Albanian National Awakening

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
(Redirected from
Albanian Renaissance
)

The Albanian National Awakening (

Albanian people gathered strength to establish an independent cultural and political life as well as the country of Albania.[1][2][3]

Prior to the rise of nationalism, Albania remained under the rule of the Ottoman Empire for almost five centuries and the Ottoman authorities suppressed any expression of national unity or institutional national conscience by the Albanian people.

There is some debate among experts regarding when the Albanian nationalist movement should be considered to have started. Some sources attribute its origins to the revolts against centralisation in the 1830s,[1] others to the publication of the first attempt by Naum Veqilharxhi at a standardized alphabet for Albanian in 1844,[1][4][5][6] or to the collapse of the League of Prizren during the Eastern Crisis in 1881.[1] Various compromise positions between these three theses have also emerged, such as one view positing that Albanian nationalism had foundations that dated earlier but "consolidated" as a movement during the Eastern Crisis (1878–1881).[7]

Another view is that Albanian nationalism's roots "sprouted" in the reforms of the first decades of the 19th century[8] but Albanian nationalism emerged properly in the 1830s and 1840s[9] as a romantic movement for societal reform that was initially mainly driven by Albanians publishing from abroad, and it transformed into an overt political national movement in the 1870s.[10] On December 20, 1912, the Conference of Ambassadors in London recognized an independent Albania within its present-day borders.[11]

Background

1831–1878

After the fall of the Yanina Pashalik, the power and influence of the Albanian beys had faded. The remaining beys thus attempted to restore their rule.

Porte.[13] The beys however, were all killed along with their guards.[12]

The last Albanian pashalik to fall was the

Kosovo
were created.

Early revolts

By removing the Timar system, the Sublime Porte intended to strengthen its central government and reclaim the power of the Empire which had been severely weakened due to economic and social backwardness, from the exploitative system and from the ongoing uprisings of peoples. Reforms began to be implemented in Albania since the 1830s. They gave a blow to the ranks of the old military feudal class which had been weakened from Ottoman expeditions from 1822 to 1831. Parts of the feudal heads that had launched revolts were eliminated, others were exiled and those who could, had escaped from the country. All their properties were declared state-owned. This gave rise to new landowners who had connections to the Sublime Porte.

Tanzimat reforms, but they still did not reach a period to be formulated in full policy of the National Movement. They were more expressed with literary works and studies of the Albanian people, history, language and culture. In their writings, the Rilindas fought to invoke feelings of love for the country by exalting patriotic traditions and episodes of history, especially that of the Skanderbeg era and folk culture; They devoted a lot of attention to native language and Albanian schools as a means to affirm individuality and national vindication.[18]

The centralising reforms of the Ottoman government were implemented immediately with the deployment of civil and military personnel in Albania. This was met with resistance by the local population which first began with the refusal to execute orders and quickly transformed into armed rebellion. After two local uprisings that burst in the beginning of 1833 in

Kolonjë and in Dibër were repressed, uprisings occurred in Berat-Vlorë-Delvinë-Çamëria area in larger scales than before.[19] The actions of the Ottoman army were driven by terror and increased unhappiness in the local population, who were aptly anticipated to revolt again. Fugitive agitators circulated across the provinces to organise further rebellions, calling on the people to prepare for war. Others were sent to neighbouring provinces to secure their presence by pointing out they are "brothers." To get ahead of the danger Of the new outbreak of popular hate, at the beginning of 1844, the Ottoman authorities urged urgent action. They concentrated large military forces at various points, especially in Bitola where the state was worse.[20]
By the end of March 1844, the new uprising erupted but was suppressed.

In the ensuing years there were bursts of armed insurrections throughout Albania against the Ottoman centralising reforms, and especially against the burden of the new taxes imposed and against the obligatory military service. But, at the same time and within the bosom of these insurrections, preliminary national claims started to spread. These claims came forth especially in the

revolt of 1847, which assumed great proportions in two zones of Southern Albania: in the Gjirokastra region led by Zenel Gjoleka and in that of Berat led by Rapo Hekali.[21]

History

Formation

1878.

There is some debate among experts regarding when the Albanian nationalist movement should be considered to have started. Some sources attribute its origins to the revolts against centralization in the 1830s,[1] others to the publication of the first attempt by Naum Veqilharxhi at a standardized alphabet for Albanian in 1844,[1][22][23][6] or to the collapse of the League of Prizren during the Eastern Crisis in 1881.[1][2] Various compromise positions between these three theses have also emerged, such as one view positing that Albanian nationalism had foundations that dated earlier but "consolidated" as a movement during the Eastern Crisis (1878-1881).[7] Another view is that Albanian nationalism's roots "sprouted" in the reforms of the first decades of the 19th century[8] but Albanian nationalism emerged properly in the 1830s and 1840s[9] as a romantic movement for societal reform that was initially mainly driven by Albanians publishing from a broad, and it transformed into an overt political national movement in the 1870s.[10] According to the view that the Rilindja evolved in the 1870s, because of religious ties of the Albanian majority of the population with the ruling Ottomans and the lack of an Albanian state in past, nationalism was less developed and the national movement was greatly delayed among Albanians in the 19th century compared to neighbouring southeast European nations, such as the Greeks, Serbs, Bulgarians and Romanians.[2] The Rilindja was a continuation of the Albanian revolts and cultural activities for independence that took place during the entire Ottoman period.[24] The centralist Tanzimat reforms, which were aimed at replacing local Albanian functionaries and suppression of Albanian culture sowed the seeds of the Rilindja.[25][26] In that period an intellectual and merchant class with the new ideas that were emerging in Europe was shaped, empowering the existing struggle against the Ottoman rule.[27] Political nationalism and economic liberalism were two modern platforms that inspired many Albanian intellectuals.[28]

The

Balkan Peninsula. The Albanians' fear that the lands they inhabited would be partitioned among Montenegro, Serbia, Bulgaria, and Greece fueled the rise of the Albanian national movement.[39][40]

The first postwar treaty, the abortive Treaty of San Stefano signed on March 3, 1878, assigned Albanian-populated lands to Serbia, Montenegro, and Bulgaria.[40] Austria-Hungary and the United Kingdom blocked the arrangement because it awarded Russia a predominant position in the Balkans and thereby upset the European balance of power.[41] A peace conference to settle the dispute was held later in the year in Berlin.[42][43][44]

The

Gnjilane), Manastir (Bitola), Debar (Debar) and Gostivar. The southern branch, led by Abdyl Frashëri consisted of sixteen representatives from the areas of Kolonjë, Korçë, Arta, Berat, Parga, Gjirokastër, Përmet, Paramythia, Filiates, Margariti, Vlorë, Tepelenë and Delvinë.[51] The League of Prizren was set under the direction of a central committee that had the power to impose taxes and raise an army. The League of Prizren worked to gain autonomy for the Albanians and to thwart implementation of the Treaty of San Stefano, but not to create an independent Albania.[52] The participants wanted to return to the status quo before the start of Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878. The main aim was to defend from immediate dangers.[53] Among other things the League requested an official status for the Albanian language in the Albanian-inhabited territories and the foundation of Albanian schools.[54]

At first the Ottoman authorities supported the League of Prizren, but the Sublime Porte pressed the delegates to declare themselves to be first and foremost Ottomans rather than Albanians.[55] Some delegates supported this position and advocated emphasizing Muslim solidarity and the defense of Muslim lands, including present-day Bosnia and Herzegovina. Other representatives, under Frashëri's leadership, focused on working toward Albanian autonomy and creating a sense of Albanian identity that would cut across religious and tribal lines.[56][57] Because conservative Muslims constituted a majority of the representatives, the League of Prizren supported maintenance of Ottoman suzerainty.[58]

League of Prizren, group photo, 1878

In July 1878, the league sent a memorandum to the Great Powers at the

Congress of Berlin ignored the league's memorandum.[59] The congress ceded to Montenegro the cities of Bar and Podgorica and areas around the mountain towns of Gusinje and Plav, which Albanian leaders considered Albanian territory.[60][61] Serbia also gained some Albanian-inhabited lands.[62] The Albanians, the vast majority loyal to the empire, vehemently opposed the territorial losses.[63] Albanians also feared the possible occupation of Epirus by Greece.[64][65] The League of Prizren organized armed resistance efforts in Gusinje, Plav, Scutari, Prizren, Preveza, and Ioannina.[66][67] A border tribesman at the time described the frontier as "floating on blood."[58][68]

In August 1878, the Congress of Berlin ordered a commission to trace a border between the Ottoman Empire and Montenegro.[69] The congress also directed Greece and the Ottoman Empire to negotiate a solution to their border dispute.[70][71] The Great Powers expected the Ottomans to ensure that the Albanians would respect the new borders, ignoring that the sultan's military forces were too weak to enforce any settlement and that the Ottomans could only benefit by the Albanians' resistance. The Sublime Porte, in fact, armed the Albanians and allowed them to levy taxes, and when the Ottoman army withdrew from areas awarded to Montenegro under the Treaty of Berlin, Roman Catholic Albanian tribesmen simply took control. The Albanians' successful resistance to the treaty forced the Great Powers to alter the border, returning Gusinje and Plav to the Ottoman Empire and granting Montenegro the Albanian-populated coastal town of Ulcinj.[72][73] There the Albanians refused to surrender as well. Finally, the Great Powers blockaded Ulcinj by sea and pressured the Ottoman authorities to bring the Albanians under control.[74][75] The Great Powers decided in 1881 to cede Greece only Thessaly and the district of Arta.[76][77][78]

Faced with growing international pressure "to pacify" the refractory Albanians, the sultan dispatched a large army under Dervish Turgut Pasha to suppress the League of Prizren and deliver Ulcinj to Montenegro.[79][80] Albanians loyal to the empire supported the Sublime Porte's military intervention. In April 1881, Dervish Pasha's 10,000 men captured Prizren and later crushed the resistance at Ulcinj.[81][80] The League of Prizren's leaders and their families were arrested and deported.[82][83] Frashëri, who originally received a death sentence, was imprisoned until 1885 and exiled until his death seven years later.[82][84] In the three years it survived, the League of Prizren effectively made the Great Powers aware of the Albanian people and their national interests. Montenegro and Greece received much less Albanian-populated territory than they would have won without the league's resistance.[85]

Formidable barriers frustrated Albanian leaders' efforts to instill in their people an Albanian rather than an Ottoman identity.

Cyrillic, and Arabic scripts, implied different political and religious orientations opposed by one or another element of the population. In 1878 there were no Albanian-language schools in the most developed of the Albanian-inhabited areas and the choice for education was between Orthodox Church schools, where education was in Greek and Ottoman government schools where education was in Turkish.[88]

Ethnic distribution of Albanians 1898.

The

Kristo Negovani who had attained Albanian national sentiments abroad returned to his native village of Negovan and introduced the Albanian language for the first time in Orthodox liturgy.[96][97][98] For his efforts Negovani was killed by a Greek guerilla band on orders from Bishop Karavangelis of Kastoria that aroused a nationalist response with the Albanian guerilla band of Bajo Topulli killing the Metropolitan of Korçë, Photios.[99][97][96][98][100]

In 1906 opposition groups in the Ottoman Empire emerged, one of which evolved into the Committee of Union and Progress, more commonly known as the Young Turks, which proposed restoring constitutional government in Constantinople, by revolution if necessary.[101][102] In July 1908, a month after a Young Turk rebellion in Macedonia supported by an Albanian uprising in Kosovo and Macedonia escalated into widespread insurrection and mutiny within the imperial army, Sultan Abdül Hamid II agreed to demands by the Young Turks to restore constitutional rule.[103][104] Many Albanians participated in the Young Turks uprising, hoping that it would gain their people autonomy within the empire.[103][105] The Young Turks lifted the Ottoman ban on Albanian-language schools and on writing the Albanian language. As a consequence, Albanian intellectuals meeting in Bitola in 1908 chose the Latin alphabet as a standard script.[106][107] The Young Turks, however, were set on maintaining the empire and not interested in making concessions to the myriad nationalist groups within its borders.[108][109] After securing the abdication of Abdül Hamid II in April 1909, the new authorities levied taxes, outlawed guerrilla groups and nationalist societies, and attempted to extend Constantinople's control over the northern Albanian mountain men.[110][111] In addition, the Young Turks legalized the bastinado, or beating with a stick, even for misdemeanors, banned carrying rifles, and denied the existence of an Albanian nationality. The new government also appealed for Islamic solidarity to break the Albanians' unity and used the Muslim clergy to try to impose the Arabic alphabet.[85][112]

The Albanians refused to submit to the Young Turks' campaign to "Ottomanise" them by force. New Albanian uprisings began in Kosovo and the northern mountains in early April 1910.[113][114] Ottoman forces quashed these rebellions after three months, outlawed Albanian organizations, disarmed entire regions, and closed down schools and publications.[115][116] Montenegro held ambitions of future expansion into neighbouring Albanian-populated lands and supported a 1911 uprising by the mountain tribes against the Young Turks regime that grew into a widespread revolt.[117] Unable to control the Albanians by force, the Ottoman government granted concessions on schools, military recruitment, and taxation and sanctioned the use of the Latin script for the Albanian language.[118] The government refused, however, to unite the four Albanian-inhabited vilayets.[118]

Revolts of 1910 and 1911

Guerrilla fighter
Isa Boletini.
Idriz Seferi with his rebels entering Ferizaj in 1910

In 1910, due to the new centralisation policies of the

Mërtur areas, led by Prel Tuli, Mehmet Shpendi, and Marash Delia. Unable to repress their resistance, this column took another way to Scutari, passing from the Pukë region.[122] On July 24, 1910, Ottoman forces entered the city of Scutari. During this period martial courts were put in action and summary executions took place. A large number of firearms were collected and many villages and properties were burned by the Ottoman army.[123]

In 1911, the Albanian National Committee was formed. In a meeting of the committee held in

Sokol Baci Ivezaj, it was decided to organise an Albanian uprising.[124] Terenzio Tocci gathered the Mirditë chieftains on 26/27 April 1911 in Orosh, proclaimed the independence of Albania, raised the flag of Albania (according to Robert Elsie it was raised for the first time after Skanderbeg's death) and established the provisional government.[125][126][127] Shefqet Turgut Pasha wanted to meet this threat and returned to the region with 8.000 soldiers.[127] As soon as he reached Shkodër on 11 May, he issued a general proclamation which declared martial law and offered an amnesty for all rebels (except for Malësor chieftains) if they immediately return to their homes.[126][127] After Ottoman troops entered the area Tocci fled the empire abandoning his activities.[127] After months of intense fighting, the rebels were trapped and decided to escape to Montenegro.[128]

On 23 June 1911, in the village of Gerče, in Montenegro, an assembly of the tribal leaders of the revolt was held to adopt the "Greçë Memorandum".[129][127] This memorandum was signed by 22 Albanian chieftains, four from each tribe of Hoti, Grudë and Skrel, five from Kastrati, three from Klemendi and two from Shalë.[130]

Sokol Baci Ivezaj — one of the leaders of the 1911 revolt

Requests of the memorandum included:[131][132]

  1. general amnesty for all participants in the revolt
  2. demand for recognition of the Albanian ethnicity
  3. election of the deputies of Albanian ethnicity for the
    Ottoman Parliament
    according to the proportional system
  4. Albanian language in schools
  5. governor and other appointed high officials have to know Albanian language and all other positions in the administration have to be reserved only for people of Albanian ethnicity
  6. men who are ethnic Albanians to serve army only in
    Albania
    during the peacetime
  7. confiscated arms to be returned
  8. all Albanian property damaged by Ottoman troops to be compensated

The Memorandum was submitted to the representatives of Great Powers in Cetinje, Montenegro.[133]

Ottoman representatives managed to deal with the leaders of Albanian rebels in

Scutari Vilayet separately, because they were not united and lacked central control. The Ottomans promised to meet most Albanian demands, limited mainly to Catholic highlanders like general amnesty, the opening of Albanian language schools, and the restriction that military service was to be performed only in the territory of the vilayets with substantial Albanian population.[134][130] Other demands included requiring administrative officers to learn the Albanian language, and that the possession of weapons would be permitted.[135][134][130]

Revolts of 1912

Skopje after being captured by Albanian revolutionaries in August, 1912 who defeated the Ottoman forces holding the city.

The

Albanian Revolt of 1912 was one of many Albanian revolts in the Ottoman Empire and lasted from January until August 1912.[136][137] Albanian soldiers and officers deserted the Ottoman military service and joined the insurgents.[138][139][140] After a series of successes, Albanian revolutionaries managed to capture the city of Skopje, the administrative centre of Kosovo vilayet within the Ottoman rule.[141][142][143][144][145]

On August 9, 1912, Albanian rebels presented a new list of demands (the so-called list of Fourteen Points), related to the

Albanian vilayet, that can be summarized as follows:[146][147][148]

The revolt ended when the

Albanian vilayet[150] which was part of the Albanian National Awakening agenda during the League of Prizren.[151]

Independence

Members of the Assembly of Vlorë photographed in November 1912.

The First Balkan War, however, erupted before a final settlement could be worked out.[152] The Balkan allies—Serbia, Bulgaria, Montenegro and Greece—quickly drove the Ottomans to the walls of Constantinople. The Montenegrins surrounded Scutari.[152]

An assembly of Muslim and Christian leaders meeting in Vlorë in November 1912 declared Albania an independent country.[153][154] The complete text of the declaration[155] was:

In Vlora, on the 15th/28th of November. That time the President was Ismail Kemal Bey, in which he spoke of the great perils facing Albania today, the delegates have all decided unanimously that Albania, as of today, should be on her own, free and independent.

A second session of the Assembly of Vlorë was held on December 4, 1912. During that session members of the assembly established the

Treaty of London of May 1913. The Albanian delegation in London was assisted by Aubrey Herbert, MP, a passionate advocate of their cause.[158]

Ismail Qemali and his cabinet during the celebration of the first anniversary of independence in Vlorë on 28 November 1913.
The borders of Albania, as recognised by the Great Powers in 1913.

One of Serbia's primary war aims was to gain an Adriatic port, preferably Durrës. Austria-Hungary and Italy opposed giving Serbia an outlet to the Adriatic, which they feared would become a Russian port. They instead supported the creation of an autonomous Albania. Russia backed Serbia's and Montenegro's claims to Albanian-inhabited lands. Britain and Germany remained neutral. Chaired by Britain's foreign secretary, Sir Edward Grey, the ambassadors' conference initially decided to create an autonomous Albania under continued Ottoman rule, but with the protection of the Great Powers. This solution, as detailed in the Treaty of London, was abandoned in the summer of 1913 when it became obvious that the Ottoman Empire would, in the Second Balkan War, lose Macedonia and hence its overland connection with the Albanian-inhabited lands.[159]

In July 1913, the Great Powers opted to recognise an independent, neutral Albanian state ruled by a constitutional monarchy and under the protection of the Great Powers.

Treaty of Bucharest established that independent Albania was a country with borders that gave the new state about 28,000 square kilometres of territory and a population of 800,000. Montenegro had to surrender Scutari after having lost 10,000 men in the process of taking the town. Serbia reluctantly succumbed to an ultimatum from Austria-Hungary, Germany, and Italy to withdraw from northern Albania. The treaty, however, left large areas with majority Albanian populations, notably Kosovo and western Macedonia, outside the new state and failed to solve the region's nationality problems.[citation needed
]

Culture

Arts

Motra Tone by Kolë Idromeno.

The Albanian Renaissance is one of the most valuable periods in

Albanian culture, a period characterised by a cultural, economic, political and social flourishing of Albanian consciousness within the Ottoman Empire. The period is directly connected with Jorgji Panariti and Kolë Idromeno
, the most renowned representatives of the Albanian Renaissance.

Literature

Albanezul, the newspaper of the Albanian minority in Romania from 1889.
Naum Veqilharxhi's Vithkuqi script was the first Albanian alphabet published in 1845.

Albanian intellectuals in the nineteenth century began devising a single, standard

Albanian literary language and making demands that it be used in schools.[161][162] In Constantinople in 1879, Sami Frashëri founded a cultural and educational organization, the Society for the Printing of Albanian Writings, whose membership comprised Muslim, Catholic, and Orthodox Albanians.[163] Naim Frashëri, the most-renowned Albanian poet, joined the society and wrote and edited textbooks.[163] Albanian émigrés in Bulgaria, Egypt, Italy, Romania, and the United States supported the society's work.[164] The Greeks, who dominated the education of Orthodox Albanians, joined the Turks in suppressing the Albanians' culture, especially Albanian-language education.[165][166] In 1886 the ecumenical patriarch of Constantinople threatened to excommunicate anyone found reading or writing Albanian, and priests taught that God would not understand prayers uttered in Albanian.[85] In 1844-5 however, Albanian intellectual Naum Veqilharxhi published his work Evëtori Shqip Fort i Shkurtër (English: The short Albanian Evëtor) which was an alphabet that included thirty three letters which were invented by himself.[167][33][168] He avoided the use of Latin, Greek or Arabic alphabets and characters because of their religious associations and divisions.[169] In November 1869, a Commission for the Alphabet of the Albanian Language was gathered in Istanbul.[33][170]

The Commission of the Manastir Congress in a rare photo (1908).

One of its members was Kostandin Kristoforidhi and the main purpose of the Commission was the creation of a unique alphabet for all the Albanians.[170] In January 1870 the Commission ended its work of the standardization of the alphabet, which was mainly in Latin letters.[171] A plan on the creation of textbooks and spread of Albanian schools was drafted.[172] However this plan was not realized, because the Ottoman Government wouldn't finance the expenses for the establishment of such schools.[172] Although this commission had gathered and delivered an alphabet in 1870, the writers from the North still used the Latin-based alphabet, whereas in Southern Albania writers used mostly the Greek letters.[173] The turning point was the aftermath of the League of Prizren (1878) events when in 1879 Sami Frashëri and Naim Frashëri formed the Society for the Publication of Albanian Writings.[163] Members of the society Sami Frashëri, Naim Frashëri and Jani Vreto published the Primer of the Albanian language and other works in Albanian that dealt with the humanities, natural sciences and so on.[174] After a long time struggling with obstacles coming from the Ottoman authorities, the first secular school of Albanian language was opened on the initiative of individual teachers and other intellectuals on 7 March 1887 in Korce. Diamanti Tërpo, a citizen of the city, offered her house to serve as a school building. The first director and teacher of the school was Pandeli Sotiri.[175]

Naum Veqilharxhi
(1797–1854)
Parashqevi Qiriazi
(1880–1970)
Gjergj Fishta
(1871–1940)
Ndre Mjeda
(1866–1937)

One year earlier, the Albanian dictionary (Fjalori i Gjuhës Shqipe) by

Sotir Peçi, Shahin Kolonja, and Gjergj D. Qiriazi.[177][178] There was much debate and the contending alphabets were Istanbul, Bashkimi and Agimi.[179] However, the Congress was unable to make a clear decision and opted for a compromise solution of using both the widely used Istanbul, with minor changes, and a modified version of the Bashkimi alphabet.[180][181] Usage of the alphabet of Istanbul declined rapidly and it was essentially extinct over the following decades. The Bashkimi alphabet is at the origin of the official alphabet of the Albanian language in use today.[182]

A major role during the Albanian National Awakening was played by literature, which served to many Rilindas as a way to express their ideas.[183][184] It was imbued with the spirit of national liberation, with the nostalgia of the émigré and the rhetorical pathos of past heroic wars.[183] This literary school developed the poetry most. Regarding the motifs and poetical forms, its hero was the ethical man, the fighting Albanian, and to a lesser degree the tragic man. Because its major purpose was to awaken national consciousness it was closely linked with the folklore tradition.[183]

See also

References

  1. ^
    S2CID 29750907
    . In the Albanian case as we will see below, we can argue that Phase A, generally speaking, covers the period from the beginning of the Reforms of Tanzimat or the publication of first the Albanian alphabet in 1844 as a symbolic date, until the collapse of the League of Prizren (1881) or the publication of Sami Frashëri's nationalist manifest in 1899
  2. ^ a b c Kaser, Karl; Kressing, Frank (2002). Albania – A country in transition: Aspects of changing identities in a south-east European country (PDF). Baden-Baden: Nomos-Verlag. p. 15. Archived from the original (PDF) on June 13, 2007.
  3. S2CID 161310325
    .
  4. ^ Enis Sulstarova, Naum Veqilharxhi dhe lindja e kombit [Naum Veqilharxhi and the birth of the nation] (in Albanian), Pashtriku, retrieved 2014-12-01, Naum Veqilharxhi is considered the avant-garde and first ideologue of the National Awakening, because his work results in one of the first attempts for an original Albanian alphabet (1844 and 1845), as well as contains an embryo form of the ideas which would develop later on during the National Renaissance. [Naum Veqilharxhi është konsideruar si pararendësi dhe ideologu i parë i Rilindjes Kombëtare Shqiptare, sepse vepra e tij përbën një nga përpjekjet e para për një alfabet origjinal të shqipes (1844 dhe 1845), si edhe përmban në trajtë embrionale idetë që do të zhvilloheshin më vonë gjatë periudhës së Rilindjes.]
  5. ^ Fedhon Meksi (2011-10-21), Naum Veqilharxhi, babai i alfabetit dhe abetares shqipe [Naum Veqilharxhi, the father of Albanian alphabet and ABC-book] (in Albanian), archived from the original on 2014-12-02, retrieved 2014-12-01
  6. ^ a b Zhelyazkova, Antonina (2000). "Albanian Identities". Sofia: International Center for Minority Studies and Intercultural Relations. Page 24: "It is assumed that the beginning of the Albanian Revival was set by Naum Veqilharxhi's activity and his address to the Orthodox Albanians, which, along with his primer published in 1845, was the first programme document of the Albanian national movement. In it Veqilharxhi demanded Albanian schools and development of the Albanian language as a first step to the evolution of the Albanian people side by side with the other Balkan nations"
  7. ^ a b Pahumi, Nevila. "The Consolidation of Albanian Nationalism: The League of Prizren 1878-1881". Page 7.
  8. ^ a b Misha, Piro. Invention of a Nationalism. In Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers and Bernd J. Fischer (2002), Albanian Identities. Page 34
  9. ^ a b Misha, Piro. "Invention of a Nationalism: Myth and Amnesia". In Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers and Bernd J. Fischer (2002), Albanian Identities. Page 33: "The beginnings of the Albanian national awakening, better known as the 'Albanian National Renaissance' (rilindja), took place during the 1830s and 1840s... at least in its beginnings, the Albanian national movement did not differ much from any other national movement in the region
  10. ^ a b Piro Misha. Invention of a Nationalism. In Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers and Bernd J. Fischer (2002), Albanian Identities. Page 39
  11. ^ Richard C. Hall, The Balkan Wars, 1912–1913: prelude to the First World War
  12. ^ .
  13. .
  14. .
  15. .
  16. ^ Frashëri, Kristo (1983). Historia e Shqipërise II. Albania: Akademia e Shkencave e RPS të Shqipërisë, Instituti i Historisë. p. 110.
  17. ^ Frashëri, Kristo; Pollo, Stefanaq (1983-01-01). Historia e Shqipërisë (in Albanian). Shtëpia Botuese e Librit Shkollor. p. 116.
  18. ^ Pollo, Stefanaq (1983-01-01). Historia e Shqipërisë: Vitet 30 të shek. XIX-1912 (in Albanian). Albania: Akademia e Shkencave e RPS të Shqipërisë, Instituti i Historisë. p. 116.
  19. ^ Pollo, Stefanaq (1983-01-01). Historia e Shqipërisë: Vitet 30 të shek. XIX-1912 (in Albanian). Albania: Akademia e Shkencave e RPS të Shqipërisë, Instituti i Historisë. p. 117.
  20. ^ Pollo, Stefanaq (1983-01-01). Historia e Shqipërisë: Vitet 30 të shek. XIX-1912 (in Albanian). Akademia e Shkencave e RPS të Shqipërisë, Instituti i Historisë. p. 127.
  21. ^ Frashëri, Kristo (1962). Rilindja Kombëtare Shqiptare (PDF). Tirana, Albania: Ndërmarrja shtetërore e botimeve "Naim Frashëri". p. 16.
  22. ^ Enis Sulstarova, Naum Veqilharxhi dhe lindja e kombit [Naum Veqilharxhi and the birth of the nation] (in Albanian), Pashtriku, retrieved 2014-12-01, Naum Veqilharxhi is considered the avant-garde and first ideologue of the National Awakening, because his work results in one of the first attempts for an original Albanian alphabet (1844 and 1845), as well as contains an embryo form of the ideas which would develop later on during the National Renaissance. [Naum Veqilharxhi është konsideruar si pararendësi dhe ideologu i parë i Rilindjes Kombëtare Shqiptare, sepse vepra e tij përbën një nga përpjekjet e para për një alfabet origjinal të shqipes (1844 dhe 1845), si edhe përmban në trajtë embrionale idetë që do të zhvilloheshin më vonë gjatë periudhës së Rilindjes.]
  23. ^ Fedhon Meksi (2011-10-21), Naum Veqilharxhi, babai i alfabetit dhe abetares shqipe [Naum Veqilharxhi, the father of Albanian alphabet and ABC-book] (in Albanian), archived from the original on 2014-12-02, retrieved 2014-12-01
  24. .
  25. ^ Elsie 2010, p. 56
  26. ^ Piro TASE (2010). Te huajt per shqiperine dhe shqiptaret. Edicioni 2. Lulu. p. 299.
  27. ^ Petrika Thëngjilli (1999). Historia e popullit shqiptar, 395-1875. Shtëpia Botuese e Librit Universitar. p. 427.
  28. .
  29. ^ Ahmet Kondo (1982). Çështja kombëtare në faqe të shtypit të Rilindjes. 8 Nëntori. p. 180.
  30. ^ Thoma Murzaku; Instituti i Studimeve Ballkanike (1999). Politika Ballkanike e Rusisë dhe çështja shqiptare: nga origjina deri në ditët tona. Shtëpia Botuese "Mesonjetorja e Parë". p. 177.
  31. ^ Raka, Fadil (2005). Historia e shqipes letrare. Grafikos. p. 102.
  32. .
  33. ^ a b c Skendi 1967, p. 139.
  34. ^ Raka, Fadil (2005). Historia e shqipes letrare. Grafikos. p. 180.
  35. ^ Ahmet Kondo (1982). Çështja kombëtare në faqe të shtypit të Rilindjes. 8 Nëntori. p. 217.
  36. ^ Viorica Moisuc; Ion Calafeteanu (1980). Assertion of unitary, independent national states in Central and Southeast Europe (1821-1923). Editura Academiei Republicii Socialiste România. p. 171.
  37. ^ Gazmend Shpuza (1980). Gjurmime në epokën e Rilindjes Kombëtare: çështje ekonomiko-shoqërore, politike e kulturore të Lëvizjes Kombëtare gjatë Rilindjes. Shtëpia Botuese "8 Nëntori". p. 146.
  38. .
  39. ^ Gawrych 2006, p. 38.
  40. ^ a b Skendi 1967, pp. 33–34.
  41. ^ Skendi 1967, pp. 43.
  42. ^ a b Gawrych 2006, p. 45.
  43. ^ Skendi 1967, pp. 43–44.
  44. . Length 360 pages
  45. ^ a b Skendi 1967, pp. 35–38, 47.
  46. , the first political ideologue of the Albanian Revival..
  47. ^ a b Gawrych 2006, p. 44.
  48. ^ Skendi 1967, pp. 36–37.
  49. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 45–46.
  50. ^ Skendi 1967, pp. 43–44, 54.
  51. JSTOR 2491677
    . The southern branch of the League was formed at Gjinokastër (Argyrokastro), where Albanian leaders held a meeting at which the districts of Janina, Gjinokastër, Delvina, Përmet, Berat, Vlora (Valona), Filat, Margariti, Ajdonat, Parga, Preveza, Arta, Tepelena, Kolonja, and Korca were represented.
  52. Length 970 pages. page 502
  53. ^ George Gawrych. The Crescent and the Eagle: Ottoman Rule, Islam and the Albanians, 1874-1913. p. 47.
  54. . This organization appealed for the administrative unification of the Albanian vilayets into a single province, the introduction of Albanian as an official language in Albanian regions and the foundation of Albanian schools.
  55. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 45, 60–61, 65, 67.
  56. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 53–60.
  57. ^ Skendi 1967, pp. 89–92, 94–95.
  58. ^ .
  59. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 48–49.
  60. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 49, 61–63.
  61. ^ Skendi 1967, pp. 38–39, 51.
  62. ^ Gawrych 2006, p. 49.
  63. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 47–48.
  64. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 46–47, 63–64.
  65. ^ Skendi 1967, pp. 69–70.
  66. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 60–65.
  67. ^ Skendi 1967, pp. 55–82.
  68. ^ Elsie 2010, "Flag, Albanian", p. 140: "The eagle was a common heraldic symbol for many Albanian dynasties in the Late Middle Ages and came to be a symbol of the Albanians in general. It is also said to have been the flag of Skanderbeg.... As a symbol of modern Albania, the flag began to be seen during the years of the national awakening and was in common use during the uprisings of 1909–1912."
  69. ^ Gawrych 2006, p. 61.
  70. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 60, 68.
  71. ^ Skendi 1967, p. 52.
  72. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 61–62.
  73. ^ Skendi 1967, pp. 61–64.
  74. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 62–63.
  75. ^ Skendi 1967, pp. 65–68.
  76. ^ Gawrych 2006, p. 68.
  77. ^ Skendi 1967, p. 82.
  78. . page 503. Length 970 pages
  79. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 62–63, 66–68.
  80. ^ a b Skendi 1967, pp. 67–68, 99, 103–107.
  81. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 62, 66, 68.
  82. ^ a b c Gawrych 2006, pp. 80–81.
  83. .
  84. ^ Skendi 1967, pp. 105–106.
  85. ^ .
  86. ^ a b Gawrych 2006, pp. 8, 21–23.
  87. ^ Skendi 1967, p. 89.
  88. . page 504-505 (Length 970 pages)
  89. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 90–91, 104–105, 108–113, 139.
  90. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 125–127.
  91. ^ Skendi 1967, pp. 195–198.
  92. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 131, 135–136.
  93. ^ Skendi 1967, pp. 200–204, 206–212.
  94. ^ Gawrych 2006, p. 147.
  95. ^ Ac01384562], [Anonymus (1984). Albania, general information. p. 33. Retrieved 29 May 2012. {{cite book}}: |work= ignored (help)CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) CS1 maint: numeric names: authors list (link)
  96. ^ a b Gawrych 2006, p. 91. "In one case, a guerilla band executed Father Kristo Negovani (1875-1905) on 12 February 1905, two days after he had performed a church service in Albanian. To avenge his death, a guerilla leader named Bajo Topulli (1868-1930) waylaid and murdered Phiotos, the bishop of Görice, in September 1906.
  97. ^ . "The nationalist cause was given impetus in 1905 when the Albanian priest and poet, Papa Kristo Negovani, was killed by Greek chauvinists after he had introduced the Albanian language into Orthodox liturgy."
  98. ^ a b Clayer 2005. para. 7. "Negovani... Au début de l'année 1905, avec son frère lui aussi pope et trois autres villageois, il est victime d'une bande grecque et devient le premier « martyr » de la cause nationale albanaise"; para. 8, 26.
  99. ^ Blumi 2011, p. 167. "Negovani’s actions caused institutional responses that ultimately intensified the contradictions facing the church and its imperial patron. In the end, Papa Kristo Negovani was murdered for his acts of defiance of the explicit orders of Karavangjelis, the Metropolitan of Kastoria, who condemned the use of Toskërisht during mass.
  100. .
  101. ^ Skendi 1967, pp. 335–339.
  102. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 140–149.
  103. ^ a b Skendi 1967, pp. 339–344.
  104. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 149–155.
  105. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 150–155, 159–161.
  106. ^ Skendi 1967, pp. 370–372.
  107. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 163–166, 169.
  108. ^ Skendi 1967, p. 362.
  109. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 170–173, 183.
  110. ^ Skendi 1967, pp. 364–365, 392–404.
  111. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 170–177, 183.
  112. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 179–182.
  113. ^ a b c d e f Skendi 1967, pp. 405–406.
  114. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 177–179
  115. ^ Skendi 1967, pp. 405–408.
  116. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 177–179, 183.
  117. ^ Skendi 1967, pp. 409–410, 413–415, 471.
  118. ^
    ISBN 978-0-521-27459-3 Length 476 pages page 87-88 link [1]
  119. .
  120. ^ a b c d Gawrych 2006, p. 177.
  121. .
  122. ^
    OCLC 255273594.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link
    )
  123. ^ a b Gawrych 2006, p. 178.
  124. ^ "Historia e Malësisë". www.malesia.org. Retrieved 2016-09-20.
  125. ^ Elsie 2010, p. 444.
  126. ^ a b Skendi 1967, pp. 412, 440.
  127. ^ a b c d e Gawrych 2006, p. 186.
  128. .
  129. ^ Skendi 1967, p. 416.
  130. ^ a b c Gawrych 2006, p. 187.
  131. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 186–187.
  132. ^ Skendi 1967, pp. 416–417.
  133. ^ Mikić, Đorđe (1983-01-01). Austro-Ugarska i Mladoturci: 1908-1912 (in Serbian). Institut za istoriju u Banjaluci. p. 273.
  134. ^ a b Skendi 1967, p. 419.
  135. ^ Abas, Ermenji. "Vendi që zë Skënderbeu në historinë e Shqipërisë". Por n'atë kohë u muarën vesh propozimet e reja që po iu bënte qeveria turke malësorëvet të Mbishkodrës t'arratisur në Podgoricë...Premtimet ishin pak më të gjera nga ato që iu qenë bërë malësorëvet të Mbishkodrës, sepse parashikohej një falje e përgjithshme, hapja e shkollave shqipe me ndihmën financiare të shtetit dhe mësimi i shqipes në shkollat turqishte. Taksat do të caktohëshin sipas gjendjes së popullit, shërbimi ushtarak do të kryhej në vilajetet shqiptare, nëpunësit e administratës duhej të dinin gjuhën dhe zakonet e vendit, armët mund të mbahëshin me lejë.
  136. ^ Skendi 1967, pp. 427–437.
  137. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 190–196.
  138. ^ Zhelyazkova, Antonina (2000). "Albania and Albanian Identities". International Center for Minority Studies and Intercultural Relations. Archived from the original on September 27, 2011. Retrieved January 10, 2011. In December 1911, a group of Albanian members of the Ottoman parliament, guided by Ismail Qemal, started a parliamentary debate in order to make Constantinople grant the Albanians national rights in the cultural and administrative spheres.
  139. ^ Bogdanović, Dimitrije (November 2000) [1984]. "Albanski pokreti 1908-1912.". In Antonije Isaković (ed.). Knjiga o Kosovu (in Serbian). Vol. 2. Belgrade: Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts. Archived from the original on 31 January 2011. Retrieved January 9, 2011. ... ustanici su uspeli da ... ovladaju celim kosovskim vilajetom do polovine avgusta 1912, što znači da su tada imali u svojim rukama Prištinu, Novi Pazar, Sjenicu pa čak i Skoplje... U srednjoj i južnoj Albaniji ustanici su držali Permet, Leskoviku, Konicu, Elbasan, a u Makedoniji Debar...
  140. ^ Gawrych 2006, p. 192.
  141. ^ a b Skendi 1967, pp. 436–437.
  142. ^ a b Gawrych 2006, p. 195.
  143. ^ Bogdanović, Dimitrije (November 2000) [1984]. "Albanski pokreti 1908–1912". In Antonije Isaković (ed.). Knjiga o Kosovu (in Serbian). Vol. 2. Belgrade: Serbian Academy of Sciences and Arts. Retrieved January 9, 2011. ustanici su uspeli da slomiju otpor turske armije, da ovladaju celim kosovskim vilajetom do polovine avgusta 1912, što znači da su tada imali u svojim rukama Prištinu, Novi Pazar, Sjenicu pa čak i Skoplje
  144. . An Albanian uprising in Kosovo for independent schools in May 1912 led to capture of Skopje by rebels in August
  145. ISBN 81-261-1419-3. The Albanians once more raise against Ottoman Empire in May 1912 and took Macedonian capitol of Skopje by August[permanent dead link
    ]
  146. ^ Skendi 1967, pp. 435–436.
  147. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 194–195.
  148. ^ . Retrieved January 10, 2011.
  149. . Retrieved January 10, 2011. Therefore, with only final point being ignored, on September 4, 1912, the government accepted proposals and the Albanian revolt was over
  150. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 201–202.
  151. , retrieved January 18, 2011, Soon after this first meeting,....mainly under the influence of ... Abdyl Frashëri ... new agenda included ... the fonding of an autonomous Albanian Vilayet
  152. ^ a b Gawrych 2006, p. 197.
  153. ^ Skendi 1967, p. 463.
  154. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 199–200.
  155. ^ Pollo, Stefanaq; Selami Pulaha (1978). "175". Akte të rilindjes kombëtare shqiptare 1878-1912 (Memorandume, vendime, protesta, thirrje). Tirana: Akademia e Shkencave të RPS të Shqipërisë. p. 261. Vendimi është hartuar shqip dhe turqisht ...
  156. . Retrieved January 24, 2011. ... a provisional government, consisting of ten members and led by Vlora, was formed on 4 December.
  157. . Retrieved January 24, 2011. From its own members congress elected a senate (Pleqësi), composed of 18 members, which assumed advisory role to the government.
  158. .
  159. Length 476 pages page 87 link
  160. ^ Gawrych 2006, p. 200.
  161. ^ Skendi 1967, pp. 119–120, 129, 140.
  162. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 20, 86–91.
  163. ^ a b c Skendi 1967, p. 119.
  164. ^ Skendi 1967, pp. 119–121, 123, 145–147.
  165. ^ Skendi 1967, pp. 133–139, 147–148, 368.
  166. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 22, 91.
  167. .
  168. ^ a b Gawrych 2006, p. 20.
  169. .
  170. ^ a b Lloshi 2008, pp. 18–19, 240.
  171. ^ Lloshi 2008, pp. 257–258.
  172. ^ a b Lloshi 2008, p. 255.
  173. ^ Lloshi 2008, pp. 256–262.
  174. ^ Thomas, J. (1983). Albania's National Renaissance: Aspirations for Schooling. Vol. 12. Canadian and International Education. p. 16. "Among the first published was the Primer of the Albanian language. Within a few years, grammar, geography, history readers, natural sciences, agriculture, and other books authored by Sami and Naim Frashëri, and by Jani Vreto were published by the Society."
  175. .
  176. ^ .
  177. ^ a b Skendi 1967, p. 370.
  178. ^ a b Gawrych 2006, p. 165.
  179. ^ Skendi 1967, p. 371.
  180. ^ Skendi 1967, pp. 371–372.
  181. ^ Gawrych 2006, p. 166.
  182. . At the initiative of the Bashkimi literary society, fifty Albanian intellectuals from across the country and the colonies abroad gathered in Manastir/Bitola at the November 1908 "Congress of the Alphabet." After long debates and the appointment smaller commission of eleven members (four Muslims, four Orthodox and three Catholics), it was decided that only two of the existing alphabets should remain in use—the Stamboul alphabet and the Bashkimi alphabet. In addition, some changes were made in both alphabets in order to reduce the differences between them. In the following years and after the creation of the Albanian state, the Bashkimi alphabet became the only one still in use.
  183. ^ a b c Skendi 1967, pp. 111–128.
  184. ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 87–91, 127–131.

Literature