Albanian nationalism
It has been suggested that Albanianism be merged into this article. (Discuss) Proposed since April 2024. |
Part of a series on |
Albanians |
---|
By country |
|
Culture |
|
Religion |
|
Languages and dialects |
Albanian nationalism is a general grouping of
During the late Ottoman period Albanians were mainly Muslims with religious ties to the ruling Turks in the
Due to overlapping and competing territorial claims with other Balkan nationalisms and states over land dating from the late Ottoman period, these ideas comprise a
Contemporary Albanian nationalism, like other forms of ethnic nationalism, asserts that Albanians are a nation and promotes the cultural, social, political and linguistic unity of Albanians.
Contemporary Albanian nationalism has high levels of support among
In response to Kosovo's independence, foreign relations, policy impositions by the European Union, relations with neighbours such as Serbia and growing assimilation in the diaspora, Albanian nationalism has become an important tool in promoting and protecting Albanian values, identity and interests. For example, Albanian nationalism has featured prominently in sport since Kosovo was admitted to FIFA and UEFA. Since admission there have been debates questioning whether there is one ‘national team’ or two, whether Kosovo-born fans should remain loyal to the Albanian side or embrace the Kosovo side and Kosovar symbolism and how Albanians cope with having two predominately ethnic Albanian states.[34][35][36]
History
Background
Some authors argue that Albanian nationalism, unlike its Greek and Serbian counterparts has its origins in a different historical context that did not emerge from an anti-Ottoman struggle and instead dates to the period of the Eastern Crisis (1878) and threat of territorial partition by Serbs and Greeks,[13] while others hold views that Albanian nationalism emerged earlier as a societal reform movement that turned into a geopolitical one in response to the events of 1878, reacting against both the policies of Ottoman rule and those of rival Balkan nationalisms. Competing with neighbours for contested areas forced Albanians to make their case for nationhood and seek support from European powers.[37] Some scholars disagree with the view that Albanian nationalism emerged in 1878 or argue that the paradigm of setting a specific start date is wrong,[38][39][40] but those events are widely considered a pivotal moment that led to the politicization of the Albanian national movement[14] and the emergence of myths being generated that became part of the mythology of Albanian nationalism that is expressed in contemporary times within Albanian collective culture and memory.[13] That historical context also made the Albanian national movement defensive in outlook as nationalists sought national affirmation and to counter what they viewed as the erosion of national sentiments and language.[41] By the 19th century Albanians were divided into three religious groups. Catholic Albanians had some Albanian ethno-linguistic expression in schooling and church due to Austro-Hungarian protection and Italian clerical patronage.[42] Orthodox Albanians under the Patriarchate of Constantinople had liturgy and schooling in Greek and toward the late Ottoman period mainly identified with Greek national aspirations.[42][43][44][45] Muslim Albanians during this period formed around 70% of the overall Balkan Albanian population in the Ottoman Empire with an estimated population of more than a million.[42]
Eastern Crisis and Albanian National Awakening
Just as we are not and do not want to be Turks, so we shall oppose with all our might anyone who would like to turn us into Slavs or Austrians or Greeks, we want to be Albanians.
— Excerpt from the League of Prizren memorandum to the British delegation at the Berlin Congress, 1878, [46]
O moj Shqypni (Oh Albania)
"Albanians, you are killing kinfolk,
You're split in a hundred factions,
Some believe in God or Allah,
Say "I'm Turk," or "I am Latin,"
Say "I'm Greek," or "I am Slavic,"
But you're brothers, hapless people!
You have been duped by priests and hodjas
To divide you, keep you wretched....
Who has the heart to let her perish,
Once a heroine, now so weakened!
Well-loved mother, dare we leave her
To fall under foreign boot heels ?...
Wake, Albanian, from your slumber,
Let us, brothers, swear in common
And not look to church or mosque,
The Albanian's faith is Albanianism [to be Albanian]!
Excerpt from O moj Shqypni by Pashko Vasa, 1878.[47]
With the rise of the
Taking their lead from the Italian national movement, the Arbëresh, (an Albanian diaspora community settled throughout southern Italy from the medieval period) began to promote and spread national ideas by introducing them to Balkan Albanians.
Skanderbeg
Another factor overlaying geopolitical concerns during the National Awakening period were thoughts that Western powers would only favour Christian Balkan states and peoples in the anti Ottoman struggle.
Western influences and origin theories
In the 19th century Western academia imparted its influence on the emerging Albanian identity construction process by providing tools that were utilised and transformed in certain contexts and toward goals within a changing environment.
The Pelasgian theory was adopted among early Albanian publicists and used by Italo-Albanians, Orthodox and Muslim Albanians.
Albanian writers of the period felt that they had counter arguments that came from the Greek side and from Slavic circles.[95][96] The Greeks claimed that Albanians did not constitute a people, their language was a mixture of different languages and that an Albanian member of the Orthodox church was "really a Greek", while Slav publicists claimed that Kosovar Albanians were "really" Slavs or they were "Turks" who could be "sent back" to Anatolia.[95][96] Apart from Greek nationalism being viewed as a threat to Albanian nationalism, emphasising an antiquity of the Albanian nation served new political contexts and functions during the 1880s.[97] It also arose from the Albanian need to counter Slavic national movements seeking independence from the Ottomans through a Balkan federation.[97] In time the Pelasgian theory was replaced with the Illyrian theory regarding Albanian origins and descent due it being more convincing and supported by some scholars.[98] The Illyrian theory became an important pillar of Albanian nationalism due to its consideration as evidence of Albanian continuity in territories such as Kosovo and the south of Albania contested with the Serbs and Greeks.[98]
Geopolitical consequences and legacy
Unlike their Greek, Serbian and Bulgarian neighbours who had territorial ambitions, Albanians due to being mainly Muslim lacked a powerful European patron. This made many of them want to preserve the status quo and back Ottomanism.
Albanian nationalism during the late Ottoman era was not imbued with separatism that aimed to create an Albanian nation-state, though Albanian nationalists did envisage an independent Greater Albania.[109][110] Albanian nationalists of the late Ottoman period were divided into three groups.[110] Pan-Albanian nationalists, those who wanted to safeguard Albanian autonomy under an Ottoman state and an Albania divided along sectarian lines with an independent Catholic Albania envisaged mainly by Catholics.[110] The emerging Albanian nationalist elite promoted the use of Albanian as a medium of political and intellectual expression.[111] Albanian nationalism overall was a reaction to the gradual breakup of the Ottoman Empire and a response to Balkan and Christian national movements that posed a threat to an Albanian population that was mainly Muslim.[109][112] Efforts were devoted to including vilayets with an Albanian population into a larger unitary Albanian autonomous province within the Ottoman state.[109][108]
Albanian nationalists were mainly focused on defending rights that were sociocultural, historic and linguistic within existing countries without being connected to a particular polity.[109][108] Unlike other Balkan nationalisms religion was seen as an obstacle and Albanian nationalism competed with it and developed an anti clerical outlook.[113][114][115][116] As Albanians lived in an Ottoman millet system that stressed religious identities over other forms of identification, the myth of religious indifference was formed during the National Awakening as a means to overcome internal religious divisions among Albanians.[115][116] Promoted as civil religion of sorts, Albanianism as an idea was developed by Albanian nationalists to downplay established religions such as Christianity and Islam among Albanians while a non-religious Albanian identity was stressed.[117][73][118] Religion did not play a significant role as in other Balkan nationalisms or to mainly become a divisive factor in the formation of Albanian nationalism which resembled Western European nationalisms.[113][114] The Albanian language instead of religion became the primary focus of promoting national unity.[117][119] Albanian National Awakening figures during the late Ottoman period generated vernacular literature in Albanian.[120] Often those works were poems which contained nationalist aspirations and political themes which in part secured support for the Albanian nationalist cause when transformed into narrative songs that spread among the male population of Albanian speaking villagers in the Balkans.[120] Nation building efforts gained momentum after 1900 among the Catholic population by the clergy and members such as craftsmen and traders of the Bektashi and Orthodox community in the south.[55] With a de-emphasis of Islam, the Albanian nationalist movement gained the strong support of two Adriatic sea powers Austria-Hungary and Italy who were concerned about pan-Slavism in the wider Balkans and Anglo-French hegemony purportedly represented through Greece in the area.[121][71]
Independence and interwar period
The imminence of collapsing Ottoman rule through military defeat during the Balkan wars pushed Albanians represented by Ismail Qemali to declare independence (28 November 1912) in Vlorë from the Ottoman Empire.[122] The main motivation for independence was to prevent Balkan Albanian inhabited lands from being annexed by Greece and Serbia.[122][123] On the eve of independence the bulk of Albanians still adhered to pre-nationalist categories like religious affiliation, family or region.[124] Both highlanders and peasants were unprepared for a modern nation state and it was used as an argument against Albanian statehood.[124] With the alternative being partition of Balkan Albanian inhabited lands by neighbouring countries, overcoming a fragile national consciousness and multiple internal divisions was paramount for nationalists like state leader Ismail Qemali.[125][123] Developing a strong Albanian national consciousness and sentiment overrode other concerns such as annexing areas with an Albanian population like Kosovo.[125][123] Kosovar Albanian nationalism has been defined through its clash with Serbian nationalism where both view Kosovo as the birthplace of their cultural and national identities.[126] Ottoman rule ended in 1912 during the Balkan Wars with Kosovo and North Macedonia becoming part of Serbia.[127] During this time Serb forces in Kosovo engaged in killings and forced migration of Albanians while the national building aims of the Serbian state were to assimilate some and remove most Albanians by replacing them with Serbian settlers.[128] The Serb state believed that Albanians had no sense of nationhood while Albanian nationalism was viewed as the result of Austro-Hungarian and Italian intrigue.[128] These events fostered feelings of Albanian victimisation and defeatism, grudges against the Serbs and Great Powers who had agreed to that state of affairs which ran alongside Albanian nationalism.[127] Kosovar Albanian nationalism drew upon and became embedded in popular culture such as village customs within a corpus of rich historical myths, distinctive folk music referring to harvests along with marriage and clan based law.[127]
Albania during
During the 1920s the role of religion was downplayed by the Albanian state who instead promoted Albanianism, a broad civic form of nationalism that looked to highlight ethnonational identity over religious identities.
Secessionist sentiments after the First World War became expressed through the
World War II
On 7 April 1939, Italy headed by Benito Mussolini after prolonged interest and overarching sphere of influence during the interwar period invaded Albania.[155] Italian fascist regime members such as Count Galeazzo Ciano pursued Albanian irredentism with the view that it would earn Italians support among Albanians while also coinciding with Italian war aims of Balkan conquest.[156] The Italian annexation of Kosovo to Albania was considered a popular action by Albanians of both areas and initially Kosovar Albanians supported Axis Italian forces.[157][158][159] Western North Macedonia was also annexed by Axis Italy to their protectorate of Albania creating a Greater Albania under Italian control.[160][159] Members from the landowning elite, liberal nationalists opposed to communism with other sectors of society came to form the Balli Kombëtar organisation and the collaborationist government under the Italians which all as nationalists sought to preserve Greater Albania.[161][162][163][164] While Italians expressed increased concerns about conceding authority to them.[161][162] In time the Italian occupation became disliked by sections of the Albanian population such as the intelligentsia, students, other professional classes and town dwellers that generated further an emerging Albanian nationalism fostered during the Zog years.[165][162]
Collapse of Yugoslav rule resulted in actions of revenge being undertaken by Albanians, some joining the local
German occupational authorities instigated a policy of threatening the collaborationist government with military action, communist ascendancy or loss of autonomy and Kosovo to keep them in line.
Albanian Nationalism during the People's Republic of Albania (1945–1991)
Hoxha emerged as leader of Albania at the end of the war and was left with the task of reconstructing Albania from what foundations remained from the Zog years.[168] Hoxha viewed as his goal the construction of a viable independent Albanian nation state based around a "monolithic unity" of the Albanian people.[168] Albanian society was still traditionally divided between four religious communities.[103] In the Albanian census of 1945, Muslims (Sunni and Bektashi) were 72% of the population, 17.2% were Orthodox and 10% Catholic.[184] The support base of the communist party was small and the need to sideline the Kosovo issue resulted in Hoxha resorting to extreme albeit non-traditional (non irredentist) form of state-nationalism to remain in power and to turn Albania into a Stalinist state.[168][171] Hoxha implemented widespread education reform aimed at eradicating illiteracy and education which became used to impart the regime's communist ideology and nationalism.[185] In Albania nationalism during communism had as its basis the ideology of Marxism–Leninism.[186] Nationalism became the basis for all of Hoxha's policies as the war created a "state of siege nationalism" imbued with the myth that Albanian military prowess defeated Axis forces which became a centrepiece of the regime within the context of education and culture.[168][187][188][189] Other themes of Hoxha's nationalism included revering Skanderbeg, the League of Prizren meeting (1878), the Alphabet Congress (1908), Albanian independence (1912) and founding father Ismail Qemali, the Italian defeat during the Vlora War (1920) and Hoxha as creator of a new Albania.[185][188][124][189] Hoxha created and generated a cultural environment that was dominated by doctrinal propaganda stressing nationalism in the areas of literature, geography, history, linguistics, ethnology and folklore so people in Albania would have a sense of their past.[188] The effects among people were that it instilled isolationism, xenophobia, slavophobia, linguistic uniformity and ethnic compactness.[188][85]
Origin theories during communism
Imitating Stalinist trends in the
Nationalism and religion
The communist regime through Albanian nationalism attempted to forge a national identity that transcended and eroded religious and other differences with the aim of forming a unitary Albanian identity.
Name changes
Within the context of anti-religion policies the communist regime ordered in 1975 mandatory name changes, in particular surnames for citizens in Albania that were deemed "inappropriate" or "offensive from a political, ideological and moral standpoint".
Within Yugoslavia (Kosovo and North Macedonia)
During the interwar period and after the Second World War, parts of Kosovar Albanian society lacking Albanian-language education such as those residing in villages were mainly illiterate, and folk music was the main driver of nationalism.[211] The 1950s and 1960s were a period marked by repression and anti Albanian policies in Kosovo under Aleksandar Ranković, a Serbian communist who later fell out and was dismissed by Tito.[211][212] During this time nationalism for Kosovar Albanians became a conduit to alleviate the conditions of the time.[211] In 1968 Yugoslav Serb officials warned about rising Albanian nationalism and by November unrest and demonstrations by thousands of Albanians followed calling for Kosovo to attain republic status, an independent Albanian-language university and some for unification with Albania.[213][214] Tito rewrote the Yugoslav constitution (1974) and attempted to address Albanian grievances by awarding the province of Kosovo autonomy and powers such as a veto in the federal decision making process similar to that of the republics.[215][216]
Between 1971 and 1981, the rise of Albanian nationalism in Kosovo coincided with a revival of
In 1981 there was an outburst of Albanian nationalism.
Dissidence and rise of nationalism
Repression of Albanian nationalism and Albanian nationalists by authorities in Belgrade strengthened the independence movement and focused international attention toward the plight of Kosovar Albanians.
Late 1980s and early 1990s
Kosovar Albanian national identity making unique claims to Kosovo became homogenised during the 1990s and included multiple factors that led to those developments.
Kosovo conflict (1990s) and Kosovan independence (2000s)
Conflict escalated from 1997 onward due to the Yugoslavian army retaliating with a crackdown in the region resulting in violence and population displacements.[247][265] Myths of first settlement and Illyrian descent served to justify for Kosovar Albanians the independence struggle seen as one to eventually unite Albanian lands into a unitary state recreating the mythical state of Illyicum encompassing contemporary Balkan Albanian inhabited lands.[266] A shootout at the Jashari family compound involving Adem Jashari, a KLA commander and surrounding Yugoslav troops in 1998 resulted in the massacre of most Jashari family members.[267][258] The event became a rallying myth for KLA recruitment regarding armed resistance to Serb forces.[267][258] By 1999 international interest in Kosovo eventuated into war resulting in NATO intervention against Milosević, ethnic cleansing of thousands of Albanians driving them into neighbouring countries with the cessation of conflict marking the withdrawal of Yugoslav forces.[247][268][258] Many people from non-Albanian communities such as the Serbs and Romani fled Kosovo fearing revenge attacks by armed people and returning refugees while others were pressured by the KLA and armed gangs to leave.[269] Post conflict Kosovo was placed under an international United Nations framework with the UN Interim Administration Mission in Kosovo (UNMIK) overseeing administrative affairs and the UN Kosovo Force (KFOR) dealing with defence.[270]
Contemporary Albanian Nationalism in the Balkans
Albania
Due to the legacy of Hoxha's dictatorial and violent regime, Albanians in a post communist environment have rejected Hoxha's version of Albanian nationalism.
Influence of origin theories in contemporary society and politics
Within the sphere of Albanian politics, the Illyrians are officially regarded as the ancestors of the Albanians.[277] The Illyrian theory continues to influence Albanian nationalism, scholarship, and archeologists as it is seen as providing some evidence of continuity of an Albanian presence in Kosovo, western Macedonia, and southern Albania, i.e., areas that were subject to ethnic conflicts between Albanians, Serbs, Macedonians, and Greeks.[85][278][148] For some Albanian nationalists claiming descent from Illyrians as the oldest inhabitants of the Western Balkans allows them to assert a "prior claim" to sizeable lands in the Balkans.[148] In the context of the so-called authochtony theory, Albanian scholars reject any resemblances of Mycenaean Greek burial patterns found in Albania during the Late Bronze Age as coincidental or non-existent.[279] Though archaeological and linguistic evidence points that Illyrians had not a homogeneous ethnic entity, even today this is challenged in local scholarship.[280] Greek and Roman figures from antiquity such as Aristotle, Pyrrhus of Epirus, Alexander the Great, and Constantine the Great are also claimed.[281][282][283]
Ismail Kadare, a prominent Albanian novelist, has reflected in his writings themes from nationalistic Albanian historiography about Albanian closeness to ancient Greeks based on Homeric ideals, claiming that the Albanians are more Greek than the Greeks themselves. He has initiated debates on Albanian identity, saying that Albanians are a white people and Islam has been the result of foreign invasions.[284][273]
Rejected by modern scholarship, during the late 1990s and early 2000s the Pelasgian theory has been revived through a series of translated foreign books published on Albania and other related topics and plays an important role in Albanian nationalism today.[285][286] Among them are authors Robert D'Angély, Edwin Everett Jacques, Mathieu Aref and Aristeidis Kollias, whose works have revitalised 19th century ideas about Albanian descent from ancient Pelasgians (shared with the Greeks) and being a European "white race" originating from them alongside many Greek words having an Albanian etymology.[285] In Albania the Pelasgian theory has been used by Albanians in Albania and Albanian immigrants in Greece as a tool to rehabilitate themselves as an ancient and autochthonous population in the Balkans to "prove" the precedence of Albanians over Greeks.[285] The revival of the alternative Pelasgian theory has occurred within the context of post-communist Greek-Albanian relations to generate cultural hegemony and historical precedence over the Greeks and sometimes toward other (historical) European cultures by Albanians.[287][283] Albanian schoolbooks, mainly in relation to language, have also asserted at times that the Illyrians are the heirs of the Pelasgians.[288][289]
Kosovo and North Macedonia
The Kosovo war (1999) generated enthusiasm for using the internet among Balkan Albanians and diaspora (Europe and North America) for information and communication between communities separated by borders and geography and cyberspace has increasingly become an ethno-political space where Albanian irredentists promote Greater Albania through content like maps on websites.[290] In post conflict Kosovo Rugova as first president in his drive toward emphasising aspects of statehood spent time researching and pursued an identity management project that centred on ancient Dardania and designed state symbols like the presidential flag for a future independent Kosovo.[291][21][292] Some Kosovar Albanians have referred to Kosovo as Dardania and Rugova at times supported those moves.[21] To define Kosovo as an Albanian area, a toponyms commission (1999) led by Kosovar Albanian academics was established to determine new or alternative names for some settlements, streets, squares and organisations with Slavic origins that underwent a process of Albanisation during this period.[293][294] Those measures have been promoted by sectors of the Kosovar Albanian academic, political, literary and media elite that caused administrative and societal confusion with multiple toponyms being used resulting in sporadic acceptance by wider Kosovar Albanian society.[294]
In Kosovo, Albanians view themselves as being the oldest nation in the Balkans and descendants of the ancient Illyrians with their self-determination struggle being interpreted as one of first settlers in the area fighting against the Slavic Serb "interlopers".[266][20] Serbs are regarded by Albanian nationalists in generalised terms as "Slavs" and view them without historic territorial rights within an expanded Albanian state.[178] In Kosovo, the additional Dardanian-Illyrian theory also exists that claims contemporary Kosovar Albanians as direct descendants of Dardanians, a subgroup of the Illyrian people who inhabited the area in antiquity.[266][21][20] The Dardanians are viewed by Kosovar Albanians as having been Catholics and interpreted as making Albanians historically part of Western civilisation in opposition to the Slavs who are alleged to have taken Catholic churches and converted them into Orthodox ones.[21] The myth has impacted the struggle for Kosovan self-determination from the Serbs in that an independent Kosovo is viewed separate from Albania and as a recovery and recreation of the ancient Dardanian kingdom.[266] Albanian unification has however been interpreted by Kosovar Albanians in the context of reuniting ancient Dardanians into a larger Illyrian whole or modern Albanians of Kosovo into a Greater Albania.[266] The myth has also served to justify expulsion and dispossession of the perceived enemy understood as either temporary or hostile occupiers.[266] A strong link exists in Kosovo for Albanians between nationalist politics and archaeology.[295] Kosovar Albanian archaeologists continue to attempt through archeological excavations and their interpretations to connect Kosovar Albanians with the local ancient Dardanian and Illyrian populations.[296]
In 2004, prolonged negotiations over Kosovo's future status, sociopolitical problems and nationalist sentiments resulted in the
Post conflict, Albanians in Macedonia have placed new statues of Albanian historical figures like Skanderbeg in Skopje and named schools after such individuals while memorials have been erected for fallen KLA and NLA fighters.[304] Albanian nationalists view Macedonian ethnicity as invented by the Yugoslavs to weaken Serbia, prevent other identities forming and to legitimise the existence of Republic of Macedonia in Yugoslavia.[305] Macedonians are referred to by (nationalist) Albanians as an ethnic collectivity with the term Shkie (Slavs) that also carries pejorative connotations.[178][306] Albanian nationalists view Macedonians as being without historic territorial rights over areas in Macedonia that would become part of a Greater Albania and lay claim to half of the territory of the republic.[178] In the political sphere Albanian parties maintain secular and nationalistic platforms while supporting the secular framework of the state with an insistence on protecting Islam and the culture of Muslim constituents along with control and interference of Muslim institutions.[307][308][309] Unlike Albania and Kosovo, national identity and Islam are traditionally linked and stronger among Albanians from Macedonia.[254] The status of Albanians being a minority in Macedonia and that most are Muslims have blended national and religious identity in opposition to the Orthodox Slavic Macedonian majority.[254] Some Muslim Albanian establishment figures in Macedonia hold that view that being a good Muslim is synonymous with being Albanian.[307]
In post conflict Kosovo KLA fighters have been venerated by Kosovar Albanian society with the publishing of literature such as biographies, the erection of monuments and sponsoring of commemorative events.[310] The exploits of Adem Jashari have been celebrated and turned into legend by former KLA members, some in government, and by Kosovar Albanian society resulting in songs, literature, monuments, memorials with streets and buildings bearing his name across Kosovo.[311][312] In the context of de-emphasising Islam, Kosovar Albanians have shown interest in and referred to Albanian Christian origins and heritage, in particular the Laramans (Kosovan crypto-Catholics) assisted to present Albanians as originally European despite being Muslim.[313] Old Albanian traditions within the Drenica region hailing as a local the medieval Serb figure Miloš Obilić (Albanian: Millosh Kopiliq) who killed Sultan Murad I have been utilised within Kosovo school textbooks and by some Albanian nationalists to claim the knight as an Albanian.[314] Establishing the participation of Albanians at the Battle of Kosovo has been a means for Kosovar Albanians to claim roots of being European and to sideline the historic conversion to Islam.[315] Within the context of the Kosovo battle and nation building, some in government circles and wider Kosovo Albanian society have promoted a narrative of continuous Albanian resistance from medieval until contemporary times to states and peoples considered foreign occupiers.[315] With the declaration of independence (2008), the Kosovo government has promoted the country both internally and internationally as Newborn generating an ideology that attempts to break with the past and establish a democratic multicultural future.[316] Albanian nationalism in Kosovo is secular while Islam is mainly subsumed within the parameters of national and cultural identity that entails at times dominant clan and familial identities.[317] Within the public sphere Islam at times resurfaces to challenge the dominant nationalistic view of Albanians being superficial Muslims however the political sphere remains mainly secular.[254][318]
Pan-Albanianism and Albanian politics in the Balkans
Political parties advocating and willing to fight for a Greater Albania emerged in Albania during the 2000s.[319] They were the National Liberation Front of Albanians (KKCMTSH) and Party of National Unity (PUK) that both merged in 2002 to form the United National Albanian Front (FBKSh) which acted as the political organisation for the Albanian National Army (AKSh) militant group.[320][319] Regarded internationally as terrorist both have gone underground and its members have been involved in various violent incidents in Kosovo, Serbia and Macedonia during the 2000s.[320][321][322] In the early 2000s, the Liberation Army of Chameria (UCC) was a reported paramilitary formation that intended to be active in northern Greek region of Epirus.[323][324] Political parties active only in the political scene exist that have a nationalist outlook are the monarchist Legality Movement Party (PLL), the National Unity Party (PBKSh) alongside the Balli Kombëtar, a party to have passed the electoral threshold and enter parliament.[319][325] These political parties, some of whom advocate for a Greater Albania have been mainly insignificant and remained at the margins of the Albanian political scene.[325] Another nationalist party to have passed the electoral threshold is the Party for Justice, Integration and Unity (PDIU) representing the Cham Albanian community regarding property and other issues related to their Second World War exile from northern Greece.[326][327] The current socialist prime minister Edi Rama in coalition with the PDIU has raised the Cham issue, while at PDIU gatherings made comments about ancient Greek deities and references to surrounding territories as being Albanian earning stern rebukes from Greece.[328][329][330] Some similar views have also been voiced by members from Albania's political elite from time to time.[331] Within the sphere of Albanian politics anti-Greek sentiments exist and have for instance been expressed by the nationalist movement turned political party the Red and Black Alliance (AK).[332] Anti-Greek sentiments expressed as conspiracy theories among Albanians are over perceived fears of hellenisation of Albanians through economic incentives creating a "time-bomb" by artificially raising Greek numbers alongside Greek irredentism toward Southern Albania.[332] There are conspiracy theories in which the identification with Greek expansionist plans would classify them as potential enemies of the state.[333] Some Albanians are in favour of Albania being more self-assertive and having a more ethnonationalist strategy toward the "Greek issue".[334]
The Kosovo question has limited appeal among Albanian voters and are not interested in electing parties advocating redrawn borders creating a Greater Albania.
However, Albanian nationalism remains popular, with Kosovar Albanians at present supporting the "two states, one nation" platform. This ensures a sustainable Kosovo state, outside of Serbian and foreign control, and a united internal and external front between Kosovo and Albania. Recently, Kosovo's and Albania's governments have signed numerous treaties and memorandums of cooperation which synchronise their policies at home and abroad, including in the diaspora, to create a Pan-Albanian approach without the need for ground unification.
References
Citations
- ^ Gawrych 2006, p. 20. "... dynamic that would remain essential for understanding the development of Albanianism."
- ^ Judah 2008, p. 12. "the religion of Albanians is Albanianism"
- ^ Krieger 2001, p. 475."... frequently then and since, "The religion of the Albanians is Albanianism."
- ^ a b c d Reynolds 2001, p. 233. "Henceforth, Hoxha announced, the only religion would be "Albanianism." Hoxha was using nationalism as a weapon in his struggle to break out of the Soviet bloc."
- ^ Lubonja 2002, pp. 92, 100, 102.
- ^ Clayer 2002, p. 132.
- ^ Bideleux & Jeffries 2007, p. 423. "... form a 'Greater Albania'. Although considerable attention was given to pan-Albanianism in the West"
- ^ Vickers 2004, p. 3.
- ^ a b c Kressing 2002, p. 19. "Due to religious ties of the Albanian majority population with the ruling Ottoman Turks and the virtual lack of an Albanian state in history, nationalism was less developed among Albanians in the 19th"
- ^ a b Gawrych 2006, pp. 72–86.
- ^ a b c d e Kostov 2010, p. 40.
- ^ a b Skoulidas 2013. para. 5.
- ^ a b c d King & Mai 2008, p. 209.
- ^ a b c Puto & Maurizio 2015, p. 172.
- ^ a b Fermor, David Sebastian (2018). Heritage and national identity in post-socialist Albania (PhD thesis). Manchester Metropolitan University. p. 3, 73–114
- ^ a b De Rapper 2009, p. 7. "by identifying with Pelasgians, Albanians could claim that they were present in their Balkan homeland not only before the "barbarian" invaders of late Roman times (such as the Slavs), not only before the Romans themselves, but also, even more importantly, before the Greeks‟ (Malcolm 2002: 76-77)."
- ISBN 978-963-386-308-4.
The Illyrians were, thus, reexamined alongside the "Epirotes" who, in a way, were considered the other "Pelasgian branch" (or, rather, Illyrian variant) that contributed to the creation of the Albanian nation...
- OCLC 23689275.
Against a widespread view that they spoke a form of Greek the Albanians argue that the. Epirotes were one with the rest of the Illyrians.
- ^ Wydra 2007, p. 230. "Albanians tended to go further back in time to the sixth and seventh centuries, claiming an Illyrian- Albanian continuity and superiority over Slavic people...."
- ^ a b c Bideleux & Jeffries 2007, p. 513. "Ethnic Albanians not only comprise the vast majority of the population in Kosova. They have also been brought up to believe that their nation is the oldest in the Balkans, directly descended from the ancient Dardanians (Dardanae), a branch of the 'Illyrian peoples' who had allegedly inhabited most of the western Balkans (including Kosova) for many centuries before the arrival of the Slavic 'interlopers'...".
- ^ a b c d e Judah 2008, p. 31.
- Francis W. Hirst; H. N. Brailsford; Paul Milioukov; Samuel T. Dutton (1914). "Report of the International Commission to Inquire into the Causes and the Conduct of the Balkan Wars". Washington D.C.: Carnegie Endowment for International Piece. p. 47. Retrieved January 10, 2011.
The Servians hastened to oppose the plan of a "Greater Albania" by their plan for partition of Turkey in Europe among the Balkan States into four spheres of influence.
- ISBN 978-1-84162-199-9.
At the same time the rebellion sent strong signal to Kosovo neighbors that the Ottoman Empire was weak.
- ISBN 978-0-521-29166-8. Retrieved January 10, 2011.
Therefore, with only final point being ignored, on September 4, 1912 the government accepted proposals and the Albanian revolt was over
- ^ Nitsiakos 2010, p. 206.
- ^ King & Mai 2008, p. 212. "three main constitutive myths at work within Albanian nationalism ...Secondly, the myth of Skanderbeg, ..."
- ^ Steinke, Klaus. "Recension of The living Skanderbeg : the Albanian hero between myth and history / Monica Genesin ... (eds.) Hamburg : Kovač, 2010 Schriftenreihe Orbis ; Bd. 16" (in German). Quelle Informationsmittel (IFB) : digitales Rezensionsorgan für Bibliothek und Wissenschaft. Retrieved March 24, 2011.
Im nationalen Mythus der Albaner nimmt er den zentralen Platz ein,...
- ^ Nixon 2010, pp. 3–6.
- ^ Free 2011, p. 14. "Betrachtet man die Gesamtheit der albanischen Nationalmythen, so ist offensichtlich, dass es fur Albaner mehr als nur den Skanderbeg-Mythos gibt und dass nicht nur auf diesem Mythos die albanische Identitat beruht. Es gibt noch weitere wichtige Mythenfiguren, doch diese beziehen sich auf Vorstellungen, abstrakte Konzepte und Kollektive, aber nicht auf Personen."
- ^ Rrapaj, Jonilda, and Klevis Kolasi. "The Curious Case of Albanian Nationalism: the Crooked Line from a Scattered Array of Clans to a Nation-State." Turkish Yearbook of International Relations 44 (2013).
- ^ Babuna, Aydin. "The Albanians of Kosovo and Macedonia: Ethnic identity superseding religion." Nationalities papers 28, no. 1 (2000): 67-92.
- ^ "Kosovo and Albania Agree to Run Joint Foreign Policy". 3 July 2019.
- ^ Trix, Frances. "“WHEN CHRISTIANS BECAME DERVISHES:” AFFIRMING ALBANIAN MUSLIM‐CHRISTIAN UNITY THROUGH DISCOURSE." The Muslim World 85, no. 3‐4 (1995): 280-294.
- ^ "Blue, yellow, white — football, politics, identity - Kosovo 2.0Kosovo 2.0". 16 February 2019.
- ^ Nokaj, Bergita. Diasporic re-visioning: Fragmenting Albanian nationalism and identity. Sarah Lawrence College, 2008.
- ^ Hewer, Christopher J., and Shpresa Vitija. "Identity after Kosovo's independence: narratives from within the Kosovar Albanian diaspora." Social Identities 19, no. 5 (2013): 621-636.
- ^ Misha 2002, p. 34.
- ^ Rrapaj, Jonilda and Kolasi, Klevis (2013). The Turkish Yearbook of International Relations, Volume 44, pp. 185-228. pp. 194-195: "The initial or Phase A consists in the intellectual interest and scholarly inquiry of an awareness of the linguistic, cultural and social attributes of the particular ethnic group. No clear national demands (for independence) exists in this stage. The second period or Phase B concerns the patriotic activities of elites to “awaken” national consciousness among the ethnic group or the period of patriotic agitation. The final stage or Phase C denotes the transformation of nationalists movements from a narrow one restricted with political and intellectual circles into a mass movement. In the Albanian case as we will see below, we can argue that Phase A, generally speaking covers the period from the beginning of the Reforms of Tanzimat or the publication of first the Albanian alphabet in 1844 as a symbolic date, until the collapse of the League of Prizren (1881) or the publication of Sami Frashëri‟s nationalist Manifest in 1899, while Phase B intensifies after the crushing of the League of Prizren by the Sublime Porte and especially after the Greek-Ottoman crisis in 1897. It continues even after the declaration of independence, because of the fragile or gelatinous state structure. The spread of nationalism to masses or the Phase C starts only with the establishment of a proper state structure and political stability after 1920."
- '^ Hroch, Miroslav (1999). “From National Movement to the Fully-formed Nation: The Nation-building Process in Europe”, in Mapping the Nation, ed. Gopal Balakrishnan. London: Verso, 1999. p. 80
- ^ Zhelyazkova, Antonina. "Albanian Identities". p. 24: "It is assumed that the beginning of the Albanian Revival was set by Naum Veqilharxhi's activity and his address to the Orthodox Albanians, which, along with his primer published in 1845, was the first programme document of the Albanian national movement. In it Veqilharxhi demanded Albanian schools and development of Albanian as a first step to the evolution of the Albanian people side by side with the other Balkan nations"
- ^ Misha 2002, pp. 40–41.
- ^ a b c d Gawrych 2006, pp. 21–22.
- ^ a b c Poulton 1995, p. 65.
- ^ Skendi 1967a, p. 174. "The political thinking of the Orthodox Albanians was divided into two categories. Those who lived in Albania were dominated by Greek influence. The majority of them- especially the notables-desired union with Greece. The Orthodox Christians in general had an intense hatred of Ottoman rule. Although this feeling was shared by their co-religionists who lived in the colonies abroad, their political thinking was different."
- ^ Skoulidas 2013. para. 2, 27.
- ^ Merrill 2001, p. 229.
- ^ Endresen 2011, p. 39.
- ^ Gawrych 2006, pp. 43–53.
- ^ a b c Gawrych 2006, pp. 86–105.
- ^ Psomas 2008, p. 280.
- ^ a b c d Endresen 2011, pp. 40–43.
- ^ Frantz 2009, pp. 460–461. "In consequence of the Russian-Ottoman war, a violent expulsion of nearly the entire Muslim, predominantly Albanian-speaking, population was carried out in the sanjak of Niš and Toplica during the winter of 1877-1878 by the Serbian troops. This was one major factor encouraging further violence, but also contributing greatly to the formation of the League of Prizren. The league was created in an opposing reaction to the Treaty of San Stefano and the Congress of Berlin and is generally regarded as the beginning of the Albanian national movement.
- ^ Goldwyn 2016, p. 255.
- ^ a b Kostov 2010, p. 40. "These scholars did not have access to many primary sources to be able to construct the notion of the Illyrian origin of the Albanians yet, and Greater Albania was not a priority. The goal of the day was to persuade the Ottoman officials that Albanians were a nation and they deserved some autonomy with the Empire. In fact, Albanian historians and politicians were very moderate compared to their peers in neighbouring countries.
- ^ a b Jordan 2015, p. 1586.
- ^ Misha 2002, p. 40.
- ^ a b Trencsényi & Kopecek 2007, p. 169.
- ^ a b c d Puto 2009, p. 324.
- ^ a b Puto & Maurizio 2015, pp. 173–174. "Writers like Angelo Masci (1758– 1821), Emanuele Bidera (1784– 1858), De Rada's mentor and teacher, Demetrio Camarda (1821–82), Giuseppe Crispi (1781–1859) and Vincenzo Dorsa (1823–85) were thus among the first to entertain the prospect of an autonomous Albanian nationality, collecting local folklore, turning their ancient Albanian dialect into a written language at a time when Albanian still lacked a written form, and building a national pantheon, which included Philip and Alexander the Great of Macedonia, King Pyrrhus of Epirus (fourth century BC) and Gjergj Kastrioti Skanderbeg (1405–68). They did so under the influence of works by Western scholars on Albania, and, more importantly, in the context of the cultural revival associated with the rise of southern Italian patriotism. Calabria and Sicily, where the main Albanian diaspora was settled, were the theatre of major social and political changes in the first decades of the nineteenth century."
- ^ Jordan 2015, p. 1585.
- ^ Skendi 1967a, pp. 115–120.
- ^ Skendi 1967a, pp. 181–189.
- ^ Skoulidas 2013. para. 19, 26.
- ^ Shaw & Shaw 1977, p. 254.
- ^ Takeyh & Gvosdev 2004, p. 80.
- ^ Skendi 1967a, p. 143.
- ^ Merdjanova 2013, p. 41.
- ^ Petrovich 2000, p. 1357.
- ^ Stoyanov 2012, p. 186.
- ^ Skendi 1967a, pp. 169–174.
- ^ a b Aberbach 2016, pp. 174–175.
- ^ Elsie 2005, p. 88. "Feja e shqyptarit asht shqyptarija (The faith of the Albanian is Albanianism) which was to become a catchword of Albanian nationalists both in the Rilindja period and later.
- ^ a b Trencsényi & Kopecek 2006, p. 120.
- ^ a b c d Misha 2002, p. 43.
- ^ a b Nitsiakos 2010, pp. 210–211.
- ^ Misha 2002, p. 43. "..an episode taken from medieval history was central for Albanian national mythology. In the absence of medieval kingdom or empire the Albanian nationalists choose Skanderbeg..."
- ^ Skendi 1968, pp. 83–84, 87–88.
- ^ Srodecki 2013, p. 817.
- ^ a b Endresen 2010, p. 249.
- ^ Misha 2002, p. 43. "The nationalist writers... transform history into myth ... As with most myths his figure and deeds became a mixture of historical facts, truths, half-truths, inventions and folklore."
- ^ Kostovicova 2005, p. 50.
- ^ a b c Skendi 1967a, pp. 114–115; p. 114. "The Greek propagandists, on the other hand used it in order to attract Albanians to their side."
- ^ a b Malcolm 2002, pp. 76–77.
- ^ a b Pipa 1989, p. 155.
- ^ a b c d Madgearu & Gordon 2008, p. 145.
- ^ a b Malcolm 2002, p. 77. "The greatest expansion of Hellenic civilization and rule thus occurred thanks to an 'Albanian' and not a Hellene".
- ^ a b Skoulidas 2013. para. 9, 12-15, 25.
- ^ a b Brisku 2013, p. 72.
- ^ Malcolm 2002, pp. 77–79.
- ^ Pipa 1989, p. 180. "We saw that Italo-Albanian scholars in general do not favour the Illyrian-Albanian continuity thesis. Why? Because Italo-Albanian culture has a strong Byzantine imprint. All the aforementioned scholars were followers of the Greek rite... For to them 'Illyrian' has strong overtones of 'Catholic,' and 'Catholic' in turn connotes 'Italianate'."
- ^ a b Puto & Maurizio 2015, p. 176. "De Rada's contribution to the formulation of a theory about the historical origins of the Albanian nation reflected both his concern to emphasize the close association between Italy and Albanian nationalism, and his preoccupation with the distinctiveness of the Albanian nationality as against the Greek. The Italo-Albanians identified the origins of the Albanian nation in the Pelasgian or Pellazg people (otherwise known as Pelasgi in Risorgimento literature), whose history could be traced back to 2000 BC, and whose territories covered parts of Greece, Albania itself, and, further to the west, Italy and Sicily; they stressed the sheer antiquity of the Albanian language, deeming it to be the oldest in the region, even older than Greek, in order to justify their claims to political and cultural emancipation."
- ^ a b De Rapper 2009, p. 7. "These theories were of particular importance in southern Albania, whose territory was disputed between Albanian and Greek nationalisms.... On the Greek side, the Pelasgic theory was at first used to facilitate the incorporation of all Albanians (and other inhabitants of the Balkans) into the Greek national projects as common descendants of the Pelasgians; this theory was at first welcome by some Greek educated Albanian intellectuals (Sigalas 1999: 62-85). On the Albanian side, it supported the claim of priority and ownership of Albanians on the territories they inhabited"
- ^ Elsie 2005, p. 71.
- ^ Lubonja 2002, p. 92.
- ^ a b Malcolm 2002, p. 80. "The myth of ethnic homogeneity and cultural purity, however, dictated otherwise... That Albanian writers felt the need to argue in this way was easily understandable at a time when Greek propagandists were claiming that the Albanians were not a proper people at all, that their language was just a mish mash of other languages and that any member of the Greek Orthodox Church was 'really' a Greek. At the same time, Slav publicists were insisting either that the Albanians of Kosova were 'really' Slavs, or that they were 'Turks' who could be 'sent back' to Turkey."
- ^ a b Misha 2002, p. 41.
- ^ a b Puto & Maurizio 2015, p. 177. "In the political context of the 1880s, however, emphasis on the antiquity of the Albanian nation served new political purposes, since Greek nationalism was no longer the sole threat to Albanian nationalism. In fact, it was designed to counter also the Slavic national movements, several of which in the 1880s were planning to create a Balkan federation as a means to liberate themselves from the dominion of the Sublime Porte."
- ^ a b Misha 2002, p. 42. "But gradually, while the Albanian national movement matured, the romantic Pelasgian theory and others were replaced by the theory of Illyrian descent, which was more convincing because it was supported by a number of scholars. The Illyrian descent theory soon became one of the principal pillars of Albanian nationalism because of its importance as evidence of Albanian historical continuity in Kosovo, as well as in the south of Albania, i.e in the areas contested by Serbs or Greeks."
- ^ a b Saunders 2011, p. 97.
- ^ Gingeras 2009, p. 31.
- ^ Biernat 2014, pp. 14–15.
- ^ a b Skendi 1967a, pp. 370–378.
- ^ a b c d e f g Duijzings 2000, p. 163.
- ^ a b Gawrych 2006, p. 182.
- ^ a b Nezir-Akmese 2005, p. 96.
- ^ Nezir-Akmese 2005, p. 97.
- ^ Poulton 1995, p. 66.
- ^ a b c Shaw & Shaw 1977, p. 288.
- ^ a b c d Puto & Maurizio 2015, p. 183."Nineteenth-century Albanianism was not by any means a separatist project based on the desire to break with the Ottoman Empire and to create a nationstate. In its essence Albanian nationalism was a reaction to the gradual disintegration of the Ottoman Empire and a response to the threats posed by Christian and Balkan national movements to a population that was predominantly Muslim. In this sense, its main goal was to gather all ‘Albanian’ vilayet's into an autonomous province inside the Ottoman Empire. In fact, given its focus on the defence of the language, history and culture of a population spread across various regions and states, from Italy to the Balkans, it was not associated with any specific type of polity, but rather with the protection of its rights within the existing states. This was due to the fact that, culturally, early Albanian nationalists belonged to a world in which they were at home, though poised between different languages, cultures, and at times even states."
- ^ a b c Goldwyn 2016, p. 276.
- ^ Gingeras 2009, p. 195.
- ^ Jordan 2015, p. 1583.
- ^ a b c Petrovich 2000, p. 1371.
- ^ a b Misha 2002, pp. 44–45.
- ^ a b Nitsiakos 2010, pp. 206–207.
- ^ a b Duijzings 2002, pp. 60–61.
- ^ a b Duijzings 2002, p. 61.
- ^ Barbullushi 2010, p. 146.
- ^ Bardhoshi & Lelaj 2008, pp. 299–300.
- ^ a b Sugarman 1999, pp. 420–421.
- ^ Kokolakis 2003, p. 91. "Περιορίζοντας τις αρχικές του ισλαμιστικές εξάρσεις, το αλβανικό εθνικιστικό κίνημα εξασφάλισε την πολιτική προστασία των δύο ισχυρών δυνάμεων της Αδριατικής, της Ιταλίας και της Αυστρίας, που δήλωναν έτοιμες να κάνουν ό,τι μπορούσαν για να σώσουν τα Βαλκάνια από την απειλή του Πανσλαβισμού και από την αγγλογαλλική κηδεμονία που υποτίθεται ότι θα αντιπροσώπευε η επέκταση της Ελλάδας. Η διάδοση των αλβανικών ιδεών στο χριστιανικό πληθυσμό άρχισε να γίνεται ορατή και να ανησυχεί ιδιαίτερα την Ελλάδα." "[By limiting the Islamic character, the Albanian nationalist movement secured civil protection from two powerful forces in the Adriatic, Italy and Austria, which was ready to do what they could to save the Balkans from the threat of Pan-Slavism and the Anglo French tutelage that is supposed to represent its extension through Greece. The dissemination of ideas in Albanian Christian population started to become visible and very concerning to Greece]."
- ^ a b Gawrych 2006, pp. 197–200.
- ^ a b c Fischer 2007a, p. 19.
- ^ a b c d e Schmidt-Neke 2014, p. 14.
- ^ a b c Kostov 2010, pp. 40–41.
- ^ Merdjanova 2013, p. 42.
- ^ a b c Perritt 2008, p. 20.
- ^ a b Mylonas 2013, p. 153.
- ^ a b Psomas 2008, pp. 263–264, 272, 280.
- ^ Psomas 2008, pp. 263–264, 268, 280–281.
- ^ Psomas 2008, pp. 263–264, 272, 280–281.
- ^ Lederer 1994, p. 337. "Most Muslims and Bektashis understood that religious differences had to be played down in the name of common ethnicity and that pan-Islamic ideas had to be rejected and fought, even if some so-called 'fanatical' (Sunni) Muslim leaders in Shkodër and elsewhere preferred solidarity with the rest of the Islamic world. Such an attitude was not conducive to Albanian independence to which the international situation was favourable in 1912 and even after World War I."
- ^ a b c Merdjanova 2013, p. 43.
- ^ a b c Mylonas 2013, p. 156.
- ^ Babuna 2004, p. 300.
- ^ Kostovicova 2002, p. 158.
- ^ Kostovicova 2002, pp. 159–160.
- ^ Babuna 2004, p. 299. "The Muslim clergy heralded the superiority of national rather than religious identity by furthering education in Albanian, but, their engagement in this process implied the strengthening of the religious element in Albanian nationhood. This contrasted with the efforts of the nationalists, who tried to construct an Albanian national identity on a purely secular foundation.
- ^ a b Kostovicova 2002, p. 161.
- ^ Babuna 2004, p. 298.
- ^ Kostovicova 2002, pp. 159, 160–161.
- ^ Babuna 2004, p. 298. "The use of the Albanian language was prohibited and Albanians were forced to emigrate."
- ^ Merdjanova 2013, p. 39.
- ^ Psomas 2008, pp. 278, 282.
- ^ a b c Fischer 1999, pp. 6–7. "This degree of political stability, limited though it was, did much to create an environment necessary for the growth of an Albanian national consciousness. Zog significantly contributed to the process of replacing tribal loyalty and local and regional pride with a rudimentary form of modern state nationalism."
- ^ a b Fischer 1999, p. 273.
- ^ a b c Fischer 2007a, pp. 48–49.
- ^ a b c d Bideleux & Jeffries 2007, p. 23. "they thus claim to be the oldest indigenous people of the western Balkans".
- ^ Fischer 1999, p. 70.
- ^ a b c Mylonas 2013, pp. 153–155.
- ^ Udovički 2000, p. 31.
- ^ Fontana 2017, pp. 91–92.
- ^ a b Babuna 2004, p. 298. "The kaçak movement was suppressed by the Serbs in the second half of the 1920s, but it nevertheless contributed to the development of a national consciousness among the Albanians."
- ^ a b c Denitch 1996, p. 118.
- ^ Fischer 1999, pp. 5, 21–25.
- ^ Fischer 1999, pp. 70–71.
- ^ Fischer 1999, pp. 88, 260.
- ^ a b c Judah 2002, p. 27.
- ^ a b c Judah 2008, p. 47.
- ^ Hall 2010, p. 183.
- ^ a b Fischer 1999, pp. 115–116.
- ^ a b c d e f Fischer 1999, p. 260.
- ^ Ramet 2006, pp. 141–142.
- ^ a b Rossos 2013, pp. 185–186.
- ^ Fischer 1999, p. 96.
- ^ a b Ramón 2015, p. 262.
- ^ Fontana 2017, p. 92.
- ^ a b c d e Fischer 1999, p. 274.
- ^ a b Fischer 1999, pp. 263–264.
- ^ Fischer 1999, p. 267.
- ^ a b Fischer 1999, p. 251.
- ^ Bailey 2011, p. 100.
- ^ Reginald 1999, pp. 197–188.
- ^ Judah 2002, pp. 28–29.
- ^ a b Judah 2002, pp. 29–30.
- ^ a b Judah 2002, p. 30.
- ^ Turnock 2004, p. 447.
- ^ a b c d Batkovski & Rajkocevski 2014, p. 95.
- ^ Baltsiotis 2011. para. 27-60.
- ^ a b Tsoutsoumpis 2015, pp. 119–121, 123–138.
- ^ Baltsiotis 2011. para. 55-63.
- ^ Austin 2005, p. 720.
- ^ Sawyer 2014, p. 122. "In Tirana, Albania's National History Museum, itself a product of Hoxha's regime, reaches back to antiquity in a notable mural above the entrance, yet the central figure (a woman) is flanked by a worker and a partisan, making this ultimately a modern moment."
- ^ Czekalski 2013, p. 120. "The census of 1945 showed that the vast majority of society (72%) were Muslims, 17.2% of the population declared themselves to be Orthodox, and 10% Catholics."
- ^ a b c d Fischer 1999, p. 255.
- ^ a b c Nitsiakos 2010, pp. 160, 206.
- ^ Fischer 2007b, p. 251.
- ^ a b c d Fischer 2007b, p. 262.
- ^ a b Standish 2002, pp. 116–123.
- ^ Priestland 2009, p. 404. "Protochronism became an enormously popular idea in Romanian culture in the 1970s and 1980s... Protochronism, of course had been seen before, in the Soviet claims of the 1940s... Romania was essentially importing a version of high Stalinism: a politics of hierarchy and discipline was wedded to an economics of industrialization and an ideology of nationalism. It was joined in this strategy by Albania"
- ^ Stan & Turcescu 2007, p. 48.
- ^ Tarţa 2012, p. 78. "The official doctrine that Ceaușescu adopted was called Dacianism, Romania is not the only country to invoke its ancient roots when it comes to show national superiority, Albania also emphasized its Thraco-Illyrian origin."
- ^ De Rapper 2009, p. 7. "Although Enver Hoxha himself supported the Pelasgic theory in his own writings (Cabanes 2004: 119), the directions he gave to Albanian archaeologists in the 1960s focused on the Illyrians and on the Illyrian-Albanian continuity. As a result, studies on the origin of Illyrians and Albanians published at that time do not even mention the Pelasgians."
- ^ a b c d Galaty & Watkinson 2004, pp. 8–9.
- ^ Belledi et al. 2000, pp. 480–485.
- ^ Lakshman-Lepain 2002, p. 35.
- ^ Ramet 1989, p. 17.
- ^ Trix 1994, p. 536.
- ^ Crawshaw 2006, p. 63.
- ^ Duijzings 2000, p. 164.
- ^ a b Buturovic 2006, p. 439.
- ^ a b c d Poulton 1995, p. 146.
- ^ a b Fischer 2007b, p. 264.
- ^ Nurja 2012, pp. 204–205.
- ^ Ramet 1998, p. 220.
- ^ a b Vickers 2011, p. 196. "One by-product of the regime's anti-religious policy was its concern with the question of people's Muslim and Christian names. Parents were actively discouraged from giving their children names that had any religious association or connotation. From time to time official lists were published with pagan, so called Illyrian or freshly minted names considered appropriate for the new breed of revolutionary Albanians.
- ^ Macedonian Review 1990, p. 63.
- ^ Psomas 2008, p. 278.
- ^ Veikou 2001, p. 159.
- ^ Gilberg 2000, p. 23.
- ^ a b c Perritt 2008, p. 21.
- ^ Jović 2009, p. 117.
- ^ Dragovic-Soso 2002, p. 40.
- ^ Vickers 2011, p. 192.
- ^ Perritt 2008, pp. 21–22.
- ^ Dragovic-Soso 2002, p. 116.
- ^ a b Yoshihara 2006, p. 66.
- ^ Perritt 2008, p. 22.
- ^ Kostovicova 2005, pp. 9–10.
- ^ Jović 2009, p. 124.
- ^ a b Ramet 2006, p. 300.
- ^ a b c d e f Pavković 2000, p. 87.
- ^ Dragovic-Soso 2002, pp. 72–73.
- ^ Pavković 2000, p. 88.
- ^ Jović 2009, p. 136.
- ^ Kostovicova 2005, p. 52.
- ^ Kostovicova 2005, p. 56.
- ^ Dragovic-Soso 2002, p. 115.
- ^ Pavković 2000, pp. 86–87.
- ^ Perritt 2008, p. 23.
- ^ Jović 2009, pp. 183–184.
- ^ Jović 2009, pp. 189, 266.
- ^ Trbovich 2008, p. 234.
- ^ Koktsidis & Dam 2008, pp. 162–163.
- ^ Bieber & Galijaš 2016, p. 236.
- ^ Bieber & Galijaš 2016, p. 178.
- ^ Poulton 1995, p. 128.
- ^ Fontana 2017, p. 97.
- ^ Merdjanova 2013, p. 46.
- ^ Ahmed 2013, p. 244.
- ^ a b Yoshihara 2006, p. 67.
- ^ a b Goldman 1997, p. 307.
- ^ Jović 2009, p. 196.
- ^ a b Kostovicova 2005, p. 58.
- ^ Hockenos 2003, p. 182.
- ^ Koktsidis & Dam 2008, p. 163.
- ^ a b c d Yoshihara 2006, p. 68.
- ^ Goldman 1997, pp. 307–308, 372.
- ^ a b Hockenos 2003, p. 179.
- ^ Koktsidis & Dam 2008, pp. 163–164.
- ^ a b c Kostovicova 2005, pp. 18, 27.
- ^ Judah 2008, p. 73.
- ^ a b Di Lellio & Schwanders-Sievers 2006a, p. 515.
- ^ a b c d e Merdjanova 2013, p. 45.
- ^ a b c Merdjanova 2013, p. 49.
- ^ Ströhle 2012, p. 241.
- ^ Yoshihara 2006, pp. 67–68.
- ^ a b c d Koktsidis & Dam 2008, pp. 164–171.
- ^ Koktsidis & Dam 2008, pp. 164–165.
- ^ Perritt 2008, p. 29.
- ^ Koktsidis & Dam 2008, pp. 165–166.
- ^ Ramet 1997, p. 80.
- ^ Roudometof 2002, p. 172.
- ^ Bugajski 1994, p. 116.
- ^ Goldman 1997, pp. 308, 373.
- ^ a b c d e f Pavković 2001, p. 9.
- ^ a b Di Lellio & Schwanders-Sievers 2006a, p. 514. "We concentrate on one symbolic event - the massacre of the insurgent Jashari family, killed in the hamlet of Prekaz in March 1998 while fighting Serb troops. This was neither the only massacre nor the worst during the recent conflict..."; pp: 515-516.
- ^ a b c Jordan 2001, p. 129.
- ^ Herring 2000, pp. 232–234.
- ^ Herring 2000, p. 232.
- ^ a b Fischer 2007b, p. 267.
- ^ Barbullushi 2010, pp. 151, 154–155.
- ^ a b c Schmidt-Neke 2014, p. 15.
- ^ a b Endresen 2016, p. 207.
- ^ Alpion 2004, pp. 230–231. "The huge interest in Mother Teresa of different political, nationalist and religious figures and groups in Albania, Kosova, Macedonia and elsewhere in the Balkans has all the signs of a calculated ‘business’. Mother Teresa is apparently being used by some circles in the region, after her death as much as when she was alive, to further their political, nationalistic and religious causes."; p.234.
- ^ Endresen 2015, pp. 54, 57, 67–69, 70–71.
- ^ Endresen 2016, pp. 205–206.
- ^ Bowden 2003, pp. 30, 32.
- ^ Winnifrith 2002, p. 40: For Albanians ...the ancestors of modern Albanians...Any resemblaces between Mycenaean burial patterns and tumuli found in Albania are dismissed as non-existent or coincidental.
- ISBN 978-0-631-19807-9.
- ^ Ahrens 2007, p. 23. "They claimed that Alexander the Great and Aristotle were of Albanian descent."
- ^ Winnifrith 2002, p. 11. "Pyrrhus who lived a century later has been hailed as primary Albanian hero".
- ^ a b Endresen 2016, p. 206.
- ^ Valtchinova 2002, p. 112. "Beyond the claims of Illyrian descent and continuity a more powerful myth emerges here: that the Albanians are more Greek than the Greeks themselves because Albanians are closer to Homeric society and Homeric ideals."
- ^ a b c De Rapper 2009, pp. 8–9.
- ^ Malcolm 2002, pp. 78–79.
- ^ De Rapper 2009, p. 12. "They state that the Pelasgians were spread all over Europe and the Mediterranean: according to those authors, all ancient civilisations in Europe (Greek, Roman, Etruscan, Celtic, etc.) stemmed from the Pelasgic civilisation. They were the first Europeans; their direct descendants, the Albanians, are thus the most ancient and most authentically European people."
- ^ De Rapper 2009, p. 8. "Schoolbooks however differ on what they assert on the relation between Pelasgians and Illyrians: the latter are sometimes said to be the heirs of the former, especially with regard to their language (Kuri, Zekolli & Jubani 1995: 32-33)."
- ^ Rödinger, Knaus & Steets 2003, p. 110.
- ^ Saunders 2011, pp. 8, 98–99, 108.
- ^ Ströhle 2012, pp. 243–244.
- ^ Flag of Dardania
- ^ Rajić 2012, p. 213.
- ^ a b Murati 2007, pp. 66–70.
- ^ Galaty & Watkinson 2004, p. 11.
- ^ Kampschror 2007. para. 5, 15-18.
- ^ a b Rausch & Banar 2006, p. 246.
- ^ Egleder 2013, p. 79.
- ^ a b Oeter 2012, p. 130.
- ^ Gilberg 2000, p. 30.
- ^ a b Koktsidis & Dam 2008, p. 161.
- ^ Gregorian 2015, p. 93.
- ^ Koktsidis & Dam 2008, pp. 174–179.
- ^ Koktsidis & Dam 2008, p. 179.
- ^ Peshkopia 2015, p. 57.
- ^ Neofotistos 2004, p. 51.
- ^ a b Merdjanova 2013, p. 47.
- ^ Stojarova 2010, p. 50.
- ^ Peshkopia 2015, p. 79.
- ^ Ströhle 2012, p. 244.
- ^ Di Lellio & Schwanders-Sievers 2006a, pp. 516–519, 527.
- ^ Di Lellio & Schwanders-Sievers 2006b, pp. 27–45.
- ^ Takeyh & Gvosdev 2004, p. 81.
- ^ Di Lellio 2009, pp. 4, 10–12, 24–30, 48, 179.
- ^ a b Di Lellio 2009, pp. 6–10, 32–33.
- ^ Ströhle 2012, pp. 228, 231, 245–248.
- ^ Yoshihara 2006, p. 71.
- ^ Yoshihara 2006, p. 72.
- ^ a b c d e Stojarova 2010, p. 49.
- ^ a b Banks, Muller & Overstreet 2010, p. 22.
- ^ Schmid 2011, p. 401.
- ^ Koktsidis & Dam 2008, p. 180.
- ^ Vickers 2002, pp. 12–13.
- ^ Stojarová 2016, p. 96.
- ^ a b Austin 2004, p. 246.
- ^ Gjipali 2014, p. 51.
- ^ Clewing & Sundhaussen 2016, p. 228.
- ^ Προκλητικές εθνικιστικές κορώνες του Ράμα στο Συνέδριο των Τσάμηδων. Kontranews. Retrieved 12 March 2017.
- ^ Έντι Ράμα: Αλβανός ήταν ο Δίας και ο Όλυμπος έχει τις ρίζες του στην… Τσαμουριά... Archived 2017-03-12 at the Wayback Machine. To Vima. Retrieved 12 March 2017.
- ^ Προκλητικές εθνικιστικές κορώνες του Ράμα στο Συνέδριο των Τσάμηδων Archived 2020-08-18 at the Wayback Machine. Himara.gr. Retrieved 12 March 2017.
- ^ «Οι Θεοί του Ολύμπου μιλούσαν Αλβανικά»!. Newsbomb. Retrieved 12 March 2017.
- ^ a b Endresen 2016, p. 208. "Many Albanians still consider Greece a religious, political and territorial threat and believe that Athens is hellenizing the Albanians by giving them economic privileges for defining themselves as ethnic Greeks... According to this view, true and false ethnic Greeks in Albania may even be a 'time bomb'... because the Greater Greece policy, according to Albanian conspiracy theories, is to legitimize an annexation of South Albania by artificially inflating the number of 'Greeks' in Albania...
- ^ Todorova 2004, p. 107.
- ^ Endresen 2016, p. 212. "However as with the 'Greek issue' above, a considerable number of Albania's citizens at any rate seem to call for a more self-assertive, ethnonationalist strategy than their politicians do."
- ^ Endresen 2016, p. 208.
- ^ Schwartz 2014, pp. 111–112.
- ^ Venner 2016, p. 75.
- ^ Lesser et al. 2001, p. 51.
- ^ a b Judah 2008, p. 119.
- ^ "Important agreements from joint meeting of Albania – Kosovo governments". 2017-11-28. Archived from the original on 2017-12-10. Retrieved 2017-12-10.
- ISBN 978-0812244977.
- ^ "Kosovars Remain Faithful to Old Albanian Flag". 28 November 2017.
Sources
- Aberbach, David (2016). National Poetry, Empires and War. New York: Routledge. ISBN 9781317618102.
- Ahmed, Akbar (2013). The thistle and the drone: How America's war on terror became a global war on tribal Islam. Washington, D.C: Brookings Institution Press. ISBN 9780815723790.
- Ahrens, Geert-Hinrich (2007). Diplomacy on the edge: Containment of ethnic conflict and the minorities working group of the conferences on Yugoslavia. Washington, D.C: Woodrow Wilson Center Press. ISBN 9780801885570.
- Alpion, Gëzim (2004). "Media, ethnicity and patriotism—the Balkans 'unholy war' for the appropriation of Mother Teresa". Journal of Southern Europe and the Balkans. 6 (3): 227–243. S2CID 154576141.
- Austin, Robert C. (2004). "Greater Albania: The Albanian state and the question of Kosovo". In Lampe, John; Mazower, Mark (eds.). Ideologies and national identities: The case of twentieth-century Southeastern Europe. Budapest: Central European University Press. pp. 235–253. ISBN 9789639241824.
- Austin, Robert (2005). "Albania". In Frucht, Richard C. (ed.). Eastern Europe: An introduction to the people, lands, and culture. ABC-CLIO. pp. 695–734. ISBN 9781576078006.
- Austin, Robert Clegg (2012). Founding a Balkan State: Albania's Experiment with Democracy, 1920-1925. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. ISBN 9781442644359.
- Babuna, Aydin (2004). "The Bosnian Muslims and Albanians: Islam and Nationalism". Nationalities Papers. 32 (2): 287–321. S2CID 162218149.
- Bailey, Roderick (2011). The Wildest Province: SOE in the Land of the Eagle. London: Vintage. ISBN 9781446499542.
- Baltsiotis, Lambros (2011). "The Muslim Chams of Northwestern Greece: The grounds for the expulsion of a "non-existent" minority community". European Journal of Turkish Studies. 12.
- Banks, A.; Muller, Thomas C.; Overstreet, William R. (2010). Political Handbook of the World. Washington D.C.: CQ Press. ISBN 9781604267365.
- Bardhoshi, Nebi; Lelaj, Olsi (2008). "Between ideological and pragmatic identity: Negotiating existence among Albanian immigrants in Konista, North western Greece". In Nitsiakos, Vassilis; Manos, Ioannis; Agelopoulos, Georgios; Angelidou, Aliki; Dalkavoukis, Vassilis (eds.). Balkan Border Crossings–First Annual of the Konitsa Summer School. Berlin: Lit Verlag. pp. 290–305. ISBN 9783825809188.
- Barbullushi, Odeta (2010). "The Politics of 'Religious Tolerance' in Post-Communist Albania: Ideology, Security and Euro-Atlantic Integration". In Pace, Michelle (ed.). Europe, the USA and political Islam: Strategies for engagement. Springer. pp. 140–160. ISBN 9780230298156.
- Batkovski, Tome; Rajkocevski, Rade (2014). "Psychological Profile and Types of Leaders of Terrorist Structures - Generic Views and Experiences from the Activities of Illegal Groups and Organizations in the Republic of Macedonia". In Milosevic, Marko; Rekawek, Kacper (eds.). Perseverance of Terrorism: Focus on Leaders. Amsterdam: IOS Press. pp. 84–102. ISBN 9781614993872.
- Belledi, Michele; Poloni, Estella S.; Casalotti, Rosa; Conterio, Franco; Mikerezi, Ilia; Tagliavini, James; Excoffier, Laurent (2000). "Maternal and paternal lineages in Albania and the genetic structure of Indo-European populations". European Journal of Human Genetics. 8 (7): 480–486. PMID 10909846.
- Bideleux, Robert; Jeffries, Ian (2007). The Balkans: A post-communist history. London: Routledge. ISBN 9781134583270.
Dardanae.
- Bieber, Florian; Galijaš, Armina (2016). Debating the End of Yugoslavia. Farnham: Routledge. ISBN 978-1-317-15424-2.
- Biernat, Agata (2014). "Albania and Albanian émigrés in the United States before World War II". In Mazurkiewicz, Anna (ed.). East Central Europe in Exile Volume 1: Transatlantic Migrations. Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. pp. 9–22. ISBN 9781443868914.
- Bowden, William (2003). Epirus Vetus: The Archaeology of a Late Antique Province. London: Duckworth. ISBN 9780715631164.
- Brisku, Adrian (2013). Bittersweet Europe: Albanian and Georgian Discourses on Europe, 1878–2008. New York: Berghahn Books. ISBN 9780857459855.
- Blumi, Isa (2011). Reinstating the Ottomans, Alternative Balkan Modernities: 1800–1912. New York: Palgrave MacMillan. ISBN 9780230119086.
- Bugajski, Janusz (1994). Ethnic politics in Eastern Europe: A guide to nationality policies, organizations, and parties. Armonk: ME Sharpe. p. 116. ISBN 9781315287430.
Republic of Ilirida.
- Buturovic, Amila (2006). "European Islam". In Juergensmeyer, Mark (ed.). Global religions: An introduction. Oxford: Oxford University Press. pp. 437–446. ISBN 9780199727612.
- Clayer, Natalie (2002). "The myth of Ali Pasha and the Bektashis". In Schwanders-Sievers, Stephanie; Fischer, Bernd J. (eds.). Albanian Identities: Myth and History. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. pp. 127–133. ISBN 9780253341891.
- Clayer, Nathalie (2005b). "Convergences and Divergences in Nationalism through the Albanian example". In Detrez, Raymond; Plas, Pieter (eds.). Developing cultural identity in the Balkans: Convergence vs. Divergence. Brussels: Peter Lang. pp. 213–226. ISBN 9789052012971.
- Clayer, Nathalie (2005). "Le meurtre du prêtre: Acte fondateur de la mobilisation nationaliste albanaise à l'aube de la révolution Jeune Turque [The murder of the priest: Founding act of the Albanian nationalist mobilisation on the eve of the Young Turks revolution]". Balkanologie. IX (1–2).
- Clewing, Konrad; Sundhaussen, Holm (2016). Lexikon zur Geschichte südosteuropas. Vienna: Böhlau Verlag. ISBN 9783205786672.
- Crawshaw, Robert (2006). "The file on H. Metahitory, Literature, Ethnography, Cultural Heritage and the Balkan Borders". In Byron, Reginald; Kockel, Ullrich (eds.). Negotiating Culture: Moving, Mixing and Memory in Contemporary Europe. Münster: LIT Verlag. pp. 54–75. ISBN 9783825884109.
- Czekalski, Tadeusz (2013). The shining beacon of socialism in Europe: The Albanian state and society in the period of communist dictatorship 1944–1992. Krakow: Jagiellonian University Press. ]
- Denitch, Bogdan Denis (1996). Ethnic nationalism: The tragic death of Yugoslavia. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press. ISBN 9780816629473.
- Di Lellio, Anna; Schwanders-Sievers, Stephanie (2006a). "The Legendary Commander: The construction of an Albanian master‐narrative in post‐war Kosovo" (PDF). Nations and Nationalism. 12 (3): 513–529. .
- Di Lellio, Anna; Schwanders-Sievers, Stephanie (2006b). "Sacred Journey to a Nation: The Construction of a Shrine in Postwar Kosovo" (PDF). Journeys. 7 (1): 27–49. .
- Di Lellio, Ana (2009). "The battle of Kosovo 1389." An Albanian epic. London: IB Tauris. ISBN 9781848850941.
- De Rapper, Gilles (2009). "Pelasgic Encounters in the Greek-Albanian Borderland. Border Dynamics and Reversion to Ancient Past in Southern Albania" (PDF). Anthropological Journal of European Cultures. 18 (1): 50–68. S2CID 18958117.
- Duijzings, Gerlachlus (2000). Religion and the politics of identity in Kosovo. London: Hurst & Company. ISBN 9781850654315.
- Duijzings, Gerlachlus (2002). "Religion and the politics of 'Albanianism': Naim Frasheri's Bektashi writings". In Schwanders-Sievers, Stephanie; Fischer, Bernd J. (eds.). Albanian Identities: Myth and History. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. pp. 60–69. ISBN 9780253341891.
- Dragovic-Soso, Jasna (2002). Saviours of the nation: Serbia's intellectual opposition and the revival of nationalism. Montreal: McGill-Queen's Press-MQUP. ISBN 9780773570924.
- Egleder, Julia (2013). Peace Through Peace Media?: The Media Activities of the International Missions (KFOR and UNMIK) and Their Contribution to Peacebuilding in Kosovo from 1999 till 2008. Münster: LIT Verlag. ISBN 9783643903549.
- Elsie, Robert (2005). Albanian literature: A short history. London: I.B. Tauris. ISBN 9781845110314.
- Endresen, Cecilie (2010). ""Do not look to church and mosque"? Albania's post-Communist clergy on nation and religion". In Schmitt, Oliver Jens (ed.). Religion und Kultur im albanischsprachigen Südosteuropa [Religion and culture in Albanian-speaking southeastern Europe]. Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang. pp. 233–258. ISBN 9783631602959.
- Endresen, Cecilie (2011). "Diverging images of the Ottoman legacy in Albania". In Hartmuth, Maximilian (ed.). Images of imperial legacy: Modern discourses on the social and cultural impact of Ottoman and Habsburg rule in Southeast Europe. Berlin: Lit Verlag. pp. 37–52. ISBN 9783643108500.
- Endresen, Cecilie (2015). "The Nation and the Nun: Mother Teresa, Albania's Muslim Majority and the Secular State". Islam and Christian–Muslim Relations. 26 (1): 53–74. S2CID 143946229.
- Endresen, Cecile (2016). "Status Report Albania 100 Years: Symbolic Nation-Building Completed". In Kolstø, Pål (ed.). Strategies of Symbolic Nation-building in South Eastern Europe. Farnham: Routledge. pp. 201–226. ISBN 9781317049364.
- Fischer, Bernd Jürgen (1999). Albania at war, 1939–1945. London: Hurst & Company. ISBN 9781850655312.
- Fischer, Bernd Jürgen (2007a). "King Zog, Albania's Interwar Dictator". In Fischer, Bernd Jürgen (ed.). Balkan strongmen: dictators and authoritarian rulers of South Eastern Europe. West Lafayette: Purdue University Press. pp. 19–50. ISBN 9781557534552.
- Fischer, Bernd Jürgen (2007b). "Enver Hoxha and the Stalinist Dictatorship". In Fischer, Bernd Jürgen (ed.). Balkan strongmen: dictators and authoritarian rulers of South Eastern Europe. West Lafayette: Purdue University Press. pp. 239–268. ISBN 9781557534552.
- Fontana, Giuditta (2017). Education policy and power-sharing in post-conflict societies: Lebanon, Northern Ireland, and Macedonia. Birmingham: Palgrave MacMillan. ISBN 9783319314266.
- Frantz, Eva Anne (2009). "Violence and its Impact on Loyalty and Identity Formation in Late Ottoman Kosovo: Muslims and Christians in a Period of Reform and Transformation". Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs. 29 (4): 455–468. S2CID 143499467.
- Free, Jan (2011). ""Skanderbeg als historisher Mythos", Von den Schwierigkeiten historischer Bezugnahme: Der albanische Nationalheld Skanderbeg" (PDF). Mythos-Magazin: 1–35.
- Galaty, Michael L.; Watkinson, Charles (2004). "The practice of Archaeology under dictatorship". In Galaty, Michael L.; Watkinson, Charles (eds.). Archaeology under dictatorship. New York: Kluwer Academic/Plenum Publishers. pp. 1–18. ISBN 9780306485084.
- Gawrych, George (2006). The Crescent and the Eagle: Ottoman rule, Islam and the Albanians, 1874–1913. London: IB Tauris. ISBN 9781845112875.
- Gilberg, Trond (2000). ""Yugoslav" Nationalism at the End of the Twentieth Century". In Suryadinata, Leo (ed.). Nationalism and globalization: East and West. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. pp. 1–37. ISBN 978-981-230-073-7.
- Gingeras, Ryan (2009). Sorrowful Shores: Violence, Ethnicity, and the End of the Ottoman Empire 1912-1923. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780199561520.
- Gjipali, Gledis (2014). "Albania". In Habbdank-Kolaczkowska, Sylvana; Csaky, Zselyke (eds.). Nations in Transit 2014: Democratization from Central Europe to Eurasia. New York: Rowman & Littlefield. pp. 47–64. ISBN 9781442242319.
- Goldman, Minton F. (1997). Revolution and change in Central and Eastern Europe: Political, economic, and social challenges. Armonk: ME Sharpe. ISBN 9780765639011.
- Goldwyn, Adam J. (2016). "Modernism, Nationalism, Albanianism: Geographic Poetry and Poetic Geography in the Albanian and Kosovar Independence Movements". In Goldwyn, Adam J.; Silverman, Renée M. (eds.). Mediterranean Modernism: Intercultural Exchange and Aesthetic Development. Springer. pp. 251–282. ISBN 9781137586568.
- Gregorian, Raffi (2015). "NATO and the Balkans: From Intervention to Integration". In Alexander, Yonah; Prosen, Richard (eds.). NATO: From regional to global security provider. Lanham: Lexington Books. pp. 89–106. ISBN 9781498503693.
- Hall, Richard C. (2010). Consumed by war: European conflict in the 20th century. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky. ISBN 9780813159959.
- Herring, Eric (2000). "From Rambouillet to the Kosovo accords: NATO'S war against Serbia and its aftermath" (PDF). The International Journal of Human Rights. 4 (3–4): 224–245. S2CID 144283529.
- Hockenos, Paul (2003). Homeland Calling: Exile Patriotism & the Balkan Wars. Ithaca: Cornell University Press. ISBN 9780801441585.
- Jordan, Robert S. (2001). International organizations: A comparative approach to the management of cooperation. Westport: Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 9780275965495.
- Jordan, Peter (2015). "An exception in the Balkans: Albania's multi confessional identity". In Brunn, Stanley D. (ed.). The changing world religion map: Sacred places, identities, practices and politics. Dordrecht: Springer. pp. 1577–1598. ISBN 9789401793766.
- Jović, Dejan (2009). Yugoslavia: a state that withered away. West Lafayette: Purdue University Press. ISBN 9781557534958.
- Judah, Tim (2002). Kosovo: War and revenge. New Haven: Yale University Press. ISBN 9780300097252.
- Judah, Tim (2008). Kosovo: What everyone needs to know. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780199704040.
- Kampschror, Beth (2007). "Ghosts of Kosovo". Archaeology. 60 (4). Archived from the original on 2012-12-10. Retrieved 2009-09-07.
- King, Russell; Mai, Nicola (2008). Out of Albania: From crisis migration to social inclusion in Italy. New York: Berghahn Books. ISBN 9781845455446.
- Kokolakis, Mihalis (2003). Το ύστερο Γιαννιώτικο Πασαλίκι: χώρος, διοίκηση και πληθυσμός στην τουρκοκρατούμενη Ηπειρο (1820–1913) [The late Pashalik of Ioannina: Space, administration and population in Ottoman ruled Epirus (1820–1913)]. Athens: EIE-ΚΝΕ. ISBN 978-960-7916-11-2.
- Koktsidis, Pavlos Ioannis; Dam, Caspar Ten (2008). "A success story? Analysing Albanian ethno-nationalist extremism in the Balkans" (PDF). East European Quarterly. 42 (2): 161–190.
- Kostov, Chris (2010). Contested Ethnic Identity: The Case of Macedonian Immigrants in Toronto 1900-1996. Oxford: Peter Lang. ISBN 9783034301961.
- Kressing, Frank (2002). "General Remarks on Albania and the Albanians" (PDF). In Kressing, Frank; Kaser, Karl (eds.). Albania–a country in transition. Aspects of changing identities in a south-east European country. Baden-Baden: Nomos-Verlag. pp. 11–23. ISBN 9783789076701. Archived from the original on 2007-06-13.)
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link - Kostovicova, Denisa (2002). "'Shkolla Shqipe' and Nationhood: Albanians in Pursuit of Education in the Native Language in Interwar (1918-41) and Post-Autonomy (1989-98) Kosovo". In Schwanders-Sievers, Stephanie; Fischer, Bernd J. (eds.). Albanian Identities: Myth and History. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. pp. 157–171. ISBN 9780253341891.
- Kostovicova, Denisa (2005). Kosovo: The politics of identity and space. London: Routledge. ISBN 9780415348065.
- Krieger, Joel (2001). The Oxford companion to politics of the world. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195117394.
- Lakshman-Lepain, Rajwantee (2002). "Albanian Islam - Development and Disruptions" (PDF). In Kressing, Frank; Kaser, Karl (eds.). Albania–a country in transition. Aspects of changing identities in a south-east European country. Baden-Baden: Nomos-Verlag. pp. 34–64. ISBN 9783789076701. Archived from the original on 2007-06-13.)
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: bot: original URL status unknown (link - Lederer, Gyorgy (1994). "Islam in Albania". Central Asian Survey. 13 (3): 331–359. .
- Lesser, Ian O.; Larrabee, F. Stephen; Zanini, Michele; Vlachos-Dengler, Katia (2001). Greece's new geopolitics. Santa Monica: Rand Corporation. ISBN 9780833032331.
- Lubonja, Fatos (2002). "Between the glory of a virtual world and the misery of a real world". In Schwanders-Sievers, Stephanie; Fischer, Bernd J. (eds.). Albanian Identities: Myth and History. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. pp. 91–103. ISBN 9780253341891.
- Macedonian Review (1990). Kulturen život (Cultural Life). Macedonian Review.
- Madgearu, Alexandru; Gordon, Martin (2008). The wars of the Balkan Peninsula: Their medieval origins. Lanham: Scarecrow Press. p. 43. ISBN 9780810858466.
Albanoi.
- Malcolm, Noel (2002). "Myths of Albanian national identity: Some key elements". In Schwanders-Sievers, Stephanie; Fischer, Bernd J. (eds.). Albanian Identities: Myth and History. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. pp. 70–87. ISBN 9780253341891.
- Merdjanova, Ina (2013). Rediscovering the Umma: Muslims in the Balkans between nationalism and transnationalism. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780190462505.
- Merrill, Christopher (2001). Only the nails remain: Scenes from the Balkan Wars. Rowman & Littlefield: Lanham. ISBN 9781461640417.
- Misha, Piro (2002). "Invention of a Nationalism: Myth and Amnesia". In Schwanders-Sievers, Stephanie; Fischer, Bernd J. (eds.). Albanian Identities: Myth and History. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. pp. 33–48. ISBN 9780253341891.
- Murati, Qemal (2007). "Probleme të normës në toponimi [Problems of norm in toponymy]". Gjurmime Albanologjike. 37: 63–81.
- Mylonas, Harris (2013). The politics of nation-building: Making co-nationals, refugees, and minorities. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9781139619813.
- Neofotistos, Vasiliki P. (2004). "Beyond Stereotypes: Violence and the Porousness of Ethnic Boundaries in the Republic of Macedonia". History and Anthropology. 15 (1): 1–36. S2CID 145227777.
- Nezir-Akmese, Handan (2005). The Birth of Modern Turkey: The Ottoman Military and the March to WWI. London: IB Tauris. ISBN 9781850437970.
- Nitsiakos, Vassilis (2010). On the border: Transborder mobility, ethnic groups and boundaries along the Albanian-Greek frontier. Berlin: LIT Verlag. ISBN 9783643107930.
- Nixon, Nicola (2010). "Always already European: The figure of Skënderbeg in contemporary Albanian nationalism". National Identities. 12 (1): 1–20. S2CID 144772370.
- Nurja, Ermal (2012). "The rise and destruction of Ottoman Architecture in Albania: A brief history focused on the mosques". In Furat, Ayşe Zişan; Er, Hamit (eds.). Balkans and Islam Encounter, Transformation, Discontinuity, Continuity. Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. pp. 191–207. ISBN 9781443842839.
- Oeter, Stefan (2012). "Secession, Territorial Integrity and the role of the Security Council". In Hilpold, Peter (ed.). Kosovo and international law: The ICJ advisory opinion of 22 July 2010. Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff Publishers. pp. 109–138. ISBN 9789004221291.
- Pavković, Aleksandar (2000). The fragmentation of Yugoslavia: Nationalism and war in the Balkans. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. ISBN 978-0-230-28584-2.
- Pavković, Aleksander (2001). "Kosovo/Kosova: A land of conflicting Myths". In Waller, Michael; Drezov, Kyril (eds.). Kosovo: The politics of delusion. London: Psychology Press. ISBN 9781135278533.
- Peshkopia, Ridvan (2015). Conditioning Democratization: Institutional Reforms and EU Membership Conditionality in Albania and Macedonia. London: Anthem Press. ISBN 9781783084227.
- Perritt, Henry H. (2008). Kosovo Liberation Army: The Inside Story of an Insurgency. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. ISBN 9780252092138.
- Petrovich, Michael B. (2000). "Religion and ethnicity in Eastern Europe". In Hutchinson, John; Smith, Anthony D. (eds.). Nationalism: Critical concepts in political science. London: Psychology Press. pp. 1356–1381. ISBN 9780415201094.
- Pipa, Arshi (1989). The politics of language in socialist Albania. Boulder: East European Monographs. ISBN 9780880331685.
- Poulton, Hugh (1995). Who are the Macedonians?. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. ISBN 9781850652380.
- Priestland, David (2009). The Red Flag: Communism and the making of the modern world. London: Penguin UK. ISBN 9780141957388.
- Psomas, Lambros (2008). "The Religious and Ethnographic Synthesis of the Population of Southern Albania (Northern Epirus) in the Beginning of the 20th Century" (PDF). Theologia. 79 (1): 237–283.
- Puto, Artan (2009). "Faik Konitza: The modernizer of the Albanian language and nation". In Mishkova, Diana (ed.). We, the people: politics of national peculiarity in Southeastern Europe. Central European University Press. pp. 307–340. ISBN 9789639776289.
- Puto, Artan; Maurizio, Isabella (2015). "From Southern Italy to Istanbul: Trajectories of Albanian Nationalism in the Writings of Girolamo de Rada and Shemseddin Sami Frashëri, ca. 1848–1903". In Maurizio, Isabella; Zanou, Konstantina (eds.). Mediterranean Diasporas: Politics and Ideas in the Long 19th Century. London: Bloomsbury Publishing. ISBN 9781472576668.
- Rajić, Ljubiša (2012). "Toponyms and the political and ethnic identity in Serbia". Oslo Studies in Language. 4 (2): 203–222. doi:10.5617/osla.319.
- Ramet, Sabrina (1989). Religion and nationalism in Soviet and East European politics. Durham: Duke University Press. ISBN 9780822308546.
- Ramet, Sabrina P. (1997). Whose Democracy? Nationalism, Religion, and the Doctrine of Collective rights in post-1989 eastern Europe. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 9780847683246.
- Ramet, Sabrina (1998). Nihil obstat: religion, politics, and social change in East-Central Europe and Russia. Durham: Duke University Press. ISBN 9780822320708.
- Ramet, Sabrina P. (2006). The three Yugoslavias: State-building and legitimation, 1918–2005. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. ISBN 978-0-253-34656-8.
- Ramón, Juan Corona (2015). "Kosovo: Estado actual de una balcanización permanente". In Weber, Algora; Dolores, María (eds.). Minorías y fronteras en el mediterráneo ampliado. Un desafío a la seguridad internacional del siglo XXI. Madrid: Dykinson. pp. 259–272. ISBN 9788490857250.
- Rausch, Colette; Banar, Elaine (2006). Combating serious crimes in postconflict societies: A handbook for policymakers and practitioners. Washington, D.C: US Institute of Peace Press. ISBN 9781929223954.
- Reginald, Hibbert (1999). "Albania, Macedonia and the British military missions, 1943 and 1944". In Pettifer, James (ed.). The new Macedonian question. Basinstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. pp. 184–200. ISBN 9780230535794.
- Reynolds, David (2001). One world divisible: A global history since 1945. New York: WW Norton & Company. ISBN 9780141982724.
- Rödinger, Horst; Knaus, Katharina; Steets, Julia (2003). The future of Southeast Europe: Towards European integration. Hamburg: Körber-Stiftung. ISBN 9783896843524.
- Rossos, Andrew (2013). Macedonia and the Macedonians: A history. Stanford: Hoover Institution Press. ISBN 9780817948832.
- Roudometof, Victor (2002). Collective memory, national identity, and ethnic conflict: Greece, Bulgaria, and the Macedonian question. Westport: eenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 9780275976484.
- Saunders, Robert A. (2011). Ethnopolitics in Cyberspace: The Internet, Minority Nationalism, and the Web of Identity. Lanham: Lexington Books. ISBN 9780739141946.
- Sawyer, Andrew (2014). "National Museums in Southeast Europe:(En) countering Balkanism?". International Journal of Politics, Culture, and Society. 27 (1): 115–127. S2CID 143125054.
- Schmid, Alex P. (2011). The Routledge Handbook of Terrorism Research. New York: Routledge. ISBN 9781136810404.
- Schmidt-Neke, Michael (2014). "A burden of Legacies: The transformation of Albanian's political system". In Pichler, Robert (ed.). Legacy and Change: Albanian Transformation from Multidisciplinary Perspectives. Münster: LIT Verlag. pp. 13–30. ISBN 9783643905666.
- Schwartz, Stephan (2014). "'Enverists' and 'Titoists' – Communism and Islam in Albania and Kosova, 1941–99: From the Partisan Movement of the Second World War to the Kosova Liberation War". In Fowkes, Ben; Gökay, Bülent (eds.). Muslims and Communists in Post-transition States. New York: Routledge. pp. 86–112. ISBN 9781317995395.
- Shaw, Stanford J.; Shaw, Ezel Kural (1977). History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey: Volume 2, Reform, Revolution, and Republic: The Rise of Modern Turkey 1808-1975. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521291668.
- Skendi, Stavro (1967a). The Albanian national awakening. Princeton: Princeton University Press. ISBN 9781400847761.
- Skendi, Stavro (1968). "Skenderbeg and Albanian Consciousness". Südost Forschungen. 27: 83–88.
- Skoulidas, Elias (2013). "The Albanian Greek-Orthodox Intellectuals: Aspects of their Discourse between Albanian and Greek National Narratives (late 19th - early 20th centuries)". Hronos. 7. Archived from the original on 2019-09-23. Retrieved 2017-02-22.
- Srodecki, Paul (2013). "Antemurale Christianitatis". In Bahlcke, Joachim; Rohdewald, Stefan; Wünsch, Thomas (eds.). Religiöse Erinnerungsorte in Ostmitteleuropa: Konstitution und Konkurrenz im nationen-und epochenübergreifenden Zugriff. Walter de Gruyter. pp. 804–822. ISBN 9783050093437.
- Stan, Lavinia; Turcescu, Lucian (2007). Religion and politics in post-communist Romania. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195308532.
- Standish, M.J Alex (2002). "Enver Hoxha's role in the development of socialist Albanian myths". In Schwanders-Sievers, Stephanie; Fischer, Bernd J. (eds.). Albanian Identities: Myth and History. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. pp. 115–124. ISBN 9780253341891.
- Stojarova, Vera (2010). "Nationalist parties and the party systems of the Western Balkans". In Stojarova, Vera; Emerson, Peter (eds.). Party politics in the Western Balkans. New York: Routledge. pp. 42–58. ISBN 9781135235857.
- Stojarová, Vera (2016). The far right in the Balkans. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9781526117021.
- Stoyanov, Yuri (2012). "Contested Post-Ottoman Alevi and Bektashi Identities in the Balkans and their Shi'ite Component". In Ridgeon, Lloyd VJ (ed.). Shi'i Islam and Identity: Religion, Politics and Change in the Global Muslim Community. New York: IB Tauris. pp. 170–209. ISBN 9781848856493.
- Ströhle, Isabel (2012). "Reinventing Kosovo: Newborn and the Young Europeans". In Šuber, Daniel; Karamanic, Slobodan (eds.). Retracing images: Visual culture after Yugoslavia. Leiden: Brill. ISBN 9789004210301.
- Sugarman, Jane C. (1999). "Imagining the homeland: Poetry, songs, and the discourses of Albanian nationalism". Ethnomusicology. 43 (3): 419–458. JSTOR 852556.
- Takeyh, Ray; Gvosdev, Nikolas K. (2004). The receding shadow of the prophet: The rise and fall of radical political Islam. Westport: Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 9780275976286.
- Tarţa, Iustin Mihai (2012). Dynamic civil religion and religious nationalism: the Roman Catholic Church in Poland and the Orthodox Church in Romania, 1990-2010 (Ph.D.). Baylor University. Archived from the original on 7 February 2017. Retrieved 20 April 2017.
- Todorova, Maria Nikolaeva (2004). Balkan Identities: Nation and Memory. Hurst & Co. Publishers. ISBN 9781850657156.
- Trbovich, Ana S. (2008). A legal geography of Yugoslavia's disintegration. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195333435.
- Trencsényi, Balázs; Kopecek, Michal (2006). Late Enlightenment: Emergence of modern 'National idea'. Budapest: Central European University Press. ISBN 9789637326523.
- Trencsényi, Balázs; Kopecek, Michal (2007). National Romanticism: The Formation of National Movements: Discourses of Collective Identity in Central and Southeast Europe 1770–1945. Budapest: Central European University Press. ISBN 9789637326608.
- Trix, Frances (1994). "The Resurfacing of Islam in Albania". East European Quarterly. 28 (4): 533–549. Archived from the original on 2020-07-25. Retrieved 2017-02-25.
- Tsoutsoumpis, Spyros (2015). "Violence, resistance and collaboration in a Greek borderland: the case of the Muslim Chams of Epirus". Qualestoria. 2: 119–138.
- Turnock, David (2004). The economy of East Central Europe, 1815-1989: Stages of transformation in a peripheral region. London: Routledge. ISBN 9781134678761.
- Udovički, Jasminka (2000). "The bonds and fault lines". In Ridgeway, James; Udovički, Jasminka (eds.). Burn this house: The making and unmaking of Yugoslavia. Durham: Duke University Press. ISBN 9780822325901.
- Valtchinova, Galia (2002). "Ismail Kadare's The H-File and the making of the Homeric verse. Variations on the works and lives of Milman Parry and Albert Lord". In Schwanders-Sievers, Stephanie; Fischer, Bernd J. (eds.). Albanian Identities: Myth and History. Bloomington: Indiana University Press. pp. 104–114. ISBN 9780253341891.
- Veikou, Mariangela (2001). "Ethnic identity of Greek-Albanian migrants". In Makariev, Plamen (ed.). Islamic and Christian cultures: Conflict or dialogue. CRVP. pp. 157–175. ISBN 9781565181625.
- Venner, Mary (2016). Donors, Technical Assistance and Public Administration in Kosovo. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ISBN 9781526101211.
- Vickers, Miranda (2002). The Cham Issue - Albanian National & Property Claims in Greece (Report). Swindon: Defence Academy of the United Kingdom. Archived from the original on 2017-02-01. Retrieved 2017-02-05.
- Vickers, Miranda (2004). Pan-Albanianism: How Big a Threat to Balkan Stability? (Report). Brussels: International Crisis Group.
- Vickers, Miranda (2011). The Albanians: a modern history. London: IB Tauris. ISBN 9780857736550.
- Winnifrith, Tom (2002). Badlands-borderlands: a history of Northern Epirus/Southern Albania. London: Duckworth. ISBN 978-0-7156-3201-7.
- Wydra, Harald (2007). Communism and the Emergence of Democracy. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9781139462181.
- Yoshihara, Susan Fink (2006). "Kosovo". In Reveron, Derek S.; Murer, Jeffrey Stevenson (eds.). Flashpoints in the War on Terrorism. New York: Routledge. pp. 65–86. ISBN 9781135449315.