al-Ma'mun al-Bata'ihi
al-Ma'mun al-Bata'ihi | |
---|---|
Vizier of the Fatimid Caliphate | |
In office 12 December 1121 (de facto) 13 February 1122 (formal appointment) – 3 October 1125 | |
Monarch | al-Amir bi-Ahkam Allah |
Preceded by | al-Afdal Shahanshah |
Succeeded by | None (post vacant until 1130) |
Personal details | |
Died | 19/20 July 1128 Cairo |
Children | Musa and three other sons |
Parent |
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Abu Abdallah Muhammad ibn Fatak, better known as al-Ma'mun al-Bata'ihi (
Biography
Al-Ma'mun al-Bata'ihi was born in
Service under al-Afdal
At the time, the Fatimid Caliphate was de facto ruled not by the underage caliph al-Amir, but by al-Afdal, with the titles of vizier, commander-in-chief, chief
Administrative reforms
Increasingly ill and indisposed, al-Afdal came to rely greatly on al-Bata'ihi,
At the same time, al-Bata'ihi ordered a new cadastral survey (rawk), which likewise was supposed to take place every thirty years, in order to bring the assessed land tax (
New Nile canal and observatory
Related to his reform of the tax system were two major infrastructure projects undertaken by al-Bata'ihi: a new canal in the eastern Nile Delta and a new observatory near Cairo.[18] Following complaints by the local tax-farmer, the Jew Ibn al-Munajja,[a] that the province of Sharqiyya was suffering from lack of water, which reduced its tax yields, a new canal was constructed in 1113–1115, after al-Afdal and al-Bata'ihi inspected the area in person. The enterprise proved very costly, which led to the imprisonment of Ibn al-Munajja, but the canal's opening was celebrated with much pomp, with caliph al-Amir taking part in the ceremonies in person.[18][19]
The observatory project was related to the precise calculation of the calendar; two different
Vizierate
Rise to power
Al-Afdal was murdered by unknown assailants on 11 December 1121, on the eve of the
After supervising the transfer of al-Afdal's enormous treasures to the
Nevertheless, al-Bata'ihi's position was much weaker vis-à-vis the caliph than his old master's. Under al-Afdal, al-Amir and his father, al-Musta'li (r. 1094–1101), before him had been confined in the caliphal palaces, while al-Afdal arrogated most public caliphal functions to himself. After al-Afdal's death, al-Amir now enjoyed a far more prominent public role, and he henceforth had a voice in government.[23][33] Most importantly, al-Amir ensured that all tax income and precious textiles would be kept in the caliphal palace, and distributed from there.[34] As the historian Michael Brett writes, "The relationship itself was one of alliance, in which the minister was entrusted as before with the responsibilities of government, in return for bringing the monarch out from his seclusion into the public eye".[35] The changed balance of power was apparent to al-Bata'ihi, who sought to safeguard his position. According to his son Musa, the vizier had al-Amir sign a document pledging to communicate any denunciations or accusations directly to him. The document was to be valid until al-Bata'ihi's death, and the caliph furthermore undertook to look after the vizier's offspring after that.[34]
Domestic policies
Under al-Bata'ihi, the number and splendor of public festivals and ceremonial occasions, much curtailed by al-Afdal, increased again, with the frequent and active participation of the caliph and the court.
All this entailed an enormous cost, and despite his reforms while serving under al-Afdal, it appears that tax collection was still problematic, and much uncultivated land remained so. Thus, in 1122 al-Bata'ihi remitted all tax arrears, conditioned upon a full payment of the owed sums in the future; and prohibited the re-sale of tax farms before the expiration of their contracts.[38] Al-Bata'ihi is portrayed in the sources as a generous, just, and kind ruler, especially towards the non-Muslim population.[39] He was a patron of scholars,[40] and commissioned a history of the Fatimid vizierate by Ibn al-Sayrafi.[41]
Building activity
As part of the policy of Alid legitimism, al-Bata'ihi is recorded as having built or restored several smaller mausolea dedicated to members of the Alid family, and specifically the
The only surviving of the mosques commissioned by al-Bata'ihi was the Aqmar Mosque, constructed on the main north-south thoroughfare of Cairo, near the caliphal palace, in 1122–1125.[7][45] It is notable particularly for its lavish and unusual façade, "perhaps the most beautiful ensemble of Fatimid stonework to survive", according to Bloom.[46] The mosque's prime location, elaborate decoration, and the prominent foundation inscriptions that mention not only the reigning caliph (al-Amir) and his vizier (al-Bata'ihi), but also al-Amir's father, al-Musta'li, have led to various modern interpretations of the decorative motifs and inscriptions as an intentional political and religious statement of Fatimid-Ismai'ili orthodoxy.[47] Due to its small size, the Aqmar Mosque was likely intended to be used mostly by the caliphal court; it does not seem to have otherwise played a particular role in Fatimid ceremonies.[44]
Anti-Nizari measures
In the aftermath of the assassination of al-Afdal, the Nizari threat was a paramount concern. The Nizaris, adherents of al-Amir's uncle Nizar, who had been killed after an unsuccessful revolt in 1095, were implacably hostile to the regime in Cairo, and had established a widespread network of agents.[23][48] Reports received in Cairo claimed that the chief Nizari leader, Hasan-i Sabbah, celebrated al-Afdal's murder and awaited the same fate for al-Amir and al-Bata'ihi.[49] In response, the vizier ordered background checks for provincial officials, merchants, and residents of Cairo and Ascalon (the last major Fatimid stronghold in the Levant and main entrepot for Egypt); a further ban on moving residence was enacted in Cairo, and an extensive network of spies was recruited, including many women. The measures bore fruit: Nizari agents were arrested and crucified, and several couriers bearing money sent by Hassan-i Sabbah to fund his network in Egypt were intercepted.[50][51]
To further undermine the Nizari cause, in December 1122 a meeting of officials was convened in Cairo in which the Nizari claims were publicly denounced, and the legitimacy of the succession of al-Musta'li affirmed, by none other than a woman (presented sitting behind a veil) identified as Nizar's only sister. A proclamation to that effect, the al-Hidaya al-Amiriyya, was issued on this occasion, publicly read from the pulpits of the mosques, and then sent to the Nizari communities in Persia.[23][52][53]
Foreign policy
Immediately after coming to power, in 1122, al-Bata'ihi scored a major success, with the peaceful recovery of the Levantine port city of
Under al-Bata'ihi, the Fatimids became more actively involved in
Downfall and death
On 3 October 1125 al-Amir suddenly ordered al-Bata'ihi, his brother Haydara al-Mu'taman, and his chief aides arrested.[23][60] Various reasons were put forward for this: that al-Amir did not forgive al-Bata'ihi the loss of Tyre; that the secretary Ibn Abi Usama convinced al-Amri that the vizier conspired with Ja'far, al-Amir's only full brother, to depose him; or that al-Bata'ihi was the true instigator of the fake Nizari coinage struck in Yemen.[60][61] The truth is rather that al-Amir had begun resenting the power of his over-mighty vizier,[23][60] whose self-aggrandizing tendencies were evident in his zeal to name things after himself rather than the reigning caliph.[62] This was especially so with the observatory begun by al-Afdal: rumours circulated that al-Bata'ihi wanted to use it to predict the future or perform magics, and his ambition to name it after himself was considered proof that he aspired to rulership.[3][22] The vizier was also a victim of his own policies: unlike Badr and al-Afdal, al-Bata'ihi lacked a power base of his own in the army, and relied on the caliph as his patron;[61] and the revival of al-Amir's public role, lavishly orchestrated by al-Bata'ihi himself, only served to strengthen the caliph's authority and self-confidence.[33][61] Finally, the pledge extracted by al-Ma'mun from the caliph, intended to safeguard him, may have backfired as al-Amir perceived it as a personal humiliation.[32] Indeed, al-Amir would rule for the remainder of his life without a vizier.[63] Haydara died in prison, but al-Ma'mun was executed along with Ibn Najib al-Dawla on the night of 19/20 July 1128.[60][63]
Footnotes
- ^ Despite al-Afdal's orders to name it 'al-Afdali' after himself, already at its completion it was known as the canal of Ibn al-Munajja; it still appears as 'Abou el-Meneggueh' in the Description de l'Égypte.[19]
- ^ A list of Nizari assassination victims from Alamut also claims responsibility for al-Afdal's death.[25]
- ^ The contemporary Syrian chronicler Ibn al-Qalanisi directly accuses al-Amir,[25] while the 15th-century historian Ibn Taghribirdi claims that al-Amir ordered the assassination in response to al-Afdal attempting to poison him.[26]
References
- ^ Halm 2014, p. 373 (note 52).
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 132, 163.
- ^ a b c d e Dunlop 1960, p. 1091.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 133, 164, 165.
- ^ Kaptein 1993, pp. 7–8.
- ^ a b c Halm 2014, pp. 164–165.
- ^ a b c Bloom 2007, p. 139.
- ^ a b Brett 2017, p. 237.
- ^ a b c d Halm 2014, p. 133.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 132–133.
- ^ a b c Halm 2014, p. 132.
- ^ Halm 2014, p. 150.
- ^ Brett 2017, pp. 207–209, 228, 237.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 131–132.
- ^ a b Brett 2017, p. 238.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 134–135.
- ^ Brett 2017, pp. 238–239.
- ^ a b Brett 2017, p. 239.
- ^ a b Halm 2014, pp. 135–136.
- ^ Halm 2014, p. 136.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 135–138.
- ^ a b c Halm 2014, p. 138.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i Walker 2011.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 140–141.
- ^ a b c Halm 2014, p. 141.
- ^ a b Sajjadi 2015.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 141–143.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 144–145.
- ^ Halm 2014, p. 146.
- ^ al-Imad 1990, pp. 169, 190.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 146–147.
- ^ a b Behrens-Abouseif 1992, p. 35.
- ^ a b c Halm 2014, p. 164.
- ^ a b Halm 2014, p. 147.
- ^ a b c d Brett 2017, p. 253.
- ^ Kaptein 1993, pp. 10, 20–25.
- ^ Behrens-Abouseif 1992, p. 32.
- ^ Brett 2017, p. 254.
- ^ al-Imad 1990, pp. 190–191.
- ^ al-Imad 1990, p. 190.
- ^ al-Imad 1990, p. 191.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 172–173.
- ^ Williams 1985, pp. 39–44.
- ^ a b Halm 2014, p. 172.
- ^ Williams 1983, pp. 48–49.
- ^ Bloom 2007, p. 140.
- ^ cf. Williams 1983, pp. 43–48 and Behrens-Abouseif 1992, pp. 32–37; more skeptical views are espoused by Bloom 2007, pp. 139–144 and Halm 2014, pp. 170–172.
- ^ Halm 2014, p. 153.
- ^ Halm 2014, p. 152.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 152–153.
- ^ Brett 2017, p. 255.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 154–156.
- ^ Brett 2017, pp. 255–256.
- ^ Halm 2014, p. 159.
- ^ Brett 2017, p. 256.
- ^ a b Halm 2014, pp. 159–160.
- ^ Brett 2017, pp. 256–257.
- ^ Brett 2017, pp. 256, 257–258.
- ^ Halm 2014, pp. 161–163.
- ^ a b c d Halm 2014, p. 165.
- ^ a b c Brett 2017, p. 257.
- ^ Behrens-Abouseif 1992, pp. 35–36.
- ^ a b Brett 2017, p. 258.
Sources
- al-Imad, Leila S. (1990). The Fatimid Vizierate (979-1172). Berlin: Klaus Schwarz Verlag. ISBN 3-922968-82-1.
- Behrens-Abouseif, Doris (1992). "The Façade of the Aqmar Mosque in the Context of Fatimid Ceremonial". Muqarnas. 9: 29–38. JSTOR 1523133.
- ISBN 978-0-300-13542-8.
- Brett, Michael (2017). The Fatimid Empire. The Edinburgh History of the Islamic Empires. Edinburgh: ISBN 978-0-7486-4076-8.
- OCLC 495469456.
- ISBN 978-3-406-66163-1.
- Kaptein, N. J. G. (1993). Muḥammad's Birthday Festival: Early History in the Central Muslim Lands and Development in the Muslim West until the 10th/16th Century. Leiden: E. J. Brill. ISBN 90-04-09452-0.
- Sajjadi, Sadeq (2015). "al-Āmir bi-Aḥkām Allāh". In .
- Walker, Paul E. (2011). "al-Āmir bi-Aḥkām Allāh". In Fleet, Kate; Krämer, Gudrun; Matringe, Denis; Nawas, John; Rowson, Everett (eds.). Encyclopaedia of Islam (3rd ed.). Brill Online. ISSN 1873-9830.
- Williams, Caroline (1983). "The Cult of ʿAlid Saints in the Fatimid Monuments of Cairo, Part I: The Mosque of al-Aqmar". Muqarnas. 1: 37–52. JSTOR 1523070.
- Williams, Caroline (1985). "The Cult of ʿAlid Saints in the Fatimid Monuments of Cairo, Part II: The Mausolea". Muqarnas. 3: 39–60. JSTOR 1523083.