Ahmad ibn Tulun
Ahmad ibn Tulun أحمد بن طولون | |
---|---|
Emir of Tulunid dynasty | |
Father | Tulun |
Religion | Sunni Islam |
Ahmad ibn Tulun (
After 875/6 he entered into open conflict with al-Muwaffaq, who tried unsuccessfully to unseat him. In 878, with the support of al-Muwaffaq's brother, Caliph
Ibn Tulun stands out as the first governor of a major province of the Abbasid Caliphate to not only establish himself as its master independently of the Abbasid court, but to also pass power on to his son. He was thus also the first ruler since the
Primary sources
Several medieval authors wrote about Ahmad ibn Tulun. The two major sources are two biographies by two 10th-century authors,
Life
Early life and career
Ahmad ibn Tulun was born on the 23rd day of the month of
The young Ahmad ibn Tulun received a thorough education, involving military training at the new Abbasid capital of
Governor of Egypt
Already under Caliph al-Mu'tasim, senior Turkish leaders began being appointed as governors of provinces of the Caliphate as a form of appanage. Thereby they secured immediate access to the province's tax revenue for themselves and their troops, bypassing the civilian bureaucracy. The Turkish generals usually remained close to the centre of power in Samarra, sending deputies to govern in their name.[18][19] Thus when al-Mu'tazz gave Bakbak charge of Egypt in 868, Bakbak in turn sent his stepson Ahmad as his lieutenant and resident governor. Ahmad ibn Tulun entered Egypt on 27 August 868, and the Egyptian capital, Fustat, on 15 September.[6][16]
Ibn Tulun's position after his appointment was far from undisputed within his province. As governor of Fustat he oversaw the province's garrison and was the head of the Muslim community as recognized in his title of 'overseer of the army and the
At the time of Ibn Tulun's appointment, Egypt was undergoing a transformative process. In 834 its early Muslim elite, the Arab settler families (
In the meantime, in
Ibn Tulun's stepfather Bakbak was murdered in 869/70, but luckily for him in the summer of 871 the supervision of Egypt passed to his father-in-law Yarjukh. Yarjukh not only confirmed Ibn Tulun in his post, but in addition conferred to him the authority over Alexandria and Barqa.[6][20] In 873, Ibn Tulun entrusted the government of Alexandria to his eldest son, Abbas.[20] Ibn Tulun's growing power was manifested in the establishment of a new palace city to the northeast of Fustat, called al-Qata'i, in 870. The project was a conscious emulation of, and rival to, the Abbasid capital Samarra. Just like Samarra, the new city was designed as quarters for Ibn Tulun's new army with the aim of reducing frictions with the urban populace of Fustat. Each unit received an allotment or ward (whence the city's name) to settle, after which the ward was named. The new city's centrepiece was the Mosque of Ibn Tulun, which was built in 878–880 under the supervision of the Mesopotamian Christian architect Ibn Katib al-Farghani. A royal palace adjoined the mosque, and the rest of the city was laid out around them. Beside government buildings, it included markets, a hospital (al-bimaristan) that provided services free of charge, and a hippodrome.[36][37][38] Nevertheless, Ibn Tulun himself preferred to reside in the Coptic monastery of Qusayr outside Fustat.[39]
Ibn Tulun's new regime
The administration of Egypt was already well developed before Ibn Tulun's arrival, with a number of departments (diwans) responsible for the collection of the land tax, the supervision of the post, the public granaries (diwan al-ahra), the Nile Delta lands (diwan asfal al-ard), and possibly a privy purse (diwan al-khass) for the governor's personal use.[40] A chancery (diwan al-insha) possibly also already existed, or else was established under Ibn Tulun, when he remodelled the Egyptian administration after the Abbasid central government. Most of the officials employed by Ibn Tulun were like him trained in the caliphal court at Samarra. Ibn Tulun's chancellor was the capable Abu Ja'far Muhammad ibn Abd al-Kan (died 891), while other important positions in the administration were held by the four Banu al-Muhajir brothers and Ibn al-Daya.[40] Al-Balawi also reports several anecdotes about Ibn Tulun's extensive use of spies and his own ability to uncover spies sent against him, and claims that the chancery was established so that Ibn Tulun could check up on every piece of correspondence with the caliphal court.[41]
Unsurprisingly, given his own origins as a slave soldier, Ibn Tulun's regime was in many ways typical of the "ghulam system" that became one of the two main paradigms of Islamic polities in the 9th and 10th centuries, as the Abbasid Caliphate fragmented and new dynasties emerged. These regimes were based on the power of a regular army composed of ghilman, but in turn, according to
Ibn Tulun's regime was highly centralized, but also featured "consistent attempts to win the backing of Egypt's commercial, religious and social élite", according to Zaky M. Hassan. Notably, the wealthy merchant Ma'mar al-Jawhar functioned both as Ibn Tulun's personal financier and as the head of an informal intelligence network through his contacts in Iraq.[44] A further "notable characteristic" of Ibn Tulun's rule, according to historian Thierry Bianquis, was "the quality of relations it maintained with Christians and Jews";[46] according to a letter by the Patriarch of Jerusalem, Elias III, when he took over Palestine, he appointed a Christian as governor of Jerusalem, and possibly even of the provincial capital, Ramla, thereby putting an end to the persecution of Christians and allowing the renovation of churches.[47]
Expansion into Syria
In the early 870s, a major change took place in the Abbasid government, as the Abbasid prince
Open conflict between Ibn Tulun and al-Muwaffaq broke out in 875/6, on the occasion of a large remittance of revenue to the central government. Counting on the rivalry between the Caliph and his over-mighty brother to maintain his own position, Ibn Tulun forwarded a larger share of the taxes to al-Mu'tamid instead of al-Muwaffaq: 2.2 million dinars went to the Caliph and only 1.2 million dinars to his brother.
Ibn Tulun now seized the initiative. Having served in his youth in the border wars with the Byzantine Empire at Tarsus, he now requested to be conferred the command of the frontier districts of
Only then, in April 879, did Ibn Tulun return to Egypt. Abbas fled west with his supporters, and from Barqa tried to take over Ifriqiya. Defeated by the Ifriqiyans (probably in the winter of 880–881), he retreated back east to Alexandria, where he was finally confronted and captured by Ibn Tulun's forces. After being publicly paraded seated on a mule, Ibn Tulun ordered his son to execute or mutilate his companions, who had driven him to rebel. Ibn Tulun reportedly secretly hoped that his son would refuse to do such a dishonourable act, but he agreed. Weeping, Ibn Tulun had Abbas whipped and imprisoned. He then named his second son, Khumarawayh, as his heir-apparent.[56]
Final years and death
Following his return from Syria, Ibn Tulun added his own name to coins issued by the mints under his control, along with those of the Caliph and heir apparent, al-Mufawwad.[57] In the autumn of 882, the Tulunid general Lu'lu' defected to the Abbasids.[34][58] At the same time, the Tulunid-appointed governor of Tarsus and the Thughur died, and his replacement, Yazaman al-Khadim, with popular backing, refused to acknowledge Tulunid rule.[59] Ibn Tulun immediately left in person for Syria—taking the chained Abbas with him as a precaution—and headed for Tarsus. At Damascus, he received a message from al-Mu'tamid informing him that the by-now nearly powerless Caliph had escaped Samarra and was heading for Syria.[59] Taking custody of al-Mu'tamid would have immensely boosted Ibn Tulun's standing: not only would the sole source of political legitimacy in the Muslim world reside under his control, but he would also be able to pose as the "rescuer" of the Caliph.[57] Ibn Tulun therefore decided to halt and await al-Mu'tamid's arrival. In the event, however, the Caliph was overtaken at al-Haditha on the Euphrates by the governor of Mosul, Ishaq ibn Kundaj, who defeated the caliphal escort and brought him back to Samarra (February 883) and thence south to Wasit, where al-Muwaffaq could better control him.[59][60] This opened anew the rift between the two rulers: al-Muwaffaq nominated Ishaq ibn Kundaj as governor of Egypt and Syria—in reality a largely symbolic appointment—while Ibn Tulun organized an assembly of religious jurists at Damascus which denounced al-Muwaffaq as a usurper, condemned his maltreatment of the Caliph, declared his place in the succession as void, and called for a jihad against him. Only three participants, including the chief qadi of Egypt, Bakkar ibn Qutayba, refused to pronounce the call for jihad publicly. Ibn Tulun had his rival duly denounced in Friday sermons in the mosques across the Tulunid domains, while the Abbasid regent responded in kind with a ritual denunciation of Ibn Tulun.[61] Despite the belligerent rhetoric, however, neither made moves to confront the other militarily.[34][57]
After his failure to take control of the Caliph, Ibn Tulun turned on Tarsus. He appointed Abdallah ibn Fath in Lu'lu's place in Aleppo, and marched in person to Cilicia. The Egyptian ruler laid siege to Tarsus in autumn 883, but Yazaman diverted the local river, inundating the Tulunid camp and forcing Ibn Tulun to retreat. Ibn Tulun fell ill on his return to Egypt, and was carried to Fustat on a wheeled vehicle.
Succession and aftermath
At Ibn Tulun's death, Khumarawayh, with the backing of the Tulunid elites, succeeded without opposition.
Offspring
According to al-Balawi, from his various wives and concubines, Ibn Tulun had 33 children, 17 sons and 16 daughters. The only modern edition of al-Balawi provides the following list:[71]
- Male children: Abū al-Faḍl al-ʿAbbās (the eldest), Abū al-Jaysh Khumārawayh, Abū al-Ashāʾir Muḍar, Abū al-Mukarram Rabīʿah, Abū al-Maqānib Shaybān, Abū Nāhiḍ 'Iyāḍ, Abū Maʿd ʿAdnān, Abū al-Karādīs Kazraj, Abū Ḥabshūn ʿAdī, Abū Shujāʿ Kindah, Abū Manṣūr Aghlab, Abū Lahjah Maysarah, Abū al-Baqāʾ Hudā, Abū al-Mufawwaḍ Ghassān, Abū al-Faraj Mubārak, Abū ʿAbdallāh Muhammad, and Abū al-Fataj Muẓaffar.
- Female children (note that only 15 names are listed): Fāṭimah, Lamīs, (unreadable), Ṣafiyyah, Khadījah, Maymūnah, Maryam, ʿĀʾishah, Umm al-Hudā, Muʾminah, ʿAzīzah, Zaynab, Samānah, Sārah, and Ghurayrah.
Legacy
Despite the brief duration of his dynasty, Ibn Tulun's rule was a seminal event not only for Egypt, but for the entire Islamic world.
According to the historian Matthew Gordon, Ibn Tulun's relations with, and quest for autonomy from, the Abbasids is a "central problem of Tulunid history". Modern scholars see in Ibn Tulun's policies a "careful balancing act" and notice that he never fully severed himself from the Caliphate, remaining conspicuously loyal to the person of al-Mu'tamid, who, after all, was a powerless figurehead. Nevertheless, the move towards increasing autonomy is evident throughout his reign.[76] His relations with the Abbasid government were dominated by his conflict with al-Muwaffaq, resulting from the latter's attempts to establish control over Egypt—whose wealth was direly needed during the costly war against the Zanj—and prevent the further rise of Ibn Tulun. In a certain sense, writes Matthew Gordon, many of Ibn Tulun's measures "were as much the means by which imperial interests were protected against the ambitions of al-Muwaffaq and his (largely Turkish) military coterie in Iraq as they were efforts to secure Tulunid authority". Given that Ibn Tulun at least twice (in 871 and 875/6) remitted huge sums to the caliphal treasury, it remains an open question whether without the conflict with al-Muwaffaq, this would have been a more regular occurrence.[76]
Nevertheless, in retrospective, Ibn Tulun's role in the wider context of Islamic history is as the herald of the Abbasid Caliphate's disintegration and the rise of local dynasties in the provinces. This became particularly evident with the succession of Khumarawayh: as Thierry Bianquis explains, "this was the first time in Abbasid history with regard to the government of so large and rich a territory, that a wāli, whose legitimacy derived from the caliph who had designated him, was succeeded openly by an amīr who claimed his legitimacy by inheritance".[77] Thus Zaky M. Hassan calls Ibn Tulun a "typical example of the Turkish slaves who from the time of Harun al-Rashid were enlisted in the private service of the caliph and the principal officers of state, and whose ambition and spirit of intrigue and independence [eventually made] them the real masters of Islam".[6]
See also
- List of rulers of Egypt
References
- ^ Swelim 2015, pp. 9–13.
- ^ See also Swelim 2015, pp. 13–23 on modern scholarship regarding Ibn Tulun and his works.
- ^ Becker 1987, p. 190.
- ^ Gordon 2001, p. 63.
- ^ Gordon 2001, p. 20.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Hassan 1960, p. 278.
- ^ Gordon 2001, pp. 19–20, 26.
- ^ Gordon 2001, pp. 15–26.
- ^ Gordon 2001, pp. 20, 63–64, 238 (note 128).
- ^ Gordon 2001, pp. 20, 68–70.
- ^ Swelim 2015, pp. 26–27.
- ^ a b c Gordon 2001, p. 117.
- ^ a b c d e Bianquis 1998, p. 95.
- ^ Swelim 2015, pp. 27–28.
- ^ a b Corbet 1891, p. 529.
- ^ a b c Swelim 2015, p. 28.
- ^ Becker 1987, pp. 190–191.
- ^ Corbet 1891, p. 528.
- ^ Kennedy 2004, pp. 172, 308.
- ^ a b c d e Bianquis 1998, p. 92.
- ^ a b Swelim 2015, p. 29.
- ^ Brett 2010, pp. 550–556.
- ^ Brett 2010, p. 557.
- ^ Bianquis 1998, pp. 92–93.
- ^ Brett 2010, p. 558.
- ^ a b c Bianquis 1998, p. 93.
- ^ Cobb 2001, pp. 38–39.
- ^ Bianquis 1998, p. 94.
- ^ Brett 2010, p. 559.
- ^ Gil 1997, p. 300.
- ^ Cobb 2001, pp. 39–41.
- ^ Kennedy 2004, p. 308.
- ^ a b c Bianquis 1998, p. 98.
- ^ a b c Becker 1987, p. 191.
- ^ a b c Gordon 2000, p. 617.
- ^ Brett 2010, pp. 559–560.
- ^ Bianquis 1998, pp. 99–100.
- ^ Corbet 1891, pp. 530–531.
- ^ Bianquis 1998, p. 100.
- ^ a b c Bianquis 1998, p. 97.
- ^ Swelim 2015, pp. 32–33.
- ^ Kennedy 2004, pp. 206–208.
- ^ a b c Brett 2010, p. 560.
- ^ a b c Gordon 2000, p. 618.
- ^ Gil 1997, p. 307.
- ^ Bianquis 1998, p. 103.
- ^ Gil 1997, p. 308.
- ^ Bonner 2010, pp. 320–321.
- ^ Bianquis 1998, pp. 94–95.
- ^ Bianquis 1998, pp. 95, 98–99.
- ^ Hassan 1960, pp. 278–279.
- ^ Corbet 1891, p. 533.
- ^ a b c d Bianquis 1998, p. 96.
- ^ Gil 1997, p. 252.
- ^ Bianquis 1998, p. 99.
- ^ Bianquis 1998, pp. 96–97.
- ^ a b c Hassan 1960, p. 279.
- ^ Bianquis 1998, pp. 100–101.
- ^ a b c Bianquis 1998, p. 101.
- ^ Kennedy 2004, pp. 174, 177.
- ^ Bianquis 1998, pp. 101–102.
- ^ a b Bianquis 1998, p. 102.
- ^ Bianquis 1998, pp. 102–103.
- ^ Swelim 2015, p. 34.
- ^ a b c Bianquis 1998, p. 104.
- ^ Bianquis 1998, pp. 104–106.
- ^ Kennedy 2004, pp. 181, 310.
- ^ Bianquis 1998, pp. 106–108.
- ^ Gordon 2000, pp. 616–617.
- ^ Kennedy 2004, pp. 184–185, 310.
- ^ Al-Balawi 1939, p. 349.
- ^ Bianquis 1998, p. 89.
- ^ Bianquis 1998, p. 90.
- ^ Kennedy 2004, pp. 312ff.
- ^ Brett 2010, pp. 565ff.
- ^ a b Gordon 2000, pp. 617–618.
- ^ Bianquis 1998, pp. 89–90, 103–104.
Sources
- Al-Balawi, Abu Muhammad 'Abdallah ibn Muhammad al-Madini(1939). Kurd 'Ali, Muhammad (ed.). Sirat Ahmad ibn Tulun. Cairo: Maktabat al-Thaqafah al-Diniyyah.
- ISBN 90-04-08265-4.
- ISBN 0-521-47137-0.
- ISBN 978-0-521-83823-8.
- Brett, Michael (2010). "Egypt". In ISBN 978-0-521-83823-8.
- Cobb, Paul M. (2001). White Banners: Contention in 'Abbāsid Syria, 750–880. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press. ISBN 0-7914-4880-0.
- Corbet, Eustace K. (1891). "The Life and Works of Aḥmad ibn Ṭūlūn". The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland: 527–562. JSTOR 25197067.
- ISBN 0-521-59984-9.
- Gordon, Matthew S. (2000). "Ṭūlūnids". In ISBN 978-90-04-11211-7.
- Gordon, Matthew S. (2001). The Breaking of a Thousand Swords: A History of the Turkish Military of Samarra (A.H. 200–275/815–889 C.E.). Albany, New York: State University of New York Press. ISBN 0-7914-4795-2.
- Hassan, Zaky M. (1960). "Aḥmad b. Ṭūlūn". In OCLC 495469456.
- ISBN 978-0-582-40525-7.
- Swelim, Tarek (2015). Ibn Tulun: His Lost City and Great Mosque. Cairo: The American University in Cairo Press. ISBN 978-977-416-691-4.
Further reading
- Becker, Carl Heinrich (1903). Beiträge zur Geschichte Ägyptens unter dem Islam(in German). Vol. 2. Strasbourg: Karl J. Trübner.
- JSTOR 23044559.
- Gordon, Matthew S. (2015). "Aḥmad ibn Ṭūlūn and the Politics of Deference". In Behnam Sadeghi; et al. (eds.). Islamic Cultures, Islamic Contexts: Essays in Honor of Professor Patricia Crone. Leiden and Boston: BRILL. pp. 226–256. ISBN 978-90-04-25201-1.
- LCCN 58014523.
- Hassan, Zaky M. (1933). Les Tulunides, étude de l'Égypte musulmane à la fin du IXe siècle, 868–905 (in French). University of Paris.
- Kashif, Sayyida Isma'll (1965). Ahmad b. Tulun (in Arabic). Cairo: Mu'assasat al-Misnya al-'Amma.
- Randa, Ernest William Jr. (1990). The Tulunid Dynasty in Egypt: Loyalty and state formation during the dissolution of the 'Abbasid caliphate (Ph.D.). University of Utah. OCLC 34361121.
- Tillier, Mathieu (2011). "The Qāḍīs of Fusṭāṭ–Miṣr under the Ṭūlūnids and the Ikhshīdids: the Judiciary and Egyptian Autonomy". Journal of the American Oriental Society. 131: 207–222.
- Tillier, Mathieu (2019). "Dans les prisons d'Ibn Ṭūlūn". In Pinon, Catherine (ed.). Savants, amants, poètes et fous. Séances offertes à Katia Zakharia (in French). Beirut: Presses de l’Ifpo. pp. 233–251. ISBN 978-2-35159752-1.