Aldo Moro
Aldo Moro | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Prime Minister of Italy | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
In office 23 November 1974 – 30 July 1976 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
President | Giovanni Leone | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Deputy | Ugo La Malfa | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Preceded by | Mariano Rumor | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Succeeded by | Giulio Andreotti | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
In office 5 December 1963 – 25 June 1968 | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
President | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Deputy | Pietro Nenni | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Preceded by | Giovanni Leone | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Succeeded by | Giovanni Leone | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
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Personal details | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Born | Aldo Romeo Luigi Moro 23 September 1916 Maglie, Kingdom of Italy | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Died | 9 May 1978 Rome, Italy | (aged 61)||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Manner of death | Assassination | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Political party | Christian Democracy | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Spouse | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Children | 4, including Maria Fida Moro | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Alma mater | University of Bari | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Occupation | Professor | ||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Signature | |||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
Aldo Romeo Luigi Moro (Italian pronunciation:
Moro served as
Moro was one of Italy's longest-serving post-war prime ministers, leading the country for more than six years. Moro implemented a series of social and economic
Early life
Aldo Romeo Luigi Moro was born on 23 September 1916 in Maglie, near Lecce, into a family from Ugento in the Apulia region of the Kingdom of Italy. His father, Renato Moro, was a school inspector, while his mother, Fida Sticchi, was a teacher. At the age of 4, he moved with his family to Milan; they soon moved back to Apulia, where he gained a classical high school degree at Archita lyceum in Taranto.[10] In 1934, his family moved to Bari. There, he studied law at the University of Bari and graduated in 1939. After graduation, he became a professor of philosophy of law and colonial policy (1941) and of criminal law (1942) at the University of Bari.[11]
In 1935, Moro joined the
In July 1943, Moro contributed, along with Andreotti, Mario Ferrari Aggradi,
Early political career
Moro developed his interest in politics between 1943 and 1945. Initially, he seemed to be very interested in the
After being appointed vice-president of the DC, Moro was elected in the
In government
In the
On 20 May 1957,
In March 1959, after Fanfani's resignation as prime minister, a new congress was called. The leaders of the Democratic Initiative faction reunited themselves in the Convent of Dorothea of Caesarea, where they abandoned the leftist policies promoted by Fanfani and founded the Dorotei (Dorotheans) faction.[39] In the party's national council, Moro was elected secretary of the DC and was then confirmed in the October's congress held in Florence.[40] After the brief right-wing government led by Fernando Tambroni in 1960, supported by the decisive votes of the neo-fascist Italian Social Movement (MSI), the renovated alliance between Moro as secretary and Fanfani as prime minister led the subsequent National Congress, held in Naples in 1962, to approve with a large majority a line of collaboration with the Italian Socialist Party (PSI).[41]
The
First term as prime minister
Moro's first government was unevenly supported by the DC but also by the PCI, along with the PSDI and the
Social reforms
During Moro's premiership, a wide range of
Despite mistrust and opposition, particularly when the Italian economic miracle came to an end and the government had to control the rise of inflation,[48] the reforms continued. The legal minimum wage was raised, all then current pensions were revalued, seniority pensions were introduced (after 35 years of contributions workers could retire even before attaining pensionable age), and within the National Institute for Social Security (INPS), a social fund (fondo sociale) was established, ensuring to all members pensioners a basic uniform pension largely financed by the state, known as the social pension. A law, which was approved on 22 July 1966, extended social security insurance to small traders, while the law of 22 July 1966 extended health insurance to retired traders. Another important reform was implemented with a bill that was approved on 29 May 1967. It extended compulsory health insurance to retired farmers, tenant farmers, and sharecroppers, and extended health insurance to the unemployed in receipt of unemployment benefits.[49] Moreover, a law of 5 November 1968 extended family allowances to the unemployed who received unemployment benefits.[50]
Vajont Dam disaster
During his premiership, Moro had to face the outcome of one of the most tragic events in Italian republican history, the Vajont Dam disaster.[51] On 9 October 1963, a few weeks before his oath as prime minister, a landslide occurred on Monte Toc, in the province of Pordenone. The landslide caused a megatsunami in the artificial lake in which 50 million cubic metres of water overtopped the dam in a wave of 250 metres (820 ft), leading to the complete destruction of several villages and towns, and 1,917 deaths.[52] In the previous months, the Adriatic Society of Electricity (SADE) and the Italian government, which both owned the dam, dismissed evidence and concealed reports describing the geological instability of Monte Toc on the southern side of the basin and other early warning signs reported prior to the disaster.[53]
Immediately after the disaster, government and local authorities insisted on attributing the tragedy to an unexpected and unavoidable natural event. Numerous warnings, signs of danger, and negative appraisals had been disregarded in the previous months and the eventual attempt to safely control the landslide into the lake by lowering its level came when the landslide was almost imminent and was too late to prevent it.[54] The PCI newspaper L'Unità was the first to denounce the actions of management and government.[55] The DC accused the PCI of political profiteering from the tragedy, promising to bring justice to the people killed in the disaster.[56][57]
Differently from Leone, who was his predecessor and became the head of SADE's team of lawyers, Moro acted strongly to condemn the managers of the society. He immediately dismissed the administrative officials who had supervised the construction of the dam.[58]
Coalition crisis and presidential election
On 25 June 1964, the government was beaten on the budget law for the
On 16 July 1964, Segni sent the
In August 1964, Segni had a serious
Resignation
Despite the opposition by Segni and other prominent rightist members of the DC, the centre-left coalition, the first one for the Italian post-war political life, stayed in power for nearly five years until the 1968 Italian general election, which was characterized by a defeat for DC's centre-left allies.[68] The PSI and PSDI ran in a joint list named Unified Socialist Party (PSU), which lost many votes compared to the previous election, while the PCI gained ground, achieving 30% of votes in the Senate.[69] The PSI and PSDI decided to exit from the government and Saragat appointed Leone at the head of the new cabinet composed only by DC members.[70]
Minister of Foreign Affairs
In the 1968 DC congress, Moro yielded the secretariat and passed to internal opposition. On 5 August 1969, he was appointed
Pro-Arab policies
During his ministry, Moro continued the pro-Arab policy of his predecessor Fanfani.
About the pact, Abu Sharif commented: "I personally followed the negotiations for the agreement. Aldo Moro was a great man, a true patriot, who wanted to save Italy some headaches, but I never met him. We discussed the details with an admiral and agents of the Italian secret service. The agreement was defined and since then we have always respected it; we were allowed to organize small transits, passages, and purely Palestinian operations, without involving Italians. After the deal, every time I came to Rome, two cars were waiting for me to protect myself. For our part, we also guaranteed to avoid embarrassment to your country, that is attacks which started directly from the Italian soil."
1971 presidential election
In the 1971 Italian presidential election, Fanfani was proposed as the DC candidate for the office. His candidacy was weakened by the divisions within his own party and the candidacy of the PSI member Francesco De Martino, who received votes from PCI, PSI, and some PSDI members.[82] Fanfani retired after several unsuccessful ballots and Moro was then proposed as a candidate by the left-wing faction. The right-wing strongly opposed him and the moderate conservative Leone was slightly preferred to him.[83] At the twenty-third round, Leone was finally elected with a centre-right majority, with 518 votes out of 996, including those of the MSI.[84]
Italicus Express bombing
On 4 August 1974, a bomb exploded on the Italicus Express, killing 12 people and injuring 48. The train was travelling from Rome to
Second term as prime minister
In October 1974, Rumor resigned as prime minister after failing to come to an agreement on how to deal with rising economic inflation.[89][90] In November, Leone gave Moro the task of forming a new cabinet; he was sworn in on 23 November 1974, at the head a cabinet composed by DC and PRI, and externally supported by PSI and PSDI.[91]
During Moro's second term as prime minister, the government implemented a series of another important social reforms.[92] A law, which was approved on 9 June 1975, increased the number of occupational diseases and extended the duration of linked insurance and benefit; while a bill, approved on 3 June 1975, introduced various improvements for pensioners. Moreover, the multiplying coefficient was raised to 2% and it was applied to average earnings of the best three years in the last ten years of work and automatic annual adjustment of minimum pensions. A law of 27 December 1975 implemented ad hoc upgradings of cash benefits for certain diseases.[50]
Osimo Treaty
During his premiership, Moro signed the
Between World War I and the end of World War II, Istria had belonged to Italy for twenty-five years, and the west coast of Istria had long had a sizeable Italian minority population.[95] Some nationalist politicians called for the prosecution of Moro and Rumor, his long-time friend who was the then foreign affairs minister, for the crime of treason, as stated in Article 241 of the Italian Criminal Code, which mandated a life sentence for anybody found guilty of aiding and abetting a foreign power to exert its sovereignty on the national territory.[96]
Resignation
Despite the tensions within the government's majority, the close relations between Moro and the PCI leader Enrico Berlinguer guaranteed a certain stability to Moro's governments, allowing them a capacity to act that went beyond the premises that had seen them born.[97] The fourth Moro government, with Ugo La Malfa as Deputy Prime Minister of Italy, started the first dialogue with the PCI, with the aim of beginning a new phase to strengthen the Italian democratic system.[98] In 1976, the PSI secretary Francesco De Martino withdrew the external support to the government and Moro was forced to resign.[99]
Historic Compromise
After the 1976 Italian general election, the PCI gained a historic 34% votes and Moro became a vocal supporter of the necessity of starting a dialogue between DC and PCI.[100] Moro's main aim was to widen the democratic base of the government, including the PCI in the parliamentary majority, in which the cabinets should have been able to represent a larger number of voters and parties. According to him, the DC should have been at the centre of a coalition system based on the principles of consociative democracy.[101] This process was known as Historic Compromise.[102]
Between 1976 and 1977, Berlinguer's PCI broke with the
The early-1978 proposal by Moro of starting a cabinet composed of DC and PSI members, externally supported by the PCI was strongly opposed by both
Kidnapping and death
On 16 March 1978, on via Fani, in Rome, a unit of the militant far-left organization known as Red Brigades (BR) blocked the two-car convoy that was carrying Moro and kidnapped him, murdering his five bodyguards.[108][109] On the day of his kidnapping, Moro was on his way to a session of the Chamber of Deputies, where a discussion was to take place regarding a vote of confidence for a new government led by Andreotti, that would for the first time have the support of the PCI. It was to be the first implementation of Moro's strategic political vision.[110] Additionally, he was considered to be the frontrunner for the 1978 Italian presidential election.[111][112]
In the following days, trade unions called for a general strike, while security forces made hundreds of raids in Rome, Milan, Turin, and other cities searching for Moro's location, as places linked to Moro and the kidnapping became centres of minor pilgrimage. An estimate 16 million Italians took part in the mass public demonstrations.[113] After a few days, even Pope Paul VI, a close friend of Moro's, intervened,[114] offering himself in exchange for Moro.[115] Despite the 13,000 police officers mobilized, 40,000 house searches, and 72,000 road blocks, the police did not carry out any arrests.[116]
The event has been compared to the
Negotiations and captivity letters
The Red Brigades proposed exchanging Moro's life for the freedom of several prisoners.[5] There has been speculation that during his detention many government officials, including the then interior minister Francesco Cossiga, knew where he was being held.[130] Italian politicians were divided into two factions: one favourable to negotiation (linea del negoziato) and the other totally opposing the idea of a negotiated settlement (linea della fermezza). The government immediately took a hardline position, namely that the state must not bend to terrorist demands. This position was openly criticized by prominent DC party members, such as Amintore Fanfani and Giovanni Leone, who at the time was serving as president of Italy.[131] All major political forces followed this hardline stance. This included the PCI, which supported democracy and was part of the Italian Parliament; the PCI was accused by the Red Brigades of being a pawn of the bourgeoisie. Exceptions were the Italian Socialist Party led by Bettino Craxi and the extra-parliamentary left.[119]
On 2 April 1978, Romano Prodi, Mario Baldassarri,[132] and Alberto Clò, three professors of the University of Bologna, passed on a tip about a safe-house where the Red Brigades might be holding Moro. Prodi stated he had been given the tip by the DC founders from beyond the grave in a séance through the use of a Ouija board, which gave the names of Viterbo, Bolsena, and Gradoli.[133] During the investigation of Moro's kidnapping, some members of law enforcement in Italy and of the secret services advocated for the use of torture against terrorists; prominent military members and generals, such as Carlo Alberto dalla Chiesa, were against this. Dalla Chiesa once stated: "Italy is a democratic country that could allow itself the luxury of losing Moro, [but] not of the introduction of torture."[134][135][136]
During his kidnapping, Moro wrote several letters to the DC leaders and to Pope Paul VI. Some of those letters, including one that was very critical of Andreotti, were kept secret for more than a decade and published only in the early 1990s.[5] In his letters, Moro said that the state's primary focus should be saving lives and that the government should comply with his kidnappers' demands. Most of the DC's leaders argued that the letters did not express Moro's genuine wishes, arguing they were written under duress, and thus refused all negotiations. This position was held in stark contrast to the requests of Moro's family. In his appeal to the terrorists, Pope Paul VI asked them to release Moro "without conditions".[137] The specified "without conditions" is controversial; according to some sources, it was added to Paul VI's letter against his will, and that the Pope wanted to negotiate with the kidnappers to secure the safety of Moro. According to Antonio Mennini, Pope Paul VI had saved ₤10 billion to pay a ransom in order to save Moro.[138]
Murder
When it became clear that the government would continue to refuse to negotiate, the Red Brigades held a summary trial, known as "the people's trial",[139] in which Moro was found guilty and sentenced to death. They then sent a last demand to the Italian authorities, stating that if 16 Red Brigades prisoners were not released, Moro would be killed. The Italian authorities responded with a large-scale manhunt, which was unsuccessful.[140] On 7 May 1978, Moro sent a farewell letter to his wife. He wrote: "They have told me that they are going to kill me in a little while, I kiss you for the last time."[141]
On 9 May 1978, after 55 days of captivity,
New theories, revelations, and controversies
On 23 January 1983, an Italian court sentenced 32 members of the BR to life imprisonment for their role in the kidnapping and murder of Moro, among other crimes.[149] Many elements and facts have never been fully cleared up, despite a series of trials,[122] and this led to a number of other alternative theories about the events to become popularized.[118] In 1993, historian Giuseppe Tamburrano expressed doubts about what was said by the Mafia pentiti in relation to the Moro affair because, comparing the two memorials (the amputee of 1978 and the complete of 1990), he said that Moro's allegations addressed to Andreotti were the same, so Andreotti had no interest to order the murder of Carmine Pecorelli, who could not threaten him to publish things already known and publicly available.[150] Andreotti underwent a trial for his role in the assassination of Pecorelli. He was acquitted in the first instance trial (1999),[151] convicted in the second (2002),[152][153] and acquitted by Italy's Supreme Court of Cassation (2003).[154] In a 2012 interview with Ulisse Spinnato Vega of Agenzia Clorofilla, the BR co-founders Alberto Franceschini and Renato Curcio remembered Pecorelli. Franceschini stated: "Pecorelli, before dying, said that both the United States and the Soviet Union wanted Moro's death."[155] Additionally, that Moro was suffering from Stockholm syndrome was questioned by the two reports of the Italian Parliament's inquiry about the Moro affair. According to this view, Moro was at the height of his faculties, he was very recognizable, and at some point it was him who was leading the negotiation for his own liberation and salvation. This position was supported by Leonardo Sciascia, who discussed it in the minority report he signed as a member of the first parliamentary commission and in his book L'affaire Moro.[156]
In 2005, Sergio Flamigni, a leftist politician and writer who had served on a parliamentary inquiry on the Moro case, suggested the involvement of the Operation Gladio network directed by NATO. He asserted that Gladio had manipulated Moretti as a way to take over the Red Brigades to effect a strategy of tension aimed at creating popular demand for a new, right-wing law-and-order regime.[157] In 2006, Steve Pieczenik was interviewed by Emmanuel Amara in his documentary film Les derniers jours d'Aldo Moro ("The Last Days of Aldo Moro"). In the interview, Pieczenik, an expert on international terrorism and negotiating strategies who had been brought to Italy as a consultant to Cossiga's Crisis Committee, stated: "We had to sacrifice Aldo Moro to maintain the stability of Italy."[158][159] Pieczenik maintained that the United States had to "instrumentalize the Red Brigades". According to him, the decision to have Moro killed was taken during the fourth week of his detention, when Moro was thought to be revealing state secrets in his letters,[160] namely the existence of Gladio.[159] In another interview, Cossiga revealed that the Crisis Committee had also leaked, in a form of black propaganda, a false statement attributed to the Red Brigades that Moro was already dead. This was intended to communicate to the kidnappers that further negotiations would be useless since the government had written Moro off.[161][162]
Legacy
As a Christian democrat with social-democratic tendencies, Moro is widely considered one of the ideological fathers of modern
During all his political life, Moro implemented numerous reforms that deeply changed Italian social life; along with his long-time friend and at the same time opponent,
According to media reports on 26 September 2012, the Holy See received a file on beatification for Moro; this is the first step to becoming a saint in the Catholic Church.[166] In April 2015, it was reported that the process of beatification might be suspended or closed following the recent controversies. The postulator stated that the process would continue when the discrepancies were cleared up.[167] The halting of proceedings was due to Mennini, the priest who heard his last confession,[168] being allowed to provide a statement to a tribunal in regards to Moro's kidnapping and confession.[169][170] Following this, the beatification process was resumed.[171] In January 2022, a note claiming responsibility for the abduction of Moro was auctioned despite widespread condemnation.[172]
Electoral history
Election | House | Constituency | Party | Votes | Result | |
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1946 | Constituent Assembly | Bari–Foggia
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DC | 27,801 | Elected | |
1948 | Chamber of Deputies | Bari–Foggia
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DC | 62,971 | Elected | |
1953 | Chamber of Deputies | Bari–Foggia
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DC | 39,007 | Elected | |
1958 | Chamber of Deputies | Bari–Foggia
|
DC | 154,411 | Elected | |
1963 | Chamber of Deputies | Bari–Foggia
|
DC | 227,570 | Elected | |
1968 | Chamber of Deputies | Bari–Foggia
|
DC | 293,167 | Elected | |
1972 | Chamber of Deputies | Bari–Foggia
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DC | 178,475 | Elected | |
1976 | Chamber of Deputies | Bari–Foggia
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DC | 166,260 | Elected |
Cinematic adaptations
A number of films have portrayed the events of Moro's kidnapping and murder with varying degrees of fictionalization. They include the following:
- Todo modo (1976), directed by Elio Petri, based on a novel by Leonardo Sciascia, and made before Moro's kidnapping.
- Il caso Moro (1986), directed by Giuseppe Ferrara and starring Gian Maria Volonté as Moro.
- Year of the Gun (1991), directed by John Frankenheimer.
- Broken Dreams (Sogni infranti, 1995), a documentary directed by Marco Bellocchio.
- Five Moons Plaza (Piazza Delle Cinque Lune, 2003), directed by Renzo Martinelli and starring Donald Sutherland.
- Good Morning, Night (Buongiorno, notte, 2003), directed by Marco Bellocchio, portrays the kidnapping largely from the perspective of one of the kidnappers.
- Romanzo Criminale (2005), directed by Michele Placido, portrays the authorities finding Moro's body.
- Les derniers jours d'Aldo Moro (The Last Days of Aldo Moro, 2006).
- Il Divo (2008): La Straordinaria vita di Giulio Andreotti, directed by Paolo Sorrentino, highlighting the responsibility of Andreotti.
- Piazza Fontana: The Italian Conspiracy (Romanzo di una strage, 2012), directed by Marco Tullio Giordana, with Moro portrayed by actor Fabrizio Gifuni.
- Exterior Night (2022), also directed by Marco Bellocio, with Fabrizio Gifuni repeating cast as Moro. Released as a film and a six-part miniseries,[173] it was awarded at the 35th European Film Awards and at the São Paulo International Film Festival.[174][175]
See also
- List of prime ministers of Italy by time in office
- List of secretaries of the Christian Democracy
- Propaganda Due – Italian criminal secret organization that opposed Moro's Historic Compromise
- La Cagoule – far-right criminal organization that committed acts of terrorism to inculpate the political left
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{{cite web}}
: CS1 maint: postscript (link) - ^ "L'appello di Paolo VI per il rilascio di Moro". Rai Storia (in Italian). Retrieved 16 December 2015.
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- ISBN 2-7557-0020-3. With a postscript by Rosario Priore, a judge in the Moro case, it was published in Italian as Che cosa sono le Brigate Rosse (What Are the Red Brigades).)
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: postscript (link - Rue 89
- ^ Rue 89, 6 February 2008 (in French)
- Rue 89
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- ^ Benraad, Myriam (19 April 2023). "'Esterno Notte': Marco Bellochio's series grapples with ghost of assassinated Italian prime minister Aldo Moro". The Conversation. Retrieved 7 August 2023.
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Further reading
- Barbagallo, Francesco (2001). "Il doppio Stato, il doppio terrorismo, il caso Moro". Studi Storici (in Italian). 42 (1). Fondazione Istituto Gramsci: 127–138. JSTOR 20567065. Retrieved 20 October 2023 – via JSTOR.
- Barbagallo, Francesco (2001). "Il Pci dal sequestro di Moro alla morte di Berlinguer". Studi Storici (in Italian). 42 (4). Fondazione Istituto Gramsci: 837–883. JSTOR 20567110. Retrieved 20 October 2023 – via JSTOR.
- Barbagallo, Francesco (2008). "Le lettere dalla prigione di Aldo Moro". Studi Storici (in Italian). 49 (1). Fondazione Istituto Gramsci: 261–267. JSTOR 20568065. Retrieved 20 October 2023 – via JSTOR.
- Condorelli, Nicole Braun (1979). "L'Italia nella stampa francese: il caso Moro (16 marzo – 9 maggio 1978)". Il Politico (in Italian). 44 (2). Rubbettino Editore: 225–261. JSTOR 43208502. Retrieved 20 October 2023 – via JSTOR.
- Cotturri, Giuseppe (2004). "'Non interferenza e non indifferenza'. Le memorie dell'ambasciatore americano e il 'caso Moro'". Studi Storici (in Italian). 45 (4). Fondazione Istituto Gramsci: 951–990. JSTOR 20567279. Retrieved 20 October 2023 – via JSTOR.
- Craveri, Piero (2009). "Considerazioni storiche sulle metamorfosi della 'forma partito' in Italia". Ventunesimo Secolo (in Italian). 8 (18). Rubbettino Editore: 31–55. JSTOR 23720288. Retrieved 20 October 2023 – via JSTOR.
- Crettez, Bertrand; Deloche, Régis (2009). "A cliometric analysis of the Aldo Moro kidnapping and assassination". Cliometrica. 3 (2). Springer: 123–139. S2CID 153678112. Retrieved 20 October 2023 – via ResearchGate.
- "Discorso del Ministro degli esteri italiano, on. Aldo Moro, per la firma della Convenzione sull'Istituto universitario europeo (Firenze, 19 aprile 1972)". Rivista di Studi Politici Internazionali (in Italian). 39 (1). Maria Grazia Melchionni: 153–155. 1972. JSTOR 42733625. Retrieved 20 October 2023 – via JSTOR.
- Drake, Richard (1999). "Italy in the 1960s: A Legacy of Terrorism and Liberation". South Central Review. 16/17. Johns Hopkins University Press: 62–76. JSTOR 3190077. Retrieved 20 October 2023 – via JSTOR.
- Drake, Richard (2006). Flamigni, Sergio; Giovagnoli, Agostino; Satta, Vladimiro; Sciascia, Leonardo; Robb, Peter (eds.). "The Aldo Moro Murder Case in Retrospect". Journal of Cold War Studies. 8 (2). MIT Press: 114–125. S2CID 57564160. Retrieved 20 October 2023 – via JSTOR.
- Gentiloni Silveri, Umberto (2001). "Gli anni Settanta nel giudizio degli Stati Uniti: 'Un ponte verso l'ignoto'". Studi Storici (in Italian). 42 (4). Fondazione Istituto Gramsci: 989–1020. JSTOR 20567115. Retrieved 20 October 2023 – via JSTOR.
- Gervasoni, Marco (2008). "Il caso Moro e il Psi: una transizione necessaria". Contemporanea (in Italian). 11 (1). Il Mulino: 100–105. JSTOR 24653151. Retrieved 20 October 2023 – via JSTOR.
- Glynn, Ruth (2009). "Writing the Terrorist Self: The Unspeakable Alterity of Italy's Female Perpetrators". Feminist Review. 92 (92). SAGE: 1–18. S2CID 143973582. Retrieved 20 October 2023 – via JSTOR.
- Gualtieri, Roberto (2008). "Le diverse letture del caso Moro: tra vulgata e storia". Contemporanea (in Italian). 11 (1). Il Mulino: 105–110. JSTOR 24653152. Retrieved 20 October 2023 – via JSTOR.
- Harper, John L. (1988). "Italian Newspapers and the Moro Affair". SAIS Review (1956–1989). 8 (2). Johns Hopkins University Press: 247–270. JSTOR 45349511. Retrieved 20 October 2023 – via JSTOR.
- Henninger, Max (2006). "The Postponed Revolution: Reading Italian Insurrectionary Leftism as Generational Conflict". Italica. 83 (3/4). University of Illinois Press: 629–648. JSTOR 27669110. Retrieved 20 October 2023 – via JSTOR.
- Heywood, Paolo (2009). "The Two Burials of Aldo Moro: Sovereignty and Governmentality in the Anni Di Piombo". The Cambridge Journal of Anthropology. 29 (3). Berghahn Books: 1–28. JSTOR 23820821. Retrieved 20 October 2023 – via JSTOR.
- Irrera, Daniela (2014). "Learning from the Past: Case of the Red Brigades in Italy". Counter Terrorist Trends and Analyses. 6 (6). International Centre for Political Violence and Terrorism Research: 16–20. JSTOR 26351263. Retrieved 20 October 2023 – via JSTOR.
- Jamieson, Alison (2000). "Mafiosi and Terrorists: Italian Women in Violent Organizations". SAIS Review (1989-2003). 20 (2). Johns Hopkins University Press: 51–64. JSTOR 26996303. Retrieved 20 October 2023 – via JSTOR.
- Lombardi, Giancarlo (2007). "La passione secondo Marco Bellocchio Gli ultimi giorni di Aldo Moro". Annali d'Italianistica (in Italian). 25. Annali d'italianistica: 397–408. JSTOR 24016172. Retrieved 20 October 2023 – via JSTOR.
- Lupo, Salvatore (2002). "Il fantasma di Moro". Meridiana (in Italian) (45). Viella: 13–21. JSTOR 23199922. Retrieved 20 October 2023 – via JSTOR.
- Moss, David (1983). "Analysing Italian Political Violence as a Sequel of Communicative Acts: The Red Brigades 1970–1982". Social Analysis: The International Journal of Social and Cultural Practice (13). Berghahn Books: 84–111. JSTOR 23169269. Retrieved 20 October 2023 – via JSTOR.
- Moss, David (2007). "From History to Mystery: The Parliamentary Inquiries into the Kidnapping and Murder of Aldo Moro, 1979–2001". In Gundle, Stephen; Rinaldi, Lucia (eds.). Assassinations and Murder in Modern Italy: Transformations in Society and Culture. Italian and Italian American Studies. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US. pp. 101–112. ISBN 978-02-3060-691-3. Retrieved 20 October 2023 – via DOI.
- Orsini, Alessandro (2011). Anatomy of the Red Brigades: The Religious Mind-set of Modern Terrorists. London: Routledge. ISBN 978-08-0144-986-4. Retrieved 20 October 2023 – via IRIS − Luiss.
- Pons, Silvio (2008). "I limiti internazionali della 'solidarietà nazionale'". Contemporanea (in Italian). 11 (1). Il Mulino: 110–113. JSTOR 24653153. Retrieved 20 October 2023 – via JSTOR.
- Ronchey, Alberto (1979). "Guns and Gray Matter: Terrorism in Italy". Foreign Affairs. 57 (4). Council on Foreign Relations: 921–940. JSTOR 20040207. Retrieved 20 October 2023 – via JSTOR.
- Savoca, Antonello (2006). "Quel 16 marzo 1978: il dibattito mass-mediologico sul delitto Moro". Meridiana (in Italian) (55). Viella: 225–246. JSTOR 23202492. Retrieved 20 October 2023 – via JSTOR.
- Shandley, Robert R. (1997). "Review of The Aldo Moro Murder Case by Richard Drake". South Central Review. 14 (2). Johns Hopkins University Press: 88–89. JSTOR 3189958. Retrieved 20 October 2023 – via JSTOR.
- Sørensen, Gert (2002). "Il caso Moro e il potere sovrano". Studi Storici (in Italian). 43 (4). Fondazione Istituto Gramsci: 1065–1081. JSTOR 20567173. Retrieved 20 October 2023 – via JSTOR.
- Stover, William J.; Capaccio, Jeffrey M. (1982). "Sources of Italian Terrorism". Peace Research. 14 (1). Canadian Mennonite University: 11–19. JSTOR 23610138. Retrieved 20 October 2023 – via JSTOR.
- Sundquist, Victor H. (2010). "Political Terrorism: An Historical Case Study of the Italian Red Brigades". Journal of Strategic Security. 3 (3). Henley-Putnam School of Strategic Security: 53–68. JSTOR 26463145. Retrieved 20 October 2023 – via JSTOR.
- Twardzik, Stefano (2013). "Sulle lettere originali di Aldo Moro pervenute nei giorni del suo sequestro". Studi Storici (in Italian). 54 (1). Fondazione Istituto Gramsci: 105–147. JSTOR 43592420. Retrieved 20 October 2023 – via JSTOR.
External links
- Craveri, Piero (2012). "Moro, Aldo". ISBN 978-8-81200032-6.
- Ma la verità vera ancora non c'è – interview with Giovanni Moro (Aldo Moro's son) at La Repubblica (in Italian), 16 March 1998.