Afghan Civil War (1989–1992)

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First Afghan Civil War
Part of the
Afghanistan (with some spillover into Pakistan
)
Result

Interim Afghan Government
victory

Belligerents

Republic of Afghanistan
Supported by:
Soviet Union Soviet Union (until 1991)
Commonwealth of Independent States Commonwealth of Independent States (from 1991)[1]

India India

Afghan Interim Government:[2][3]

Junbish-i Milli
(from 1992)

Foreign Mujahideen:


Various factions also fought among each other

Supported by:
Pakistan Pakistan

 United States
 Saudi Arabia
United Kingdom United Kingdom
China China
Germany Germany
Iran Iran
Israel IsraelCommanders and leaders

Ahmad Shah Massoud
Burhanuddin Rabbani
Ahmad Zia Massoud
Din Mohammad Jurat
Atta Muhammad Nur
Abdullah Abdullah
Naqib Alikozai

Mohammed Fahim

Ismail Khan
Bibi Ayesha
Saleh Registani
Gulbuddin Hekmatyar
Fazal Haq Mujahid
Benazir Bhutto
Abdullah Azzam 

Osama bin Laden
Ayman al-Zawahiri
Mulavi Younas Khalis

Amin Wardak
Abdul Haq
Haji Abdul Qadeer
Jalaluddin Haqqani
Abdul Rasul Sayyaf
Mohammad Nabi
Sibghatullah Mojaddedi
Ahmed Gailani
Abdul Rahim Wardak
Muhammad Asif Muhsini

Abdul Ali Mazari

Shahnawaz Tanai (from 1990)[5]

Afghanistan Abdul Rashid Dostum (from 1992)Strength

Afghan Army:

150,000 (1990)[6]
Afghan Air Force:
20,000 (1989)

National Guard:

  • Presidential Guard: 10,000 (1989)[6]

All forces under the control of the Republic Of Afghanistan:

Around 515,000 (1990),[7] including paramilitary Sarandoy, and KHAD

Militia forces:

up to 170,000 (1991)[7]

Mujahadeen
: Unknown

Pakistan: 5,000Casualties and losses 14,864 killed (per
UCDP)

The 1989–1992 Afghan Civil War, also known as the First Afghan Civil War, took place between the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan and the end of the Soviet–Afghan War on 15 February 1989 until 27 April 1992, ending the day after the proclamation of the Peshawar Accords proclaiming a new interim Afghan government which was supposed to start serving on 28 April 1992.

Republic of Afghanistan in Kabul.[8] In March 1989, the "Afghan Interim Government" in cooperation with the Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) attacked the city of Jalalabad but they were defeated by June in what is now known as the Battle of Jalalabad. Hekmatyar's Hezbi Islami
would pull their support for the Afghan Interim Government following the loss in Jalalabad.

In March 1991, a mujahideen coalition quickly conquered the city of

Peshawar Peace Accords and invaded Kabul with the help of Khalqist
Generals. This triggered a civil war, starting on 25 April 1992, between initially three, but within weeks five or six mujahideen groups or armies.

Background (1978–89)

In October 1978, opponents of the reforms of the People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) government, including modernizing traditional Islamic civil and marriage laws, changing the national flag to a Soviet-style red flag, and forcing land reform, started a revolt, and called themselves 'mujahideen'.

The Soviet Union, that had been supporting Afghanistan economically and militarily since 1919 (see Soviet–Afghan War#Soviet–Afghan relations post-1920s) and early 1979 had sent hundreds of military and civilian advisers into Afghanistan after a request from President Nur Muhammad Taraki, in December 1979 intervened in Afghanistan with its 40th Army, around 75,000 strong, killing the new President Hafizullah Amin with the help with Parchamites and Taraki loyalist Khalqists, and installed Soviet loyalist Babrak Karmal as president of a Soviet-organised and –backed PDPA-regime.[citation needed]

In spite of a UN General Assembly resolution condemning the 1979 USSR invasion and the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation demanding immediate Soviet withdrawal, the Russians stayed until early 1989. They managed to take control of major cities and strategic installations, thus acerbating nationalistic feelings among rebels who drew Soviet troops into war with urban uprisings and tribal armies. The Soviets leveled villages, destroyed irrigation ditches and laid millions of mines in an attempt to root out the mujahideen rebels. In those nine years, between 12 and 2 million Afghans were killed and millions were displaced, and in large numbers fled into neighboring countries. The new Soviet leader Mikhail Gorbachev, taking charge in 1985, pressured by the People's Republic of China, in 1987 announced his intention to withdraw from Afghanistan, which withdrawal took place between May 1988 and February 1989.[citation needed]

The mujahideen resistance movement had started chaotically in 1978 and had always stayed highly segmented along regional, ethnic, tribal and religious lines: after four years the mujahideen operated from an estimated 4,000 bases, a typical commander leading a few hundred men. In 1985, seven larger Sunni Islamic rebel groups had coordinated their fight against the Soviets, who were also known as the Pakistani backed Peshawar 7 Mujahideen Alliance. After the Soviets had left Afghanistan in February 1989, some smaller groups put down arms or joined the government however the larger mujahideen groups continued their fight against the PDPA-government of President Mohammad Najibullah, who was still massively supported by the Soviet Union,[9][8] and establish a Islamist government. Many of these larger Mujahedeen groups such as Jamiat had existed years before the PDPA seized power. Leaders such as Ahmad Shah Massoud and Jalaluddin Haqqani attempted uprisings (with Pakistani support) in 1974 against the government of Daoud Khan. These uprisings failed and many of these groups fled to Pakistan to be trained by the ISI in a future insurgency against the Daoud Khan government, which would be overthrown by PDPA military officers only 4 years later.[10]

Attacks between mujahideen groups (1987–89)

According to published reports during the 1980s, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar's Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin developed a reputation for attacking other resistance forces, especially those of Ahmad Shah Massoud, and raiding or blocking their food and arms supplies as well as caravans of relief organizations.[11] According to author Steve Coll, Hekmatyar attacked Ahmad Shah Massoud so often that Washington (who was supporting him through Pakistan) "feared he might be a secret KGB plant whose mission was to sow disruption within the anti-communist resistance."[11] Reports suggest that Hekmatyar's commanders were saving their men and weapons to establish Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin as the dominant organization once the Soviets departed.[11]

In 1989, Hekmatyar's forces once again conducted an attack on forces of Ahmad Shah Massoud, this time targeting Massoud and the senior leadership of Shura-e Nazar – Massoud's military and political alliance of 130 northern commanders.[12] While they were not able to kill or injure Massoud, Hekmatyar's forces tortured to death 30 of Massoud's men, some of whom were close friends of Massoud.[12] Survivors describe the torture as pulling their eyes out, cutting their ears and noses off, and cutting their stomachs open.[12] Massoud consequently ordered an operation to hunt down the murderers. Shura-e Nazar were able to capture the assassins, but instead of revenge killings, Massoud sent them to Peshawar to have them tried before a court.[12] The courts sentenced them to death. Ahmad Shah Massoud for the sake of Afghan unity declared: "My message to Hekmatyar's people is that without a united front we cannot succeed, we cannot achieve anything in Afghanistan."[12] Roy Gutman of the United States Institute of Peace considered Massoud "the only Afghan leader with an integrated vision".[13]

Through this period (1987–89) both Massoud and Hekmatyar had been frequently fighting each other and killing each other's officers, and Massoud's rhetoric was rarely matched by action. In 1988, for instance, Massoud's forces attacked Hekmatyar loyalists in

Jamiat-e-Islami
commandants: Mohammad Izzatullah, Mohammad Islamuddin, Mulla Abdul-Wadoud, and Payinda Mohammad.

However, Hekmatyar's supporters accused Massoud of having killed these commandants to centralize his authority in Jamaat's ranks and framed Jamal, whom they claimed had good relations with the victims. This was stated by Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin supporter Mohammad Tanwir Halim in his book published in 2013. However, this version of the story is uncorroborated and Hekmatyar was widely unpopular in any case for his vicious murders, though this was not necessarily true of his commanders some of whom like Abdul-Rauf Safi, Abdul-Sabour Farid and perhaps Jamal enjoyed decent relations with other groups. Massoud later appointed Abdul-Rauf Safi as Kabul commandant. Hekmatyar's supporters also accused Massoud of treachery because of his ceasefires with Soviet forces and in this they had the support of Jamaat leader Mohammad Eshaq who also criticized Massoud for his ceasefire with the Soviets during the second half of the occupation. It appears that Massoud was trying to form a base independent of Pakistan, and in this endeavour he did make deals with governments traditionally hostile to the mujahideen, including India and the Soviets however the Soviet forces by request of Afghan President Mohammad Najibullah attacked Massoud's forces before withdrawing during Operation Typhoon, killing over 600 members of Jamiat.

However, accusations of treachery by both sides seem far-fetched. The Pakistani coordinator, Mohammed Yousaf, does not challenge Massoud's version of Jamal story despite Pakistan's hostility towards Massoud, and in any case it has become a fait accompli. Similarly, Palestinian mujahideen leader

Abdullah Azzam
claimed that Massoud was a legendary fighter, though Azzam notably rarely criticized any mujahideen leaders to avoid friction.

Main participants

Republic of Afghanistan

PDPA/DRA government

After the Soviet withdrawal on 15 February 1989, the government of President Mohammad Najibullah and his People's Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PDPA) was on its own. The U.S. intelligence agencies expected the regime to collapse within three to six months.[14]

However, this estimation did not take into account several assets available to the Democratic Republic of Afghanistan (DRA) government. The first of these was the large quantities of military hardware donated by the Soviet Union. In 1989, the army and pro-government militias still had 1568 tanks, 828 armoured personnel carriers, 4880 artillery pieces, 126 modern fighter-bombers and 14 attack helicopters. Also, the DRA continued to receive massive aid from the Soviet Union, valued between two and six billion dollars a year, and Soviet military advisors were still present in Afghanistan.[9] The government forces also came to rely on the use of large quantities of Scud missiles: between 1988 and 1992 more than 2000 of these were fired by the 99th Missile Brigade of the Afghan Armed Forces. It was the largest amount of ballistic missiles used since World War II. This considerable amount of firepower was sufficient to keep the mujahideen at bay. The DRA/ROA heavily relied on keeping the Salang Pass open to supply its troops.[15]

99th Missile Brigade: The 99th Missile Brigade was responsible for Kabul's Scud Missile arsenal; the Brigade consisted of Afghans as well as five Soviet volunteers. The Brigade launched around 2,000 missiles between 1989 and 1992.[16][17][18][19] The brigade was founded in the 1980s during the Soviet–Afghan War, with resources to the brigade increasing drastically following the Soviet withdrawal. Members of the 99th participated in the Battle of Jalalabad, the Siege of Khost as well as a few retaliatory strikes against Pakistan for violating the Afghan airspace.[16][17]

Abdul Rashid Dostum (Jowzjani militia)

Jowzjani militia, officially called the 53rd Infantry Division, was the most effective pro-government (DRA) militia. Numbering 40,000 men drawn from the Uzbek minority, it took its orders directly from Najibullah, who used it as a strategic reserve. After 1989, this force was the only one capable of carrying out offensive operations.[20]

Mujahideen

Ahmad Shah Massoud (Jamiat-e Islami)

The U.S. provided Ahmad Shah Massoud with little to no support despite The Wall Street Journal calling him "the Afghan who won the Cold War", and the one ego was primarily responsible for the mujahideen victory. Massoud instead did get support from the United Kingdom specifically MI6 and direct support with the SAS. Part of the reason why he still got only minor support was that the U.S. permitted its funding and arms distribution to be administered by Pakistan which favored Gulbuddin Hekmatyar who considered himself the archenemy of Massoud. Massoud was also seen as "too independent". The Pakistanis did however grant a base of operations in Pakistan and assisted Jamiat forces militarly during the Badaber Uprising. Primary advocates for still supporting Massoud instead were State Department's Edmund McWilliams and Peter Tomsen, who were on the ground in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Others included two Heritage Foundation neoconservative foreign policy analysts, Michael Johns and James A. Phillips, both of whom championed Massoud as the Afghan resistance leader most worthy of U.S. support under the Reagan Doctrine.[21][22]

Gulbuddin Hekmatyar (Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin)

During the anti-Soviet war (1979–89), the United States had allowed Pakistan to funnel much American military aid to Gulbuddin Hekmatyar's party Hezb-e Islami Gulbuddin.[21] The U.S. permitted its funding and arms distribution to be administered by Pakistan, which favored Gulbuddin Hekmatyar.[21][22]

According to the U.S. Special Envoy to Afghanistan in 1989–1992, Peter Tomsen, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar was hired in 1990 by the Pakistani Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) to conquer and rule Afghanistan in the benefit of Pakistani interests, a plan which was delayed until 1992 as a result of US pressure to cancel it.[23]

Abdul Rasul Sayyaf (Ittehad-e Islami)

One of the beneficiaries of Saudi Arabian support, especially financial, was Abdul Rasul Sayyaf and his army Islamic Union for the Liberation of Afghanistan, also called Ittehad-e Islami.[21][22]

Jalaluddin Haqqani (Haqqani network)

Another beneficiary of Saudi Arabian support, especially financial, was Jalaluddin Haqqani who had had strong contacts to Arab fighters in the war against the Soviets.[21][22]

Battle of Jalalabad