Alexander Schapiro

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.
Not to be confused with Sascha Schapiro.

Alexander Schapiro
Born1882 or 1883
Rostov-on-Don, Russia
DiedDecember 5, 1946(1946-12-05) (aged 64)
New York City
Known forAnarcho-syndicalism, Participation in the Russian Revolution

Alexander "Sanya" Moiseyevich Schapiro or Shapiro (in Russian: Александр "Саня" Моисеевич Шапиро; 1882 or 1883 – December 5, 1946) was a Russian

anarcho-syndicalist activist. Born in southern Russia, Schapiro left Russia at an early age and spent most of his early activist years in London
.

During the Russian Revolution, Schapiro returned to Russia and aided the Bolsheviks in their seizure of power during the October Revolution. Following the Russian Civil War and the Kronstandt Uprising, anarchists were suppressed in the Soviet Union, and Schapiro escaped to Western Europe, eventually settling in New York City. Schapiro lived in exile for the remainder of his life.

Schapiro associated with many other prominent anarchists throughout his life, including Emma Goldman, Alexander Berkman, and Peter Kropotkin. When Kropotkin died, Schapiro was one of the organizers of his funeral. Schapiro collaborated with Goldman and Berkman on anarchist pamphlets denouncing the Soviet state for its authoritarianism and suppression of anarchism.

Early life

Alexander Schapiro was born in 1882 or 1883 in

Arbeyter Fraynd.[2] After finishing school, Schapiro moved to Sofia, Bulgaria in 1899 to study mathematics and physics.[3]

In August 1900, he moved to Paris to attend the

anarcho-syndicalist group involved in the preparations for the banned international congress.[5]

London

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In 1900 or 1901, at Kropotkin's suggestion, Schapiro moved to London.[6] Like his father, he became an active member of London's anarchist movement. At the time the movement was predominantly Russian Jewish. Its leading figure was Rudolf Rocker, a non-Jewish German exile, but the city's best-known anarchist was Kropotkin.[7] In London, Schapiro worked as an assistant for the physiologist Augustus Waller, the inventor of the electocardiagram. Schapiro is listed as an author on several publications from Waller's lab, but the job also allowed him to devote a lot of his time to the anarchist movement.[8]

Schapiro was a member of the Worker's Friend Group. The collective was split on the question of participation in trade unions. Schapiro was opposed because he feared anarchist principles could be compromised by unionism. According to Sam Dreen, another member, he was intelligent and capable, but also a stubborn and overbearing intellectual who was not in touch with workers' issues.[9] Fermin Rocker, the son of Rudolf Rocker, another member of Arbeter Fraynd, liked Schapiro and considered him well-educated and intelligent, but dogmatic, intolerant, and self-important.[10]

Schapiro was also a member of the

Anarchist Red Cross to protest the Russian Empire's treatment of anarchists and in order to help imprisoned activists. It was headquartered in London and New York and had branches in several European and North American cities. It organized lectures and collected money and clothing for Russian prisoners. Along with Kropotkin, Varlam Cherkezov, and Rocker, Schapiro directed the London headquarters.[14]

In August 1907, Schapiro was the delegate of the Jewish Anarchist Federation at the

International Anarchist Congress in Amsterdam, the largest anarchist meeting ever, and one of the organizers of the event.[15] Syndicalism was one of the main points of discussion. The French anarchist Pierre Monatte was the primary advocate of syndicalism, while the Italian Errico Malatesta criticized it. The congress helped form links between syndicalists in various countries and spread the movement.[16] The congress decided to form an International Bureau which also became known as the Anarchist International. Schapiro, Rocker, and Malatesta were chosen as the bureau's secretaries.[17] Schapiro became the editor of the Bureau's journal, the Bulletin de l'Internationale Anarchiste, which he published in French from London until 1910. The Bulletin disseminated information about anarchist and syndicalist movements between countries. For about a year, it appeared almost every month, but then died off slowly.[18] Schapiro wrote that the lack of enthusiasm of the international anarchist movement for the Anarchist International and the Bulletin was due to "the fear that organisation might be the way whereby centralisation and authoritarianism could sneak into the anarchist movement".[19] Rocker praised the patience, intelligence, and talent Schapiro exhibited in his work for the Anarchist International. In 1909, Schapiro, Rocker, Malatesta, and John Turner repeatedly called for a follow-up congress, but their calls received no replies. A second congress was finally planned to take place in London in August 1914. Schapiro was heavily involved in the preparations and published a bulletin to facilitate communication in the run-up to the congress. It focused on anti-militarism, syndicalism, and organizational questions. Anarchists from several countries pledged to attend and Schapiro was optimistic the congress would be a success. However, after World War I broke out, it had to be canceled.[20]

Schapiro took part in the First International Syndicalist Congress in London in 1913. He did not represent any organization, but was one of two translators, with Christiaan Cornelissen the other.[21] The German delegates praised Schapiro's objective approach, while Alfred Rosmer deemed him the only participant who did not lose his poise.[22] There were numerous disputes at the congress, but it ultimately passed a Declaration of Syndicalist Principles calling for the abolition of the state and capitalism.[23]

By the time World War I broke out, Schapiro was an important organizer in the international anarchist movement, although he was never as well-known an activist as the likes of Emma Goldman or Alexander Berkman as he was usually preoccupied with behind-the-scenes work for the movement.[24] The outbreak of war became an incisive moment for the international anarchist movement and the broader radical left.[25] The milieu of anarchist exiles in London was divided by the war. Several anarchists supported their respective home nations in the war.[26] In October 1914, Kropotkin declared his support for the Allies. He argued that German militarism was to blame for the war, that Germany was the primary supporter of reaction in Europe, that France and Belgium had to be freed from German attack, and that the German working class was as bad as the German ruling class.[27] Kropotkin's views put him in the minority in the anarchist movement, although Cherkesov, the French anarchist Jean Grave, and the American Benjamin Tucker agreed with him. The question split the movement.[28] Schapiro was immediately and sternly opposed to the war.[29] In the fall, Schapiro, Malatesta, Rocker, and others who opposed the war debated the issue with Cherkesov who presented Kropotkin's views.[30] In March 1915, about 40 anarchists, including Schapiro, Malatesta, and the Americans Emma Goldman and Alexander Berkman signed the International Anarchist Manifesto on the War.[31] The manifesto denounces the war as "the most frightful butchery that history has ever recorded" and a consequence of capitalism's drive for profit and power. Anarchists' role, according to the signatories, "is to summon the slaves to revolt against the masters" and they therefore have no business rooting for one side or the other.[32] The pro-war side in the anarchist debate responded with a manifesto of its own, the Manifesto of the Sixteen, which was mostly written by Kropotkin. It was also signed by Cherkezov, Grave, Cornelissen and several others and argues that opposition to the war only served to weaken the Allies.[33]

Most anarchists broke with Kropotkin over his views on the war. Schapiro and Rocker were among the few who maintained their friendship with him.

People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs.[36]

Russia

Revolution

Schapiro returned to Russia, arriving in Petrograd on May 31, 1917.

factory committees, which arose after the February Revolution as vehicles of workers' control over production. Golos Truda considered these committees "the cells of the future socialist society".[40] In an article in Golos Truda in September, Schapiro called for "complete decentralization and the very broadest self-direction of local organizations" to keep the soviets from becoming a new form of political coercion.[41] In another article, Schapiro criticized the upcoming elections of the Constituent Assembly, calling for "the abolition of all power, which only impedes and smothers revolutionary creativity" and criticizing the idea that parliaments can create a free society.[42]

During the

Moscow Soviets, the anarchists, including Schapiro, became apprehensive.[44] The Petrograd Military Revolutionary Committee, was dominated by Bolsheviks, but also included four anarchists, Shatov among them. On October 25, it overthrew the Provisional Government, the event that became known as the October Revolution.[45] Elated by the revolution, Golos Truda was also pleased when the Bolsheviks mandated workers' control in all enterprises with at least five employees in November,[46] but control over factories was soon transferred to the state after workers' control led to economic chaos.[47]

The 1918–1921 Civil War split the anarchist movement. Most syndicalists viewed the Bolshevik government as the lesser evil, because they feared a White Army victory.[48] Details on Schapiro's activities are scarce,[49] but he collaborated more openly with the Bolshevik government than most syndicalists.[50] He worked for the Commissariat of Jewish Affairs, part of the Commissariat of Foreign Affairs, which was headed by Chicherin whom Schapiro had come to know in London. For the Commissariat, he produced Yiddish periodicals that promoted the Revolution but were not specifically Bolshevik. By 1920, he was working as a translator for the Commissariat of Foreign Affairs.[51] At one point he held a high post in the Moscow rail workers' labor union.[52] While he worked for the Bolshevik regime, Schapiro continued to criticize it, in a measured way according to both supporters and critics of Bolshevik rule.[53]

Suppression

In 1918, the Bolshevik government initiated a wave of repression towards the anarchist movement. In May, Golos Truda was shut down.

Kronstadt uprising put an end to attempts at reconciliation between the Bolshevik leadership and the anarchist movement.[57]

Schapiro, like several other anarchists, had regularly visited Kropotkin. While carefully avoiding the question of the war, they had long discussions on the situation in Russia.[58] In January 1921, Kropotkin, almost eighty years old and living in Dmitrov, a suburb of Moscow, contracted pneumonia. Schapiro, with Goldman and Nikolai Ivanovich Pavlov, took a train to visit him, but their train was delayed and they arrived an hour after he died on February 8. Schapiro and Berkman were part of a commission formed by the country's anarchist groups to organize Kropotkin's funeral.[59] The funeral drew 20,000 anarchists and was the last anarchist demonstration in communist Russia.[60]

In early 1921, the government started to ban syndicalist and anarchist writings.[61] After the Kronstadt uprising in March, the Bolshevik government began rounding up anarchists. Schapiro's critique of the regime, which had been fairly moderate, turned into fundamental opposition.[62] In May, Schapiro was one of several signatories to an open letter to Lenin and the Bolshevik leadership circulated in the West. It protested the persecution of Russian anarchists in the wake of Kronstadt.[63] In June 1921, Schapiro, along with Goldman, Berkman, and fellow anarchist Alexei Borovoi, anonymously wrote a pamphlet entitled The Russian Revolution and the Communist Party, which was smuggled to Germany and published by Rocker. They argued that anarchists had refrained from protesting the repression leveled against them in Russia as long as the Civil War was being fought so as not "to aid the common enemy, world imperialism". The end of the war, however, had made it clear that the biggest threat to the revolution "was not outside, but within the country: a danger resulting from the very nature of the social and economic arrangements which characterize the present 'transitory stage'."[64]

Although wary of the persecution of syndicalists in Russia,

Mark Mrachnyi, and Efim Yarchuk who had all worked with Schapiro in the Golos Truda group.[72] While the negotiations were still ongoing, Nikolai Bukharin addressed the RILU congress in the name of the Bolshevik Party and attacked the Russian anarchist movement. This caused the congress to erupt into chaotic shouting. The French syndicalist Henri Sirolle then responded for the syndicalist delegates and defended Russian anarchism. He demanded that a representative of the Russian syndicalist movement who was present, most likely Schapiro, be allowed to address the congress, but he was denied.[73] After the congress, Schapiro denounced the RILU as "the illegitimate daughter of the Communist International, and consequently the handmaiden of the Russian Communist Party" and warned Italian syndicalists against associating with it.[74]

In November 1921, Schapiro, Berkman, and Goldman received permission from the Soviet government to attend an international anarchist congress in Berlin in December. They were held up in Latvia when the visa for Germany they had been promised was not issued. Goldman suspected the Bolsheviks were behind this, but this is unlikely. The American government had circulated photos Schapiro, Berkman, and Goldman to its foreign embassies, as it was concerned that Goldman might try to return to the United States. With them having already missed the congress, Sweden issued the trio visas two weeks later, but on the train on their way to Stockholm the Latvian police arrested them. Their belongings were searched and they were jailed for a week. This was engineered by the American commissioner in Riga who was then able to search the anarchists' belongings and make copies of all documents the American government might be interested in. Schapiro, Berkman, and Goldman were released and able to leave Latvia for Sweden on December 30.[75] Their status in Sweden was precarious and they were only allowed to stay as long as they pledged not to participate in anarchist activities. While Berkman and Goldman remained in Stockholm and wrote about their experiences in Russia, Schapiro decided to join the Russian syndicalist exiles in Berlin after entering Germany secretly.[76]

In June 1922, he attended a syndicalist conference in Berlin. The meeting was called to discuss the international organization of the movement and whether to negotiate with the RILU or start an independent syndicalist international. Schapiro and Mrachnyi represented the Russian syndicalist movement, but a representative of Russia's centralist unions also attended. Schapiro and Mrachnyi used the meeting as another opportunity to denounce the Soviet government's repression of syndicalists and anarchists. The meeting decided to create an international Syndicalist Bureau, to which Schapiro would be the Russian representative, and discussed the position the syndicalist movement should take on the RILU. Concerning negotiations with the RILU, Schapiro presented the congress with two options. Syndicalists could present the Bolsheviks with minimal conditions, which they might accept, or harsher conditions, which they could not. The former he deemed a betrayal of syndicalist principles and the latter a mere ploy. Instead, he proposed that the syndicalists break off negotiations with the RILU and go their own way. The assembly adopted a resolution which made no mention of negotiations with the RILU. This was the end of collaboration between the syndicalist and the communist movements in most countries. In its stead, the conference formed a Syndicalist Bureau, in which Schapiro represented Russia, to prepare a second conference at which a syndicalist international was to be formed.[77]

After the meeting Schapiro decided to return to Russia, feeling he could make a contribution there. He contacted Chicherin and received assurances he could safely return to Russia. However, on the night of September 2–3, two weeks after Schapiro's return to Russia, he was arrested in Moscow. The secret police charged him with working with underground anarchists, but was mostly interested in his international contacts. Chicherin ignored a letter Schapiro sent him from prison and the RILU refused to notify the Syndicalist Bureau of his arrest. Nevertheless, the news soon reached the West and sparked an international solidarity campaign to free Schapiro. After Western syndicalists, particularly the French CGTU, protested his incarceration, the Soviet government became worried about damaging the RILU's relations with them. Schapiro was released and, charged with anti-Soviet activities, expelled from Russia in October 1922, on the anniversary of the October Revolution. Schapiro himself sarcastically called this coincidence an "exceptional honour".[78] He subsequently wrote about his imprisonment in several syndicalist journals in the West.[79]

Exile

Schapiro decided to return to Berlin. He became one of the most active Russian syndicalist exiles.[80] In December 1922, at conference in Berlin, he participated in the establishment of the anarcho-syndicalist International Working Men's Association (IWMA). Schapiro and Efim Iarchuk, another former editor of Golos Truda, represented the Russian syndicalist movement. Reflections on the Russian Revolution played a central role in the deliberations, as the Russian experience demonstrated the fundamental differences between syndicalism and state socialism, according to the delegates. Rocker pointed to the Bolshevik government's treatment of Schapiro in making the case against participation in the RILU and for the formation of a syndicalist international. Schapiro himself argued that participation in the RILU would be incompatible with syndicalist principles. The establishment of the IWMA finalized the international syndicalist movement's break with Bolshevism. Berlin was selected as the seat of the IWMA. Schapiro, Souchy, and Rocker were elected to its secretariat. Within a few years, the IWMA consisted of union federations in Germany, Italy, Sweden, Spain, Norway, Portugal, the Netherlands, France, Argentina, and Mexico as well as minor affiliates in numerous other countries.[81] Schapiro considered the IWMA more important than did the other members of the secretariat who mainly thought of it as a response to both Bolshevism and reformism. He viewed the IWMA as the continuation of the efforts to unite the international syndicalist movement that had begun before World War I and performed most of the secretariat's work during the organization's first year. He hoped discussions within the IWMA would lead to unity among syndicalists on questions concerning revolutionary tactics and strategy. He later found that the IWMA frequently had to mediate between contradictory understandings of anarcho-syndicalism.[82]

From 1923, Schapiro served on the Joint Committee for the Defense of the Revolutionaries Imprisoned in Russia and then on the IWMA's Relief Fund for Anarchists and Anarcho-Syndicalists Imprisoned in Russia. They sent numerous aid packages and letters of encouragement to anarchists in prisons and gulags in the Soviet Union.

Makhnovshchyna, as "non-anarchist" or "war anarchism". Schapiro met Makhno when the latter stayed in Berlin for a few weeks in 1925 and the dispute repeatedly escalated into shouting.[86]

In April 1932, Schapiro was elected to the secretariat of the IWMA again, having left in 1925.

Iberian Anarchist Federation (FAI), which was established in 1927 to ensure that anarchist principles were strictly followed.[91] Schapiro was tasked with mediating the conflict between the FAI and treintistas.[92]

He traveled on to France, where he continued to work with the IWMA and edited another anarcho-syndicalist paper, La Voix du Travail (The Voice of Labour).

Thoroughly disillusioned, Schapiro left Europe for New York in June 1939.

Mollie Fleshin reacted to Schapiro's death writing that "the best brains of the movement are passing out one after another and [...] I have a feeling as if the movement itself is passing out".[95]

References

  1. ^ Avrich 1967, p. 138, Kloosterman 1979, p. 275, Rodenburg 2014, p. 242, Thorpe 1989, p. 99.
  2. ^ Rodenburg 2014, p. 242.
  3. ^ Kloosterman 1979, p. 275.
  4. ^ Avrich 1967, p. 138, Kloosterman 1979, p. 275, Thorpe 1989, p. 88.
  5. ^ Kloosterman 1979, p. 275, Rodenburg 2014, p. 243, Thorpe 1989, p. 88.
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  9. ^ Avrich 2005, p. 323.
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  74. ^ Thorpe 1989, p. 202.
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  79. ^ Thorpe 1989, p. 312.
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  82. ^ Dam'e 2006, pp. 254–255, 595.
  83. ^ Avrich 1988, p. 224.
  84. ^ Avrich 1967, p. 239, Dahlmann 1995, p. 254, Thorpe 1989, p. 244.
  85. ^ Kloosterman 1979, pp. 283–284.
  86. ^ Dahlmann 1995, pp. 256–257.
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  88. ^ Thorpe 1990, pp. 250–251.
  89. ^ Rodenburg 2014, pp. 245–246, Thorpe 1990, p. 251.
  90. ^ Casanova 1997, p. 186, Rodenburg 2014, p. 246.
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Further reading

  • Berthuin, Jérémie (2000). La CGT-SR et la Révolution espagnole: juillet 1936-décembre 1937, de l'espoir à la désillusion. Paris: Editions CNT-Région parisienne.
  • Brodie, Morris (2020). Transatlantic Anarchism during the Spanish Civil War and Revolution, 1936–1939. New York: Routledge.
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