radio Adevĕrul.[74]

    The newspaper was involved in cultural debates over the following two decades. It attracted contributions from various cultural ideologists, among them critics

    șerban Cioculescu, Petru Comarnescu, Eugen Lovinescu and Paul Zarifopol, writers Demostene Botez, Eugeniu Botez, Victor Eftimiu, Eugen Jebeleanu and Camil Petrescu, and Aromanian cultural activist Nicolae Constantin Batzaria.[15] Beginning 1928, Cioculescu took over the Adevărul literary column.[15] That same year, Adevărul hosted part of the dispute between Cioculescu and another prominent critic of the period, Perpessicius, the former of whom accused the latter of being too eclectic and generous.[75] In 1931, it circulated young critic Lucian Boz's defense of Tzara and praise for sculptor Constantin Brâncuși, both of whom, he stressed, had brought "fresh Romanian air into the realm of Western culture".[76] By 1932, it was hosting contributions from George Călinescu, including one which criticized his former disciple Boz,[76] and excerpts from Lovinescu's memoirs.[77] In 1937, Adevărul hosted a polemic between Lovinescu and his disciple Felix Aderca, where the topic was avant-garde hero Urmuz,[78] and a special column for women in culture. Probably conceived by feminist writer Izabela Sadoveanu-Evan (already known to Adevărul readers as a popularizer of English literature), it was signed by several prominent women of the day.[79]

    Editura Adevĕrul signed on some of the best-selling authors in modern Romanian literature, among them Sadoveanu, Călinescu, Eugeniu Botez,

    Tudor Mușatescu, and, after 1934, a number of primary school textbooks.[15] By the mid-1930s, Adevărul had launched sister magazines dedicated to photo-reportage (Realitatea Ilustrată), Hollywood films (Film) and health (Medicul Nostru).[80]

    Clashes with the far right

    Both Adevărul and Dimineața were noted for their rejection of interwar antisemitism, and for condemning the

    anti-Soviet workers' rebellion as a movement for individual freedoms.[62] In 1923, Adevărul publishing house printed a booklet by the leftist whistleblower Emanoil Socor, wherein proof was given that A. C. Cuza's academic career rested on plagiarism.[82]

    The same year, the LANC's entire

    conspiracies against the legitimate government, including officer Victor Precup's attempt to assassinate King Carol II on Good Friday 1934.[87]

    In parallel, Adevărul took an interest in promoting alternatives to nationalist theories. It thus attempted to mediate the ongoing disputes between Romania and

    Ion Clopoțel.[90] The newspaper also denounced interwar Germany's attempts to absorb Austria (a proto-Anschluss), primarily because they stood to channel Hungary's revanchism.[91] It also reported with much sarcasm on the friendly contacts between the Romanian nationalists at LANC and the Hungarian revanchist Szeged Fascists.[92] Meanwhile, Adevărul was vividly critical of centralizing policies in post-1920 "Greater Romania", primarily in Transylvania and Bessarabia. Articles on this topic were mainly contributed by Onisifor Ghibu, a former activist for the Transylvanian Romanian cause.[93]

    One of the new causes in which Adevărul involved itself after 1918 was

    racialism proposed by Henric Sanielevici in the 1930s.[96] Adevărul also published a 1929 piece by Nicolae Constantin Batzaria, in which the latter showed his adversity to radical forms of feminism, recommending women to find their comfort in marriage.[97]

    By the mid-1930s, the tension between Adevărul and the increasingly pro-fascist Universul degenerated into open confrontation. Emil Pauker's newspapers were by then also being targeted by the new fascist movement known as the

    vigilante groups and fight back, which in turn led to a series of street battles.[22] Beginning 1935, the scandals also involved Sfarmă-Piatră, a virulent far right newspaper headed by Nichifor Crainic and funded by Stelian Popescu, the new publisher of Universul.[99] While engaged in this conflict, Adevărul stood out among local newspapers for supporting the PCR during a 1936 trial of its activists which took place in Craiova, and involved as a co-defendant Simion Pauker's daughter-in-law, Ana Pauker.[22] Mainstream politician Constantin Argetoianu, citing an unnamed Adevărul journalist, had it that Emil Pauker, otherwise an outspoken anti-communist, was trying to protect even the more estranged members of his family.[22] With the change in management, some of the established Adevărul authors moved to Universul. This was the case with C. Bacalbașa (1935)[20] and Batzaria (1936).[100] In his Universul columns, the latter displayed a degree of sympathy for the extreme right movement.[101]

    In summer 1936, the Paukers sold their stock to a consortium of businessmen with National Liberal connections, which was headed by Emanoil Tătărescu, the brother of acting

    antimasonic epithets, accusing him of having become a tool for Jewish interests and, as leader of the Romanian Freemasonry, of promoting occult practices.[102] The controversy also involved modernist poet Tudor Arghezi, whose writings Sadoveanu defended against charges of "pornography" coming from the nationalist press.[15] Adevărul did in fact back similar charges against novelist Mircea Eliade, who was in conflict with Teodorescu-Braniște, and whom Doctor Ygrec dismissed as an "erotomaniac".[80]

    1946 edition

    1937 ban and recovery

    Adevărul and Dimineața, together with Lupta, were suppressed in 1937, when the fascist

    wartime dictatorships: Carol's National Renaissance Front, the Guard's National Legionary State, and the authoritarian regime of Conducător Ion Antonescu.[22]

    The three regimes organized successive purges of Jewish and left-wing journalists, preventing several of the Adevărul employees from working in the field.[105] During its episodic rise to power, the Iron Guard mapped out its revenge against people associated with Adevărul, dividing its former staff into three categories: "kikes", "traitors", and "minions".[70] Nichifor Crainic, who served as Minister of Propaganda under both the National Legionary State and Antonescu, took pride in his own campaign against "Judaism" in the press, and, speaking at the 1941 anniversary of his tribune Gândirea, referred to Goga's 1937 action against Adevărul and the others as a "splendid act of justice".[106] According to one story, the palatial office formerly belonging to Adevărul was still at the center of a conflict between underground communists and the Guard: during the Legionary Rebellion of January 1941, the PCR attempted to set it on fire and then blame the arson on the fascists, but this plan was thwarted by press photographer Nicolae Ionescu.[70]

    Both Adevărul and Dimineața were restored on April 13, 1946, two years since the

    communist regime. Brănișteanu noted these developments in his debut editorial of 1946, with a positive spin: "We ought to be blind not to have admitted that, in these new times, new men must step and do step to the leadership. We do not shy away from saying that, in general lines, our views meet with those of socialist democracy, for the preparation of which we have been struggling our entire lives and which is about to be set up here, as well as in most parts of the European continent, after being fulfilled in Russia."[63]

    Communist censorship

    Barbu Brănișteanu died in December 1947, just days before the Kingdom was replaced with a pro-Soviet

    people's republic in which the dominant force was the PCR.[63][107] The gazette celebrated the political transition, publishing the official communique proclaiming the republic, and commenting on it: "A new face of Romanian history has begun [sic] yesterday. What follows is the Romanian state, which today, as well as tomorrow, will require everyone's disciplined and concentrated work."[107] Honored with a front-page obituary,[63][107] Brănișteanu was succeeded by H. Soreanu, who led Adevărul for the following two years.[63] Soreanu was originally from the city of Roman, where he had presided over a local gazette.[108]

    In stages after that date, Adevărul was affected by

    Kafkaesque experimentation.[110]

    The newspaper was eventually placed under an "editorial committee", whose effective leader was Communist Party boss Leonte Răutu, and whose mission was to prepare Adevărul for liquidation.[105] In early 1951, at a time when the communist regime closed down all autonomous press venues, Adevărul was taken out of print. In its final issue (18,039th of March 31, 1951), the paper informed that: "the working class has set up a new press, emerging from the new development of society: a press for the masses, read and written by millions. [It] expresses the tendencies and higher level of socialist culture; it debates on a daily basis the problems of ideology, of social and political theory, of science and technology, in connection with the preoccupations, the struggles and the victories in the field of labor, intertwined with the vast issues posed by the effort of socialist construction. The mission of Adevĕrul newspaper is over."[63][111] Cristian Vasile notes that the "official explanation" for suppressing Adevărul was "ridiculous and unconvincing."[110] Indication that the closure occurred unexpectedly also comes from Adevărul's failure to cancel its subscriptions in advance.[63]

    1989 edition

    1989 reestablishment and support for the FSN

    A daily paper with the name Adevărul was again set up in the immediate aftermath of the

    defector and former spy chief.[113] At the time, it circulated the claim, supported by the FSN, that Ceaușescu's repression of the popular revolt had killed as many as 60,000 people, which was a 60-fold increase of the actual death toll.[23]

    Edited after its resurgence by the pro-FSN poet and translator Darie Novăceanu,

    Southampton Institute researcher David Berry argued: "the ideological forces associated with the previous Stalinist regime were pitted against a much smaller and disparate oppositional group. This latter group was associated with România Liberă that loosely represented the voice of liberalism and [...] clearly lost the war. This was a battle of ideas and the old forces of Romanian communism used the new press framework, through Adevărul, to discredit opposition forces."[122] In 1990, both papers reputedly sold around 1 million copies each day,[114][123] a pattern attributed to "news deprivation" under communism, and believed by Berry to be "a phenomenal figure in comparison to any leading Western nation".[124]

    Târgu Mureș conflict and 1990 Mineriad

    Protest in downtown Bucharest, 1990

    In this context, Adevărul advertised that its main purpose was the dissemination of "nothing but the truth", of "exact information".

    Vatra Românească.[126] Its editorials, often based on rumors, included negative portrayals of Hungarians, methods described by Berry as "extremely xenophobic", "unethical" and forms of "political manipulation".[127]

    Adevărul displayed constant hostility toward the

    neofascist and Iron Guard groups.[23][119][129] Together with the FSN's Azi, it commended the pro-government workers at IMGB, the heavy machinery works, who attempted to force out the crowds, depicting it as an answer to alleged student violence against Police operatives.[130]

    When the miners organized a definitive clampdown, depicted in Adevărul as a peaceful takeover, the newspaper was one of the several House of the Free Press operations left untouched by the Mineriad.[131] During the following days, it published material praising the miners for reestablishing order,[132] while alleging that "their presence was absolutely necessary to annihilate the violence of extremist forces".[23][133] It also popularized false rumors according to which, during their attacks on the opposition National Peasant and National Liberal party headquarters, the miners had confiscated weapons, counterfeit money and illegal drugs.[134] In addition to main editor Novăceanu, whose articles were congratulatory of "our miners",[23] journalists who praised the Mineriad include Sergiu Andon (future Conservative Party politician), Cristian Tudor Popescu and Corina Drăgotescu.[119]

    Radical nationalism was observed in several Adevărul articles throughout the FSN period. In one piece of March 22, days after the main Hungarian-Romanian clashes, writer Romulus Vulpescu described the danger of "

    complicity in extermination.[138] In the early 1990s, Adevărul also stood out for its intense republicanism which opposed the return of communist-deposed King Michael I, and published polemical pieces such as the Fir-ai al naibii, majestate ("Curse You, Your Majesty", written by Andon).[114][119][139]

    The privatization years

    Adevărul staff in the early to mid-1990s. Dumitru Tinu, Cristian Tudor Popescu, Adrian Ursu etc. in the foreground

    A scandal surfaced in spring 1991, when Adevărul was caught up in the first wave of

    joint stock company, Adevărul Holding.[114][115][140] Known initially as SC Adevărul SA, it had its initial public offering distributed through the "MEBO method" of employee buyouts.[114][141] As a result, the journalists owned 60% and other employees the other 40%,[114] with a clause forbidding them from selling to outside investors (in effect until 2002).[141] Subsequent trading within the holding and seasoned equity offerings provided the editorial staff with a controlling stock of approx. 30%.[114] As part of its business profile, the post-privatization Adevărul also earned criticism for not differentiating between articles and commercial content, publishing covert advertisements as opinion pieces.[114][142] Also at that stage, allegations surfaced that, through a firm known as SC Colosal Import-Export, members of the editorial staff, including Andon, Viorel Sălăgean and Dumitru Tinu, were handling all the larger advertising revenues.[114]

    Occasionally, nationalist claims produced by Adevărul parted with the policies of FSN's

    monitoring process, the newspaper hosted the first in a long series of Euroskeptic pieces, which generally objected to outside intervention, particularly in the area of human rights, and were often signed by columnists Popescu and Bogdan Chireac.[144] British academic and observer Tom Gallagher attributes this attitude to claims of "injured patriotism".[145] In parallel, Adevărul displayed a strong socially conservative agenda. During those years, the paper published numerous pieces covering Romanian society, which were primarily noted for their sensationalist and alarmist headlines, such as a claim, published in 1997, that "a quarter of Romania's children live in institutions".[146] In early 1996, Adevărul was noted for criticizing local non-governmental organizations promoting women's rights, alleging that, although financed by the European Union's Phare fund, they only functioned on paper (an attitude which itself earned criticism for sexism).[147] More debates ensued in March 1998, when Cristian Tudor Popescu published an Adevărul article under the title Femeia nu e om ("The Woman Is Not a Human Being", or "The Woman Is Not a Man"), where he alleged that women cannot think.[148] Another controversy of the mid-1990s also involved Popescu, criticized for his Adevărul articles which, claiming freedom of thought as their motivation, supported the cause of convicted French Holocaust denier Roger Garaudy.[149]

    A political scandal touched Adevărul some time after the

    Ioan Talpeș in their recollections of the Severin incident.[151]

    Late 1990s emancipation

    Various commentators have noted a rise in the newspaper's informative quality later in the 1990s. Among them is British politician and MEP Emma Nicholson, who followed Romania's political scene throughout the decade. She singled out Adevărul and Romania's other major central daily, Evenimentul Zilei, as "high quality publications".[152] Writing in 2002, Romanian media researcher Alex Ulmanu rated Adevărul "the most successful, and arguably the best Romanian daily".[153] Romanian sociologist and political commentator Marian Petcu sees its enduring popularity as the consequence of a "head start", with Adevărul having inherited from Scînteia "the facilities, the subscribers, the raw materials, the headquarters, the superstructure, the network of local correspondents etc."[115] He also notes that the newer publication had produced a "less warlike and less anti-communist" discourse than those of other dailies, and therefore appealing to a wider audience.[115] By 2004, Petcu argues, Adevărul maintained a "balance between a reconciliatory but well documented discourse, on the one hand, and, on the other, the observance of journalistic norms and resistance to the temptation to make compromises."[115]

    According to surveys carried out around 2004, the paper was being perceived as the most credible title.[115] Its circulation reached a reported 150,000 copies a day, making it one of at most four local dailies to print more than 100,000, and maintaining its lead over all local newspapers, directly above Evenimentul Zilei and Libertatea.[153] Other data for 2003 places that number at approx. 200,000, roughly equal to that of Evenimentul Zilei, and ranking above Libertatea and Cotidianul (with 140,000 and 120,000 copies respectively).[154] According to Evenimentul Zilei, the circulation of Adevărul actually dropped from 200,000 in 1998–2000 to 100,000 in the post-2001 era,[114] whereas external auditors revealed that, in 2003, it was the fifth most-read newspaper (after Libertatea, Evenimentul Zilei, Pro Sport and Gazeta Sporturilor).[141] Alongside Evenimentul Zilei and Pro Sport, Adevărul was also one of the first Romanian periodicals to take an interest in putting out an online edition and adopting innovations in web design, making its site the third most popular of its kind in 2002 (the year of its relaunch).[153]

    Both Tinu and Popescu helped consolidate their publication's reputation through their numerous television appearances, coming to be seen as leaders of opinion.

    social security and "fast privatization that would avoid massive unemployment".[115] At the time, the paper's panelists also threw their support behind European integration, a change in political orientation illustrated by Chireac's talk show on Pro TV station, titled Pro Vest ("Pro West").[156] In 2003, Popescu was a co-founder and, after România Liberă editor Petre Mihai Băcanu withdrew from the race, first president of the Romanian Press Club, a professional association whose mission was setting ethical standards in journalism.[157]

    Despite such gestures, the paper continued to withstand accusations that it was itself unprofessional. Ulmanu argued that both Adevărul and its smaller competitor

    Baptist Union adherent.[158]

    Opinions vary about the gazette's relationship with the PSD after the

    2000 legislative election, which consecrated the socialists' return in government. Some commentators see Adevărul as a staunch critic of the resulting cabinet and of PSD policy-maker Adrian Năstase.[159][160] However, journalist and academic Manuela Preoteasa highlights the PSD's "pressure on the media", and includes Adevărul among venues which, "apparently critical toward PSD [...] avoided criticizing some of the party leaders".[142] In Marian Petcu's view, Adevărul adopted "a discourse stressing the need for prudence and balance, alternated with criticism of the political power whenever the latter failed to take firm decisions."[115]

    Changes in management

    Adevărul also consolidated financial transparency, when the new editorial board, extended to include newcomers Chireac, Lelia Munteanu and

    Hachette, and later by a Polish conglomerate.[141]

    In 2003, Tinu died in a car crash. The circumstances of his death, especially the technical details and the alleged financial benefits for third-parties, raised much speculation that he had been in fact murdered.[114][151] His estate, including his majority stock, was inherited by his daughter, Ana-Maria, but her ownership was contested by the Iucinu family (his secret mistress and her son by Tinu).[114] Their interests were defended in court by former panelist Andon, owner of some 2% of the stock.[114] The editorial board's opposition to the administrative reshuffling proposed by Ana-Maria Tinu also created a lengthy conflict, and prevented her from assuming administrative control of the paper.[114] It was alleged that, at the time of his death, Tinu was considering rebranding and restructuring,[141] and that, in 2004, the newspaper's profits were only 9% of its total income.[114]

    A major crisis took place in 2005, when Popescu resigned from the board and was followed by 50 of his colleagues, all of whom set up a new daily,

    presidential suffrage of November 2004.[161] Atacul guzganului rozaliu also alleged that Ana-Maria Tinu had an understanding with the PSD politician, and her rebranding of Adevărul was Hrebenciuc's attempt to undermine its political independence.[161] According to writer and analyst Cristian Teodorescu, the "pink rat" label stuck, and Hrebenciuc's influence on the newspaper suffered as a result.[159]

    Although Gândul attracted a large following during a number of months, turning a profit in the first month, Adevărul survived the shock. A similar crisis with similar outcomes had affected its rival Evenimentul Zilei in 2004, when the policies of new owners Ringier forced the resignation of editor Cornel Nistorescu and the migration of many staff members toward Cotidianul. Nicholson attributes the survival in both cases to the value of a well-established brand.[155] In 2006, Ana-Maria Tinu sold her share of Adevărul Holding to one of Romania's richest entrepreneurs, the National Liberal politician Dinu Patriciu, her move hotly contested by Tinu's son Andrei Iucinu, who looked set to gain a third of the stock and trademark ownership upon the end of a trial.[162] Patriciu's decisions, including his appointment of a new managerial team, were resisted by Corina Drăgotescu, who resigned and left the newspaper in November 2006.[163]

    According to data made available by the Romanian Audit Bureau of Circulations, the newspaper's circulation for 2008 ranged between a minimum monthly average of 37,248 copies in January and a maximum one of 109,442 in December.[164] In 2009, the minimum was at 81,388 and the maximum at 150,061.[164] A 2009 article in the rival newspaper Financiarul suggested that Adevărul was being neglected by Patriciu, who invested more in the holding (allegedly in hopes of undermining a trademark which he risked losing, while elevating the publications not affected by Iucinu's claim).[162] However, by mid-2011, even as Romania's print media experienced major setbacks, the paper expanded in content and the holding enlarged its portfolio.[165]

    Post-2000 editorial policy and controversies

    Despite the changes in attitude and management, some of the post-2000 editions of Adevărul remained controversial for their nationalist claims. This was primarily the case of statements it made in regard to the

    antiziganism. In early 2002, the gazette reacted strongly against an advertisement for a soccer match between the Romanian squad and the French national team, where the former was being portrayed as a violinist.[166] Adevărul saw this as an attempt to insult Romanians by associating them with Romani music, concluding: "Our French 'brothers' never stop offending us, and they seem to enjoy treating us like gypsies".[166] A November 2008 article, which claimed to be based on a reportage piece first published in El País, depicted Romani Romanians as a leading demographic group within Madrid's organized crime networks.[167][168] The article was condemned by civil society observers, who uncovered that Adevărul had modified and editorialized the original piece, which actually spoke of the Romanian immigrant population, without any mention of ethnicity.[167][168] An analysis made by researchers Isabela Merilă and Michaela Praisler found that, in contrast to Evenimentul Zilei, Adevărul had a socially conservative bias in reporting on the rise of Romanian hip hop, which it related to negative social phenomena (violence, drug use), and against which it favored a degree of censorship.[169]

    Colecția Adevărul, the post-2008 book collection issued with the newspaper, has itself been at the center of a controversy. Two trials were opened on charges of

    Intact Group, accusing it of mudslinging.[171]

    In the months leading up to the

    Realitatea-Cațavencu's Sorin Ovidiu Vântu as one of the "media moguls" working to prevent Băsescu' reelection. Alluding to the newspaper's promotional offers of cartoon classics on DVD and popular novels, Tăpalagă concluded: "[Adevărul] readers must be forcefully kept away from politics, perhaps kept busy with Tom and Jerry. Forcefully saturated of politics, the citizen in Patriciu's dreams gobbles up the personal governments concocted together with Voiculescu and Vântu, reads approximate literature and watches animated cartoons."[174]

    However, similar criticism of Adevărul was also voiced from within Realitatea-Cațavencu. Cornel Nistorescu, the new editor of Cotidianul, called the promotion "lobotomizing", and, contrary to Tapalagă, suggested that it had been induced by President Băsescu, to whom he attributed the power of ordering Patriciu's arrest on allegations of white-collar crime: "It is as if Traian Băsescu had sent him the message: write one more line about me, and you'll be spending another week in the big house!"[175] Another Cotidianul contributor, Costi Rogozanu, referred to the Adevărul message as "a strange manipulation" and "a dangerous invitation to carelessness", noting that Romanian society was becoming divided between openly partisan media outlets and venues that avoided all mention of politics.[176]

    Additionally, the newspaper became focused on exploring the history of Romanian communism, and ran exposes on the

    Ceaușescu family. This interest (seen by Rogozanu as obsessive)[176] was criticized as sensationalist, particularly after Adevărul circulated claims that the former dictator had been a youthful homosexual.[177]

    2011 crisis

    Several months after the elections, in mid-2010, the issue of editorial policies came up again, as a group of panelists walked out from the daily, citing worries that Dinu Patriciu was imposing his own agenda. Although initially supportive of this move, some, most notably Grigore Cartianu, Ovidiu Nahoi and Adrian Halpert, revised their decision and stayed on with Adevărul.[178]

    Under new management, Adevărul also acquired a new core group of columnists, including Patriciu himself. The owner's opinion pieces illustrate his commitment to

    Andrei Pleșu.[180] In December, Pleșu gave up his column in Adevărul, citing the accumulated frustration of working under an (unnamed) editor.[181] Romanian media pioneer Ion Cristoiu made news in 2012, when he was in the unique position of writing for both Adevărul and rival Evenimentul Zilei.[182]

    In May 2011, Patriciu transferred 99.92% of Adevărul Holding stocks to another firm in his portfolio, Fast Europe Media N.V. (registered in the

    global crisis were felt throughout Romanian mass-media, putting a check on Adevărul growth, and stabilizing its circulation at some 30,000 copies per issue.[186] An advertising campaign for the newspaper, managed through Patriciu's firm Odyssey Communication, failed to reverse that trend, and Odyssey itself registered for bankruptcy.[186]

    Notes

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    2. Hotnews.ro
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    3. ^ (in Romanian) "Noapte bună, Adevărul de seară! Trustul are datorii", in Evenimentul Zilei, May 11, 2011
    4. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l (in Romanian) Florentina Tone, "Povestea fondatorului ziarului Adevĕrul" Archived April 6, 2009, at the Wayback Machine, in Adevărul, December 16, 2008
    5. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v w (in Romanian) Florentina Tone, "Părintele ziaristicii române moderne" Archived April 6, 2009, at the Wayback Machine, in Adevărul, December 21, 2008
    6. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o (in Romanian) Florentina Tone, "Adevĕrul, ziarul premierelor", in Adevărul, December 23, 2008
    7. ^ a b c d e f g h i (in Romanian) Florentina Tone, "Adevĕrul la Bucureşti" Archived February 21, 2009, at the Wayback Machine, in Adevărul, December 17, 2008
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    9. ^ Pârvulescu, p.115
    10. ^ a b c d e f g (in Romanian) Florentina Tone, "Adevĕrul deranjează" Archived February 19, 2009, at the Wayback Machine, in Adevărul, December 19, 2008
    11. ^ Pârvulescu, p.115-116
    12. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m (in Romanian) Florentina Tone, "Recordurile Adevĕrului", in Adevărul, December 24, 2008
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    17. ^ Vasile Niculae, "Liga votului universal", in Magazin Istoric, August 1973, p.72-73
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    20. ^
      Z. Ornea, "Capitala de odinioară" Archived 2014-04-07 at the Wayback Machine, in România Literară
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    21. ^ Gheorghe Unc, "1896 — Insurecţia filipineză şi ecourile ei în România", in Magazin Istoric, February 1975, p.49
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    24. ^ Pârvulescu, p.116
    25. ^ Ionescu, p.215-216
    26. ^ Ionescu, p.229-234
    27. ^ Sandqvist, p.70, 72
    28. ^ a b (in Romanian) Marian Petcu, "Jurnaliste şi publiciste uitate" Archived 2011-07-20 at the Wayback Machine, in the University of Bucharest Faculty of Journalism's Revista Română de Jurnalism şi Comunicare Archived July 20, 2011, at the Wayback Machine, Nr. 2-3/2006
    29. ISBN 978-1-59403-220-2
    30. ^ Final Report, p.27
    31. ^ Voicu, p.146
    32. ^ Voicu, p.146-147
    33. ^ Voicu, p.147-148
    34. ^ (in Romanian) Ion Bulei, "421, nu 11.000", in Ziarul Financiar, February 2, 2007
    35. ^ a b (in Romanian) Anton Caragea, "Răscoală sau complot?", in Magazin Istoric, January 2003
    36. ^ a b Stelian Tănase, "N.D. Cocea, un boier amoral/N.D. Cocea, an Immoral Boyar" (I) Archived 2018-09-12 at the Wayback Machine, in Sfera Politicii, Nr. 136
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    40. ISBN 1-57647-021-0
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    42. ^ Ion Babici, "Octombrie 1910. Portugalia se proclamă republică", in Magazin Istoric, October 1975, p.39-40
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    44. ^ (in Romanian) Adrian Majuru, "Despre un război mai puţin cunoscut (II)", in Ziarul Financiar, May 16, 2008
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    47. ^ Boia, p.90-91, 96, 200-201
    48. ^ Boia, p.198
    49. ^ Boia, p.107
    50. ISBN 0-416-74730-2
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    53. ^ Torrey, p.18-19
    54. ^ Torrey, p.24
    55. ^ Torrey, p.25
    56. ^ (in French) Christian Rakovsky, Les socialistes et la guerre, at the Marxists Internet Archive; retrieved April 18, 2009
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    58. ^ Boia, p.339, 342-344
    59. ISBN 978-973-7865-99-1
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    61. ^ Bucur, p.263
    62. ^
      Dilema Veche
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    67. OCLC 15263256
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    69. National Geographic Magazine
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    73. ^ Sandqvist, p.178, 180
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    82. ^ Veiga, p.69. See also Butaru, p.92-93
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    85. ISBN 978-88-464-8129-0
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    89. ^ Litván, p.252-253
    90. ^ Litván, p.407
    91. ISBN 0-87169-103-5
    92. ISBN 88-464-8012-0
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    94. ^ Bucur, p.201-202, 204-205, 263-264
    95. ^ Bucur, p.201-202
    96. ^ Butaru, p.27, 209, 312, 325
    97. ISBN 0-7190-6617-4
    98. ^ Clark, p.353
    99. ^ Ornea (1995), p.245
    100. ISBN 90-04-12101-3
    101. ISBN 978-84-8319-418-8
    102. ^ a b Ornea (1995), p.459-465
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    110. ^ a b Vasile, p.127
    111. ^ Partly rendered in Vasile, p.78
    112. ^ Berry, p.39, 54; Tismăneanu, p.357-358
    113. ^
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    114. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v (in Romanian) Iulia Comanescu, Vlad Iorga, "Adevărul despre Adevărul", in Evenimentul Zilei, March 21, 2005
    115. ^
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    References

    External links

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