Alexandru Macedonski

Alexandru Macedonski
travel writing, science fiction
Literary movement	Neoromanticism, Parnassianism, Symbolism, Realism, Naturalism, Neoclassicism, Literatorul
Signature

Alexandru Macedonski (Romanian pronunciation:

The family moved often, following General Macedonski's postings. Born in Bucharest, Macedonski-son was the third of four siblings, the oldest of whom was a daughter, Caterina.^[13] Before the age of six, he was a sickly and nervous child, who is reported to have had regular tantrums.^[14] In 1862, his father sent him to school in Oltenia, and he spent most time in the Amaradia region.^[15] The nostalgia he felt for the landscape later made him consider writing an Amărăzene ("Amaradians") cycle, of which only one poem was ever completed.^[15] He was attending the Carol I High School in Craiova and, according to his official record, graduated in 1867.^[16]

Macedonski's father had by then become known as an authoritarian commander, and, during his time in

Macedonski left Romania in 1870, traveling through Austria-Hungary and spending time in Vienna, before visiting Switzerland and possibly other countries; according to one account, it was here that he may have first met (and disliked) his rival poet Mihai Eminescu, at a time a Viennese student.^[22] Macedonski's visit was meant to be preparation for entering the University of Bucharest, but he spent much of his time in the bohemian environment, seeking entertainment and engaging in romantic escapades.^[23] He was however opposed to the lifestyle choices of people his age, claiming that they were engaged in "orgy after orgy".^[24] At around that date, the young author had begun to perfect a style heavily influenced by Romanticism, and in particular by his Wallachian predecessors Dimitrie Bolintineanu and Ion Heliade Rădulescu.^[22][25] He was for a while in Styria, at Bad Gleichenberg, a stay which, George Călinescu believes, may have been the result of a medical recommendation to help him counter excessive nervousness.^[26] The landscape there inspired him to write an ode.^[27] Also in 1870, he published his first lyrics in George Bariț's Transylvanian-based journal Telegraful Român.^[28]

The following year, he left for Italy, where he visited Pisa, Florence, Venice, and possibly other cities.^[29] His records of the journey indicate that he was faced with financial difficulties and plagued by disease.^[30] Macedonski also claimed to have attended college lectures in these cities, and to have spent significant time studying at Pisa University, but this remains uncertain.^[31] He eventually returned to Bucharest, where he entered the Faculty of Letters (which he never attended regularly).^[32] According to Călinescu, Macedonski "did not feel the need" to attend classes, because "such a young man will expect society to render upon him its homages."^[33] He was again in Italy during spring 1872, soon after publishing his debut volume Prima verba (Latin for "First Word").^[34] Having also written an anti-Carol piece, published in Telegraful Român during 1873, Macedonski reportedly feared political reprisals, and decided to make another visit to Styria and Italy while his case was being assessed.^[35] It was in Italy that he met French musicologist Jules Combarieu, with whom he corresponded sporadically over the following decades.^[36]

During that period, Macedonski became interested in the political scene and political journalism, first as a sympathizer of the

In March 1875, Macedonski was arrested on charges of defamation^[43] or sedition.^[44] For almost a year before, he and Oltul had taken an active part in the campaign against Conservative Party and its leader, Premier Lascăr Catargiu. In this context, he had demanded that the common man "rise up with weapons in their hands and break both the government agents and the government", following up with similar messages aimed at the Domnitor.^[45] He was taken to Bucharest's Văcărești Prison and confined there for almost three months. Supported by the liberal press and defended by the most prestigious pro-liberal attorneys (Nicolae Fleva among them), Macedonski faced a jury trial on 7 June, being eventually cleared of the charges.^[46] Reportedly, the Bucharest populace organized a spontaneous celebration of the verdict.^[47]

In 1875, after the National Liberal

Still determined to pursue a career in the press, Macedonski founded a string of unsuccessful magazines with patriotic content and titles such as Vestea ("The Announcement"), Dunărea ("The Danube"), Fulgerul ("The Lightning") and, after 1880, Tarara (an onomatopoeia equivalent to "Toodoodoo").^[53] Their history is connected with that of the Russo-Turkish War, at the end of which Romanian participation on the Russian side resulted in her independence.^[54] Macedonski remained committed to the anti-Ottoman cause, and, some thirty years later, stated: "We want no Turkey in Europe!"^[55]

By 1879, the poet, who continued to voice criticism of Carol, had several times switched sides between the National Liberals and the opposition Conservatives.

With the 1880s came a turning point in Alexandru Macedonski's career. Vianu notes that changes took place in the poet's relationship with his public: "Society recognizes in him the nonconformist. [...] The man becomes singular; people start talking about his oddities."[57] Macedonski's presumed frustration at being perceived in this way, Vianu notes, may have led him closer to the idea of poète maudit, theorized earlier by Paul Verlaine.^[58] In this context, he had set his sight on promoting "social poetry", the merger between lyricism and political militantism.^[59] Meanwhile, according to Călinescu, his attacks on the liberals and the "daft insults he aimed at [Romania's] throne" had effectively ruined his own chance of political advancement.^[33]

In January 1880, he launched his most influential and long-lived publication,

In parallel, Macedonski used the magazine to publicize his disagreement with the main Junimist voice, Convorbiri Literare. Among the group of contributors, several had already been victims of Maiorescu's irony: Sion, Urechia, Pantazi Ghica and Petru Grădișteanu.^[68] While welcoming the debut of its contributor, Parnassian-Neoclassicist novelist and poet Duiliu Zamfirescu,^[64] Macedonski repeatedly attacked its main exponent, the conservative poet Eminescu, claiming not to understand his poetry.^[69] However, Literatorul was also open to contributions from some Convorbiri Literare affiliates (Zamfirescu, Matilda Cugler-Poni and Veronica Micle).^[70]

In November 1880, Macedonski's plays Iadeș! ("Wishbone!", a comedy first printed in 1882) and Unchiașul Sărăcie ("Old Man Poverty") premiered at the

National Theater Bucharest.^[71] A sign of government approval, this was followed by Macedonski's appointment to a minor administrative office, as Historical Monuments Inspector.^[72] Nevertheless, both plays failed to impose themselves on public perception, and were withdrawn from the program by 1888.^[73] Călinescu asserts that, although Macedonski later claimed to have always been facing poverty, his job in the administration, coupled with other sources of revenue, ensured him a comfortable existence.^[74]

In 1881, Macedonski published a new collection of poetry. Titled Poezii, it carries the year "1882" on its original cover.^[75] Again moving away from liberalism, Macedonski sought to make himself accepted by Junimea and Maiorescu.^[76] He consequently attended the Junimea sessions, and gave a public reading of Noaptea de noiembrie ("November Night"), the first publicized piece in his lifelong Nights cycle.^[77] It reportedly earned him the praise of historian and poet Bogdan Petriceicu Hasdeu, who, although an anti-Junimist, happened to be in the audience.^[78] Despite rumors according to which he had applauded Macedonski, Maiorescu himself was not impressed, and left an unenthusiastic account of the event in his private diary.^[79]

Against Alecsandri and Eminescu

Macedonski's open conflict with Junimea began in 1882, when he engaged in a publicized polemic with Alecsandri.^[80] It was ignited when, through Macedonski's articles, Literatorul criticized Alecsandri for accepting Romanian Academy prizes despite being its member,^[81] and later involved Sion (whose replies on behalf of the academy were derided by Macedonski).^[82] Macedonski also took distance from Alecsandri's style, publishing a "critical analysis" of his poetry in one issue of Literatorul.^[83] In turn, Alecsandri humiliated his young rival by portraying him as Zoilus, the prototype of slanderers, and himself as the model poet Horace in the 1883 play Fântâna Blanduziei.^[84] The two were eventually reconciled, and Macedonski again spoke of Alecsandri as his ideological and stylistic predecessor.^[85]

In April 1882, Eminescu had also replied to Macedonski in Timpul journal, referring to an unnamed poet who "barely finishes high-school, comes over to Bucharest selling nick-nacks and makeup [and goes into] literary dealership". Reproaching Macedonski's attacks on Alecsandri, Eminescu makes a nationalist comment about the young poet bearing "the bastard instincts of those foreigners who were Romanianized only yesterday", and attributes him "the physiognomy of a hairdresser".^[86] Through the articles of Petru Th. Missir, Convorbiri Literare gave Poezii a negative review, deemed "malevolent" by literary historian Mircea Anghelescu.^[87] At the other end of the political and cultural spectrum, Macedonski faced opposition from the intellectuals attracted to socialism, in particular Contemporanul editors Constantin Mille and Ioan Nădejde, with whom he was engaged in an extended polemic.^[88]

In the meantime, Macedonski published his own play, which had Cuza for its main character and was eponymously titled Cuza-Vodă,^[73] and completed translations for Literatorul—from Maurice Rollinat, whom he helped impose as a main cultural reference in Romanian Symbolism, and from the Greek poet Akhillefs Paraskhos.^[89] In 1883, he also contributed his first sketch story, Casa cu nr. 10 ("The House at Number 10").^[90] In early 1883, he married Ana Rallet-Slătineanu.^[91] Wealthy and supposedly related to Romanian aristocrats,^[92] she would bear him five children in all: the painter Alexis was the eldest, followed by Nikita; the three youngest were two sons (Panel and Constantin Macedonski) and a daughter, Anna (also known as Nina).^[93] His heterosexual lifestyle notwithstanding, Macedonski remained a self-avowed admirer of male beauties, and was rumored to be a closeted homosexual.^[22]

In July 1883, Macedonski undertook one of his most controversial anti-Junimist actions. That month, Literatorul published an

national poet—had by then developed a mental disorder which had become known to the general public. Ever since that moment, Macedonski has generally been believed to be Duna, and as a result, was faced with much criticism from both readers and commentators.^[94][22][95] The intense anti-Literatorul press campaign was initiated in August, when writer Grigore Ventura issued an article condemning Macedonski's attitude (published in the Bucharest-based newspaper L'Indépendance Roumaine), with Macedonski responding in the National Liberal organ Românul.^[96] During one evening, Macedonski is reported to have been assaulted by anonymous supporters of Eminescu.^[97] His previous conflict with Nădejde was also affected by this renewed controversy: while opposed to Junimist policies, the socialists at Contemporanul voiced their admiration for Eminescu's art.^[98]

Late in 1883, Macedonski and his friends unveiled

Having been stripped of his administrative office by the new Brătianu cabinet,^[101] Macedonski faced financial difficulties, and was forced to move into a house on the outskirts of Bucharest, and later moved between houses in northern Bucharest.^[102] According to Călinescu, the poet continued to cultivate luxury and passionately invested in the decorative arts, although his source of income, other than the supposed assistance "of [European] ruling houses", remains a mystery.^[103] Arguing that Macedonski was "always in need of money" to use on his luxury items, poet Victor Eftimiu claimed: "He did not shy away from sending emphatic notes to the potentates of his day [...], flattering some, threatening others. He would marry off or simply mate some of his disciples with aging and rich women, and then he would squeeze out their assets."^[104]

Macedonski eventually left Romania in 1884, visiting

In the meantime, Literatorul went out of print, although new series were still published at irregular intervals until 1904 (when it ceased being published altogether).[112] The magazine was reportedly hated by the public, causing Macedonski, Stoenescu, Florescu, Urechia and educator Anghel Demetriescu to try to revive it as Revista Literară ("The Literary Review", published for a few months in 1885).^[113] The poet attempted to establish other magazines, all of them short-lived, and, in 1887, handed for print his Naturalist novella Dramă banală ("Banal Drama")^[114] while completing one of the most revered episodes in the Nights series, Noaptea de mai ("May Night").^[115] Also in 1886, he worked on his other Naturalist novellas: Zi de august ("August Day"), Pe drum de poștă ("On the Stagecoach Trail"), Din carnetul unui dezertor ("From the Notebook of a Deserter"), Între cotețe ("Amidst Hen Houses") and the eponymous Nicu Dereanu.^[114]

By 1888, he was again sympathetic toward Blaremberg, whose dissident National Liberal faction had formed an alliance with the Conservatives, editing Stindardul Țărei (later Straja Țărei) as his supporting journal.^[116] However, late in the same year, he returned to the liberal mainstream, being assigned a weekly column in Românul newspaper.^[117] Two years later, he attempted to relaunch Literatorul under the leadership of liberal figure Bogdan Petriceicu Hasdeu, but the latter eventually settled for founding his own Revista Nouă.^[118] Around 1891, he saluted Junimea's own break with the Conservatives and its entry into politics at the Conservative-Constitutional Party, before offering an enthusiastic welcome to the 1892 Junimist agitation among university students.^[117] In 1894, he would speak in front of student crowds gathered at a political rally in University Square, and soon after made himself known for supporting the cause of ethnic Romanians and other underrepresented groups of Austria-Hungary.^[119]

His literary thesis of the time was titled Poezia viitorului ("The Poetry of the Future"). It upheld Symbolist authors as the models to follow,^[120] while Macedonski personally began producing what he referred to as "instrumentalist" poems, composed around musical and onomatopoeic elements, and showing a preference for internal rhymes.^[121] Such an experimental approach was soon after parodied and ridiculed by Ion Luca Caragiale, who had by then affiliated and parted with Junimea, in his new Moftul Român magazine.^[122] The poet sought to reconcile with his rival, publicizing a claim that Caragiale was being unjustly ignored by the cultural establishment, but this attempt failed to mend relations between them, and the conflict escalated further.^[123]

While, in 1893, Literatorul hosted fragments of Thalassa in its

Excelsior, 1895

First page of Cartea de aur, 1902

The few issues of Literatorul that were printed in 1899-1900 saw the circle being joined by the young Symbolist poet Ștefan Petică.^[138] In 1902, he published Cartea de aur ("The Golden Book"), comprising his sketch stories and novellas. In parallel, Macedonski returned to the public scene, founding Forța Morală magazine. It was through this venue that he began responding to Ion Luca Caragiale's earlier attacks.^[146] This he did by hosting the articles of aspiring journalist Constantin Al. Ionescu-Caion, who accused Caragiale of having plagiarized a Hungarian author by the name of Kemény in his tragedy play Năpasta. Kemény turned out to be non-existent.^[147] According to Vianu, Macedonski had no prior knowledge of the fraud, but had also been "blinded" by his resentments instead of displaying "discernment", and had even showed evidence of "insanity".^[148] Most in Macedonski's own series of anti-Caragiale articles were unsigned, or signed with pseudonyms such as Luciliu ("Gaius Lucilius").^[149]

Like in the case of Eminescu's conflict with Macedonski, the polemic enlisted a negative response from the public.^[150] The poet's associate Th. M. Stoenescu convinced himself that Caragiale was being framed, and refused to allow Revista Literară to be used for endorsing Caion, which caused Macedonski to shun him.^[151] Macedonski refused to withdraw his support for the cause even after Caragiale sued Caion, but Forța Morală soon went out of print.^[152] Before it did so, the journal hosted some of Macedonski's most renowned poems, including Lewki and Noaptea de decemvrie ("December Night"),^[153] together with his article on Remy de Gourmont's thoughts on poetics.^[154]

In his article of 1903, titled Spre ocultism. Orientări ulterioare spre teozofie și filozofie socială ("Toward Occultism. Later Orientations toward

Between 1910 and 1912, Macedonski was again in Paris.[165] Seeking to withdraw himself from Romania's public life due to what he perceived as injustice,^[166] he had by then completed work on the French-language tragicomedy Le Fou? ("The Madman?"), which was only published after his death.^[22][167] He was actively seeking to establish his reputation in French theater, reading his new play to a circle which included Louis de Gonzague Frick and Florian-Parmentier, while, at home, newspapers reported rumors that his work was going to be staged by Sarah Bernhardt's company.^[168] His efforts were largely fruitless, and, accompanied by his son Alexis, the poet left France, spent some time in Italy, and eventually returned to Romania.^[169] Passing through the German Empire, he learned of Ion Luca Caragiale's sudden death, and wrote Adevărul daily an open letter, which showed that he had come to revise his stance, notably comparing the deceased author's style and legacy to those of Mark Twain.^[170]

During Macedonski's absence, his style and work had come to be reviewed more positively, in particular by the young authors I. Dragoslav, Horia Furtună, Ion Pillat, Anastasie Mândru, Al. T. Stamatiad, as well as by post-Junimist critic Mihail Dragomirescu, who offered Macedonski a good reception in his Convorbiri Critice magazine.^[171] Tudor Vianu, who cites contemporary statements by Dragoslav, concludes that, upon arrival, Macedonski was enthusiastically received by a public who had missed him.^[169] Also in 1912, one of his poems was published as an homage by Simbolul, a magazine published by the young and radical Symbolists Tristan Tzara, Ion Vinea and Marcel Janco.^[172] Around that time, Macedonski also collaborated with the Iași-based moderate Symbolist magazine Versuri și Proză.^[173] Polemics surrounding his case nevertheless continued: in late 1912, as part of a National Theater adaptation of Alphonse Daudet's Sapho, actor Cazimir Belcot borrowed from Macedonski's appearance and mannerisms to portray a failure.^[174]

Return and World War I years

Macedonski and his protégés had become regular frequenters of Bucharest cafés. Having a table permanently reserved for him at Imperial Hotel's

initiation rites performed on new members were purportedly inspired by Rosicrucianism and the Freemasonry.^[181] By then, Macedonski was rewarding his followers' poems with false gemstones.^[182]

The poet founded Revista Critică ("The Critical Review"), which again closed after a short while, and issued the poetry volume

local art scene: together with artist Alexandru Severin, he created (and probably presided over) Cenaclul idealist ("The Idealist Club"), which included Symbolist artists and was placed under the honorary patronage of King Carol.^[189]

1916 was also the year when Romania abandoned her neutrality and, under a National Liberal government, rallied with the Entente Powers. During the neutrality period, Macedonski had shed his lifelong Francophilia to join the Germanophiles, who wanted to see Romanian participation on the Central Powers' side.^[94][190] In 1915, he issued the journal Cuvântul Meu ("My Word"). Entirely written by him,^[191] it published ten consecutive issues before going bankrupt, and notably lashed out against France for being "bourgeois" and "lawyer-filled", demanding from Romania not to get involved in the conflict.^[192] Commentators and researchers of his work have declared themselves puzzled by this change in allegiance.^[193]

Macedonski further alienated public opinion during the

collaborationism by his critics. However, Macedonski reportedly faced extreme poverty throughout the occupation.^[94][196] Having by then begun to attend the circle of Alexandru Bogdan-Pitești, his promoter and fellow Germanophile, he was once rewarded by the latter with a turkey filled with gold coins.^[197]

Late polemics, illness and death

Literatorul resumed print in June 1918, once Romania capitulated to the Central Powers under the

anti-French "political renaissance" of Romania.^[202]

Alexandru Macedonski faced problems after the Romanian government resumed its control over Bucharest, and during the early years of

joke political party, the "intellectual group", whose other member was an unnamed coffeehouse acquaintance of his.^[205] Literatorul was revived for a final time in 1919.^[191]

His health deteriorated from

Zacherlin"; also known as Zacherlina or Zacherlina în continuare, "Zacherlin Contd."), completed in 1919 and published the following year.^[208] It notably attacked Densusianu, who had become Macedonski's personal enemy.^[191] Some other polemical texts he had authored late in life saw print only after his death, under the title Mustrări postume către o generație neînțelegătoare ("Posthumous Reprimands for an Obtuse Generation").^[94]

1920 was also the year when the

People's Party cabinet attempted to pension him off from his office at the Historical Monuments Commission, but the publicized protest of Macedonski's fellow writers in Bucharest made it reconsider.^[201] Confined to his home by illness and old age, Macedonski was still writing poems, some of which later known as his Ultima verba ("Last Words").^[209] The writer died on 24 November, at three o'clock in the afternoon.^[210] Having come to develop an addiction to floral fragrances, he was inhaling a rose petal extract during his last hours.^[24][211] He was buried in Bucharest's Bellu.^[94]

Work

General characteristics

Although Alexandru Macedonski frequently changed his style and views on literary matters, a number of constants have been traced throughout his work. Thus, a common perception is that his literature had a strongly visual aspect, the notion being condensed in Cincinat Pavelescu's definition of Macedonski: "Poet, therefore painter; painter, therefore poet."^[212] Traian Demetrescu too recalled that his mentor had been dreaming of becoming a visual artist, and had eventually settled for turning his son Alexis into one.^[212] This pictorial approach to writing created parallels between Macedonski and his traditionalist contemporaries Vasile Alecsandri and Barbu Ștefănescu Delavrancea.^[213]

Following the tenets of

barbarisms, many of which were coined by him personally.^[218] They include claviculat ("clavicled", applied to a shoulder), împălăriată ("enhatted", used to define a crowd of hat-wearing tourists),^[219] and ureichii (instead of urechii, "to the ear" or "of the ear").^[220] His narratives nevertheless take an interest in recording direct speech, used as a method of characterization.^[221] However, Călinescu criticizes Macedonski for using a language which, "although grammatically correct [...], seems to have been learned only recently", as well as for not following other Romanian writers in creating a lasting poetic style.^[220]

The writer's belief in the effects of sheer willpower, notably present in his comments on

esoteric subjects, was itself a defining characteristic of his perspective on literature. In 1882, he wrote about progression in one's career: "We are all poets at birth, but only those who shape themselves through study will become poets."^[222] Vianu, who notes Macedonski's "exclusivity" and "fanaticism", places such statements in connection with Macedonski's personal ambition, "pride" and "the willingness to carry out ventured actions [...], in stated opposition with the entire surrounding and with contempt for the foreseeable reaction."^[223]

Almost all periods of Macedonski's work reflect, in whole or in part, his public persona and the polemics he was involved in. George Călinescu's emits a verdict on the relation between his lifetime notoriety and the public's actual awareness of his work: "Macedonski [was] a poet well-known for being an unknown poet."

Romanian literature were not as much related to his "literary ideology", as much as to his "contradictory spirit" and "essential nonconformism".^[155] However, literary researcher Adrian Marino proposes that Macedonski was one of the first modern authors to illustrate the importance of "dialectic unity" through his views on art, in particular by having argued that poetry needed to be driven by "an idea".^[224] Having theorized once, while questioning Junimist rigor, that "the logic of poetry is absurdity itself [italics in the original]",^[225] the poet also said: "Poetry is the chaos of spirit and matter, of the cries of distress and mad laughter. From the sublime to the trivial, that is what it should be."^[226] He later revised part of this verdict, and, making explicit his adoption of aestheticism, spoke against trivial subjects and in favor of the sublime.^[227]

While Macedonski also discarded the concept of "social poetry" not long after postulating it, its spirit, Tudor Vianu believes, can still be found in his later contributions. This, the critic notes, was owed to his "social temperament", whose "fundamental experience is that of the social."[228] Discussing this sociable and extrovert character, other critics see in the poet's life and work the imprint of "quixotism".^[229][230] Also according to Vianu, this contrasted with Macedonski's failures in communicating with the public, an experience which made him "misanthropic" and contributed to his ultimate vision of death as freedom.^[231] Literary historian Pompiliu Constantinescu concluded: "Macedonski could not resign; his one martyrdom was for Art, as the sole liberation from a tormented life."^[232] Other commentators have defined the poet's perspective on life as a result of "neurosis".^[227]

In Vianu's perspective, Macedonski's stance is dominated by a mixture of nostalgia, sensuality, lugubrious-grotesque imagery, and "the lack of bashfulness for antisocial sentiments" which complements his sarcasm.^[233] In respect to the latter characteristic, Vianu notes "no one in Romanian literature has laughed the same way as Macedonski",^[234] whereas critic Ștefan Cazimir argues: "[Macedonski was] lacking the sense of relativity in principles, and implicitly a sense of humor." Cazimir adds: "Only when he aged did [Macedonski] learn to smile".^[235] George Călinescu himself believes Macedonski to have been "fundamentally a spiritual man with lots of humor", speculating that he was able to see the "uselessness" of his own scientific ventures.^[144]

Critics note that, while Macedonski progressed from one stage to the other, his work fluctuated between artistic accomplishment and mediocrity.

dualism [confronting] two familiar gods".^[240] Various critics have compared Eminescu's poetic discourse with that of the Symbolist leader, concluding that the two poets often display very similar attitudes.^[22][241] Călinescu writes that, while Macedonski's work is largely inferior to that of his Junimist rival, it forms the best "reply" ever conceived within their common setting.^[242]

Prima verba and other early works

With

self-victimization and strong reliance on autobiographical elements, centering on such episodes as the death of his father.^[245] In one piece inspired by the ideology of Heliade Rădulescu, Vianu notes, Macedonski sings "the French Revolution's love for freedom and equality, otherwise proclaimed from his nobleman's perspective."^[247]

It reads:

Când acum poporul vedem că studiază Să nu avem ură când se luminează, Ca frați să-l iubim![247]

Now that we see the people studying Let us not be hating them while they grow enlightened, Let us love them like brothers!

In parallel, Macedonski used erotic themes, completing a series which, although written on the model of idylls, is noted for its brute details of sexual exploits. The poet probably acknowledged that posterity would reject them, and did not republish them in any of his collected poetry volumes.^[238]

During his time at Oltul (1873–1875), Macedonski published a series of poems, most of which were not featured in definitive editions of his work.

Lord Byron, whom Vianu calls "the sovereign poet of [Macedonski's] youth."^[50] In Calul arabului, Macedonski explores exotic and Levantine settings, using symbols which announce George Coșbuc's El-Zorab,^[54][55] and the Venetian-themed Ithalo, which centers on episodes of betrayal and murder.^[50] Others were epic and patriotic in tone, with subjects such as Romanian victories in the Russo-Turkish War or the Imperial Roman sites along the Danube.^[249] One of these pieces, titled Hinov after the village and stone quarry in Rasova, gives Macedonski a claim to being the first modern European poet to have used free verse, ahead of the French Symbolist Gustave Kahn.^[250] Macedonski himself later voiced the claim, and referred to such a technique as "symphonic verse", "proteic verse", or, in honor of composer Richard Wagner, "Wagnerian verse".^[251]

While editing Oltul, Macedonski also completed his first prose writings. These were the

bourgeois discourse.^[256]

With the first poems in his

Dante Aligheri.^[259] The writer himself claimed that the piece evidenced "the uttermost breath of inspiration I have ever felt in my life."^[260] Another poem, Noaptea de aprilie ("April Night"), was probably his testimony of unrequited love for Aristizza Romanescu.^[261]

Realism and Naturalism

By the 1880s, Macedonski developed and applied his "social poetry" theory, as branch of

penal labor on salt mines, and also spoke out against the conventionalism of civil marriages.^[264]

His Ocnele ("The Salt Mines") includes the verdict:

Vai! Ce-am convenit cu toții a numi soțietate Mult mai demnă ca tâlharii e de-acest cumplit locaș! Statul e o ficțiune, iar dreptatea—strâmbătate, Care duce omenirea dintr-un hop într-un făgaș.[265]

Alas! What we have all agreed to deem society Is far more suited than bandits are for this terrible dwelling! State is fiction, and justice—an injustice That leads humanity from a bump down into a rut.

Naturalist depiction was also the main element in his prose pieces of the early 1880s. Among them was the first of several sketch stories using still life techniques, Casa cu nr. 10^[266] (according to Zamfir, a prime sample of Macedonski's "ornamental" genre).^[22] With Între cotețe, Dramă banală and later Cometa lui Odorescu ("Odorescu's Comet"), Macedonski speaks about his own biography.^[267] The former has for a protagonist Pandele Vergea, a thirty-five-year-old man who is consumed by an avicultural obsession, who dreams of turning into a bird, and who is eventually maimed by his overcrowded fowls.^[268] In contrast, Dereanu is a bohemian university student, possessed by dreams of military and political glory, and who meditates about his future in front of Heliade Rădulescu's statue or in Bucharest cafés.^[269] Also a bohemian, Odorescu announces his discovery of a comet, before being proved wrong by his aunt, an ordinary woman.^[270] Some pieces also double as memoirs: in Dramă banală, the plot revolves around Macedonski's recollection of the 1866 plebiscite.^[20] Vianu draws attention to the picturesque depiction of historic Bucharest, a contributing element in Cometa..., Casa cu nr. 10 and Între cotețe.^[271]

With Unchiașul Sărăcie (also written in verse), Macedonski took Naturalist tenets into the field of drama. Frédéric Damé believed it an imitation of a play by

Alexander John Cuza finds his political mission validated by legendary figures in Romanian history.^[73]

In parallel, Macedonski was using poetry to carry out his polemics. In an 1884 epigram, he reacted against Alecsandri's Fântâna Blanduziei, but, in Vianu's definition, "his regular causticity seems to be restrained."^[85] The piece he had earlier written, presumably against Eminescu, scandalized the public by mocking the rival's mental ruin:

Un X... pretins poet—acum S-a dus pe cel mai jalnic drum... L-aș plânge dacă-n balamuc Destinul său n-ar fi mai bun Căci până ieri a fost năuc Și nu e azi decât nebun.[275]

An X... who calls himself a poet—has now Gone down that most pathetic road... I'd cry for him if in bedlam His fate were not one for the best As up to yesterday he had been dopey And now he is merely insane.

According to Tudor Vianu, Macedonski was mostly motivated by his disappointment in Junimea, and in particular by Eminescu's response to his public persona. Vianu contends that, although Macedonski "never was familiar with the resigned and patient attitudes", he was "by no means an evil man."^[276] On one occasion, the poet defended himself against criticism, noting that the epigram had not been specifically addressed to Eminescu, but had been labeled as such by the press, and claiming to have authored it years before its Literatorul edition.^[277] However, the later piece Viața de apoi ("The Afterlife") still displays resentments he harbored toward Eminescu.^[278]

By 1880–1884, particularly after the Eminescu scandal, Macedonski envisaged prioritizing French as his language of expression.^[279] According to Vianu, Macedonski had traversed "the lowest point" of his existence, and had been subject to "one of the most delicate mysteries of poetic creation."^[115] Among his pieces of the period is the French-language sonnet Pârle, il me dit alors ("Speak, He Then Said to Me"), where, Vianu notes, "one discovers the state of mind of a poet who decides to expatriate himself."^[105]

Adoption of Symbolism

According to Mihai Zamfir, at the end of his transition from the "mimetic and egocentric" verse to Symbolist poetry, Macedonski emerged a "remarkable, often extraordinary" author.

N. Davidescu described Macedonski, Ion Minulescu and other Symbolists from Wallachia as distinct from their Moldavian counterparts in both style and themes.^[280] Endorsing the theory and practice of Symbolism for much of his life, Macedonski retrospectively claimed to have been one of its first exponents.^[281] His version of Symbolism, critic Paul Cernat notes, clashed with that advocated by many of his contemporaries in that it rejected merit to the Decadent movement, and represented the "decorative" aestheticist trend of Paranassian spirit within the Romanian Symbolist current.^[282]

Within Poezia viitorului, Macedonski invoked as his models to follow some important or secondary Symbolist and Parnassian figures:

José María de Heredia^[284] and Iwan Gilkin.^[285] While undergoing this transition, to what linguist Manuela-Delia Suciu argues is a mostly Parnassian phase,^[286] Macedonski was still referencing Naturalism, and considered it compatible with Symbolism.^[287]

With the adoption of such tenets came a succession of Symbolist poems, where the focus is on minutely-observed objects, usually items of luxury, partly reflecting themes he had explored in the Naturalist stage. Commenting on them, Tudor Vianu argues that no such works had ever been produced in Romanian literature up until that moment.[288] In his Ospățul lui Pentaur ("The Feast of Pentaur"), the poet reflected on civilization itself, as reflected in inanimate opulence.^[22][288] The motif was also developed in descriptive prose fragments later grouped in Cartea de aur, collectively titled nuvele fără oameni ("novellas without people") and compared by Călinescu with the paintings of Theodor Aman.^[289]

Also during that stage, Macedonski was exploring the numerous links between Symbolism,

esotericism. Earlier pieces had already come to explore macabre themes characteristic for an early branch of Symbolism. Influenced by Maurice Rollinat, they include the somber Vaporul morții ("The Ship of Death") and Visul fatal ("The Fatal Dream").^[290] Likewise, the piece titled Imnul lui Satan ("Satan's Hymn") was placed by critics in connection with Les Litanies de Satan (part of Baudelaire's Les Fleurs du mal), but, Vianu argues, the source of Macedonski's satanic themes may have been lodged in his own vision of the world.^[291] This interest also reflected in his 1893 Saul, where Cincinat Pavelescu's contribution is supposedly minimal.^[292] Echoing satanic themes, Ernest Legouvé's dramatic version of the Medea myth (which Macedonski translated at some point in his life)^[293] and the classical work of Jean Racine,^[22] it shows the dark powers of political conflict intervening between the eponymous king and his ephebos-like protégé David, the latter of whom turns out to be the agent of spiritual revolution.^[294]

Noaptea de august ("August Night"), outlines a

metaliterature".^[227] On a different level, they echoed an older influence, that of Gottfried August Bürger.^[284]

Excelsior

Despite having stated his interest in innovation, Macedonski generally displayed a more conventional style in his

Snake Island), depicts intense joy, completed in this case by what Vianu calls "the restorative touch of nature."^[212] The series also returned to Levant settings and Islamic imagery, particularly in Acșam dovalar (named after the Turkish version of Witr).^[55] Also noted within the volume is his short "Modern Psalms

" series, including the piece Iertare ("Forgiveness"), which is addressed to God:

Iertare! Sunt ca orice om M-am îndoit de-a ta putere, Am râs de sfintele mistere Ce sunt în fiecare-atom... Iertare! Sunt ca orice om.[284]

Forgiveness! I'm like any man I have been doubting your power I derided the sacred mysteries That lie within each of the atoms... Forgiveness! I'm like any man.

Excelsior also included Noaptea de ianuarie ("January Night"), which encapsulates one of his best-known political statements.

Z. Ornea argues, was one of the meeting points between Macedonski and Junimism.^[302]

In what is seen as its most acid section, the text notably reads:

M-am născut în niște zile când tâmpita burghezime Din tejghea făcând tribună, legiune de coțcari, Pune-o talpă noroioasă pe popor și boierime, Zile când se-mparte țara în călăi și în victime Și când steagul libertății e purtat de cârciumari.[303]

I was born into days when the moronic bourgeoisie Turning counters into rostrums, a legion of knaves, Places a muddy sole on the people and the boyars, Days when the country is divided into hangmen and victims And when the flag of liberty is carried by publicans.

At the same time as being engaged in his most violent polemics, Macedonski produced meditative and serene poems, which were later judged to be among his best. Noaptea de decemvrie is the synthesis of his main themes and influences, rated by commentators as his "masterpiece".[55]^[304] Partly based on an earlier poem (Meka, named after the Arab city),^[55][305] it tells the story of an emir, who, left unsatisfied by the shallow and opulent life he leads in Baghdad, decides to leave on pilgrimage. While critics agree that it is to be read as an allegory of Macedonski's biography, the ironic text does not make it clear whether the emir actually reaches his target, nor if the central metaphor of Mecca as a mirage means that the goal is not worth sacrificing for.^[55][306] While Mircea Anghelescu comments that Macedonski illustrates "unusual tension" by rigorously amplifying references to the color red, seen as a symbol of suffering,^[307] Călinescu notes that the sequence of lyrics has a studied "delirious" element, and illustrates this with the quote:

Și el e emirul, și toate le are... E tânăr, e farmec, e trăsnet, e zeu, Dar zilnic se simte furat de-o visare... Spre Meka se duce cu gândul mereu, Și-n fața dorinței—ce este—dispare Iar el e emirul, și toate le are.[242]

And he is the emir, and he owns each thing... He's young, he's a charm, he's a bolt, he's a god, But in each day he feels he is swept by a dream... Towards Mecca his thought races constantly, And faced with the wish, all things disappear, And he is the emir, and he owns each thing.

Late prose works

In prose, his focus shifted back to the purely descriptive, or led Alexandru Macedonski into the realm of

third-person narrative and thinly disguised memoir, where the characters are an adolescent Alexandru Macedonski and his father, General Macedonski.^[309] The idyllic outlook present in such stories is one of the common meeting points between his version of Symbolism and traditionalist authors such as Barbu Ștefănescu Delavrancea.^[310] Vianu indicates the connection, but adds: "Macedonski descended, through memory, in the world of the village, with the tremor of regret for the peace and plenty of the old settlements, so well polished that each person, landowner as well as peasant, lived within a framework that nature itself seemed to have granted. [...] in depicting rural environments, Macedonski presents the point of view of a conservative."^[311]

golden age of mankind.^[125][315] His fate is changed by a shipwreck, during which a girl, Caliope, reaches the island's shore. Thalassa and Caliope fall in love, but are mysteriously unable to seal their union through sexual intercourse: the boy attributes this failure to the "curse" of human individuality. Seeking to achieve a perfect union with his lover, he eventually kills her and drowns himself in the Black Sea.^[125][316]

In her review for Mercure de France, novelist Rachilde argued: "Very difficult to read, entirely developed in Symbolist manner [and] almost impossible to recount, obviously written in French but nevertheless obviously conceived by a Romanian (and what a spirited Romanian!)."^[161] Rachilde believed the work to display "the fragrance of Oriental spices [...] rose marmalade and a slice of bear meat."^[317] According to Vianu, the book builds on Macedonski's earlier themes, replacing Naturalist observation with a metaphysical speculation about idealism.^[318] One other aspect of Macedonski's stylistic exploration took him to attempt recording synesthesia. His manuscript is written in ink of several colors, which, he believed, was to help readers get a full sense of its meaning.^[319] Like other synesthetic aspects of his novel, this is believed to have been inspired by the techniques of Baudelaire^[320] and Arthur Rimbaud.^[321]

Thalassa, Le Calvaire de feu is noted for its numerous cultural references, and especially for using a wide range of metaphors. Such aspects have been reviewed negatively by modern critics. Tudor Vianu writes: "the poet makes such waste of gemstones that we feel like saying some of them must be false",^[322] while Călinescu, who notes that some fragments reveal "an incomparable artist" and "a professional metaphorist", notes that "in the end, such virtuosities become a bore."^[259] According to Manuela-Delia Suciu, Thalassa is "prolix" and "too polished",^[314] traits believed by Zamfir to be less irritating in the Romanian version.^[22] Critic Cornel Moraru found that, in the background, Thalassa, a "great Symbolist novel", confronts Ancient Greek and Christian mythology, but "abuses" the religious vocabulary.^[125] Another part of the novel's imagery is erotic, and includes an elaborate and aestheticized description of male genitalia.^[323]

The four-act

argot, makes allusive references to famous people of the day.^[328]

Particularly during the 1890s, Macedonski was a follower of Edgar Allan Poe and of Gothic fiction in general, producing a Romanian version of Poe's Metzengerstein story, urging his own disciples to translate other such pieces, and adopting "Gothic" themes in his original prose.^[329] Indebted to Jules Verne and H. G. Wells, Macedonski also wrote a number of science fiction stories, including the 1913 Oceania-Pacific-Dreadnought, which depicts civilization on the verge of a crisis.^[330] The gigantic commercial ship is maintained by a banker's union, and designed to grant travelers access to every pleasure imaginable; this causes the working-class inhabited cities on the continent to fall into a state of neglect and permanent violence, the climax of the story occurring with the bankers' decision to destroy their creation.^[331] Oceania-Pacific-Dreadnought is noted for anticipating television, the ship being equipped with electrically operated "large and clear mirrors" that display "images from various parts of the Earth".^[332] Macedonski was by then interested in the development of cinema, and authored a silent film screenplay based on Comment on devient riche et puissant.^[333]

Final transition

Lord Leighton

Late in his life, Macedonski had come to reject Symbolist tenets, defining them as "imbecilities" designed for "the uncultured".^[284] Ultima verba, the very last poems to be written by him, show him coming to terms with himself, and are treasured for their serene or intensely joyous vision of life and human accomplishment.^[334] The rondels written at this stage, known collectively as Poema rondelurilor, are one of the first instances where the technique is used locally. Like those written previously by Literatorul's Pavelescu and Alexandru Obedenaru, they are based on an earlier motif present in Macedonski's work, that of recurring refrains.^[335] Many of the pieces document the poet's final discoveries. One of them is Rondelul crinilor ("The Rondel of the Lilies"), which proclaims fragrances as the source of beatitude: În crini e beția cea rară, "In lilies one finds that exceptional drunkenness".^[24][242] According to Ștefan Cazimir, Rondelul orașului mic ("The Rondel of the Small Town") shows a "likable wave of irony and self-irony", and the poet himself coming to terms with "the existence of a world who ignores him."^[235] Proof of his combativeness was still to be found in Rondelul contimporanilor ("The Rondel of the Contemporaries").^[336]

The poet's take on life is also outlined in his final play, Moartea lui Dante. Călinescu writes that, by then, Macedonski was "obsessed" with the

Dante Aligheri, and formulates his own poetic testament while identifying World War I Romania with the medieval Republic of Florence.^[337] Tudor Vianu remarks: "In Dante's great self-pride, Macedonski found his own."^[338] He sees the play as the best such work to have been produced by Macedonski,^[339] whereas Călinescu deems it "puerile".^[61] Zamfir believes Moartea... to be a significant text in Macedonski's bibliography, "one of the first samples of Romanian Symbolist theater", and as such indebted mainly to Maeterlinck.^[22] Vianu argues that the play may document the Romanian writer's late rejection of France, through the protagonist's statement: "the French are a gentle people, but their soul is different from mine."^[340]

A number of rondels show Macedonski's late fascination with the Far East, China and Japan. George Călinescu believes that this is to be understood as one item in a large antithesis, the other being Decadent Paris, which one rondel describes as "hell".^[259] The Orient, viewed as the space of serenity, is believed by Macedonski to be peopled by toy-like women and absent opium-smokers, and to be kept orderly by a stable meritocracy.^[259] The Chinese-themed poem Tsing-Ly-Tsi, which Cazimir notes for its discreet, "almost imperceptible", humor, reads:

Tsing-Ly-Tsi stă-n prispa de-aur, Cu ochi mici ca de ghierlan, Sub de-argint frunzos tezaur, Casa e de porțelan.[235]

Tsing-Ly-Tsi sits on the golden porch, With his eyes as small as those of mice, Under the silvery, leafy, treasure, His house is porcelain-like.

Legacy

Macedonski's school and its early impact

Alexandru Macedonski repeatedly expressed the thought that, unlike his contemporaries, posterity would judge him a great poet.^[341] With the exception of Mihail Dragomirescu, conservative literary critics tended to ignore Macedonski while he was alive. The first such figure was Junimea's Titu Maiorescu, who believed him to be a minor author, referring to him only a couple of times in his books and usually ridiculing him in his articles.^[22][342] One of these texts, the 1886 essay Poeți și critici ("Poets and Critics"), spoke of Macedonski as having "vitiated" poetry, a notion he also applied to Constantin D. Aricescu and Aron Densușianu.^[343] Especially radical pronouncements were left by the traditionalist authors Ilarie Chendi and Nicolae Iorga. Chendi wrote of Macedonski being "the caricature of a man", having "a feverish mind" and being motivated by "the brutal instinct of revenge".^[344] Iorga, who became better known as a historian, later retracted some of the statements he had made against the poet during the 1890s.^[87] Among the younger prominent traditionalist writers was the Transylvanian-born Lucian Blaga, who may have purposefully avoided Macedonski during his first visit to Bucharest in 1920.^[345] Although more sympathetic to the Symbolist author, both Dragomirescu and Gheorghe Adamescu tended to describe him as exclusively the product of French and Decadent literature,^[87] while Dragomirescu's disciple Ion Trivale denied all merit to Macedonski's literature.^[346]

According to Tudor Vianu, Macedonski's intellectual friends (among them Anghel Demetriescu, George Ionescu-Gion, Bonifaciu Florescu, Grigore Tocilescu and V. A. Urechia) were largely responsible for passing down "a better and truer image of the abused poet."^[347] It was also due to Dragomirescu that Noaptea de decemvrie was included in a literature textbook for final grade high school students, which some argue is the poet's first-ever presence in the Romanian curriculum.^[348] According to historian Lucian Nastasă, the poet's wife Ana Rallet behaved like an "excellent secretary" while Macedonski was still alive, and thereafter helped sort and edit his manuscript while maintaining "an actual cult" for her husband.^[349]

Macedonski's

N. Davidescu was borrowing from his mystical discourse.^[354] The pictorial and joyous elements in Macedonski's poems were also serving to inspire Stamatiad, Eugeniu Ștefănescu-Est and Horia Furtună.^[355] In the early stages of his career, Ion Pillat wrote pieces which echo his master's choice of exotic themes.^[356] A more discreet legacy of Macedonski's ideas was also preserved inside the conservative and traditionalist camps. Although his separation from Literatorul was drastic, and led him to rally with Junimea, Duiliu Zamfirescu built on some elements borrowed from the magazine's ideology, incorporating them into his literary vision.^[357]

Many of Macedonski's most devoted disciples, whom he himself had encouraged, have been rated by various critics as secondary or mediocre. This is the case of

hermeticist" Alexandru Petroff, who expanded on Macedonski's ideas about esoteric knowledge.^[155]

Macedonski's eldest son Alexis continued to pursue a career as a painter. His son Soare followed in his footsteps, receiving acclaim from art critics of the period. Soare's short career ended in 1928, before he turned nineteen, but his works have been featured in several retrospective exhibitions, including one organized by Alexis.^[362][363] Alexis later experimented with scenic design as an assistant to French filmmaker René Clair; his later life, shrouded in mystery and intrigue, led him to a career in Fascist Italy and Francoist Spain.^[363] Another of Alexandru Macedonski's sons, Nikita, was also a poet and painter. For a while in the 1920s, he edited the literary supplement of Universul newspaper.^[364] Two years after her father's death, Anna Macedonski married poet Mihail Celarianu.^[365]

In addition to his polemical portrayals in works by Alecsandri, Eminescu and Caragiale, Macedonski's career was an inspiration for various authors. His image acquired mythical proportions for his followers. Like Demetrescu, many of them left memoirs on Macedonski which were published before or after his death. His admirers were writing poetry about him as early as 1874,^[366] and, in 1892, Cincinat Pavelescu published a rhapsodizing portrait of Macedonski as "the Artist".^[367] Pavelescu, Dragoslav and Petică paid homage to the writer by leaving recollections which describe him as a devoted and considerate friend.^[368] In contrast, traditionalist poet Alexandru Vlahuță authored an 1889 sketch story in which Macedonski (referred to as Polidor) is the object of derision.^[369]

Late recognition

Actual recognition of the poet as a classic came only in the interwar period. A final volume of never before published poems, Poema rondelurilor, saw print in 1927.^[191] Macedonski's work was analyzed and popularized by a new generation of critics, among them Vianu and George Călinescu. The post-Junimist modernist critic Eugen Lovinescu also commented favorably on Macedonski's work,^[55][370] but overall, Călinescu asserts, his opinions on the subject gave little insight into what he actually thought about the poet.^[371] He also recounts that Macedonski himself treated Lovinescu with disdain, and once called him "a canary".^[144]

The emerging avant-garde, although originating from Symbolism, progressively took its distance from Literatorul's legacy. Initially, Macedonski's contribution to experimental literature was continued within formal Symbolism by his disciples Demetriade, Iuliu Cezar Săvescu^[372] and Ion Minulescu.^[373] The latter was particularly indebted to Macedonski in matters of vision and language.^[374] In 1904, Tudor Arghezi also left behind the Literatorul circle and its tenets, eventually arriving to the fusion of modernist, traditionalist and avant-garde elements.^[94][375] However, he remained indebted to Macedonski's example in his descriptive prose.^[376] The 1912 Simbolul magazine, which moved between conventional Symbolism and the emerging avant-garde, also published an Imagist-inspired parody of Noaptea de mai, signed by Adrian Maniu.^[377] A co-founder of Dadaism during the late 1910s, Tristan Tzara is believed by Swedish researcher Tom Sandqvist to have been inspired more or less directly by Macedonski, and in particular by the latter's thoughts on the relation between absurdity and poetry.^[378] In his debut poems, Benjamin Fondane-Barbu Fundoianu occasionally followed Macedonski,^[379] but, by 1920, stated that the Symbolist doyen merely imitated French models to the point of "parasitism".^[380]

Several avant-garde authors returned to Macedonski's literary guidelines by the late 1920s, as they themselves grew more moderate. This was the case of Maniu and

Aleksander Stavre Drenova, Macedonski and Arghezi both made an indirect impact on Albanian literature.^[386]

Macedonski's status as one of Romanian literature's greats was consolidated later in the 20th century. By this time, Noaptea de decemvrie had become one of the most recognizable literary works to be taught in Romanian schools.

Socialist Realist current condemned Symbolism (see Censorship in Communist Romania), but spoke favorably of Macedonski's critique of the bourgeoisie.^[387] A while after this episode, Marin Sorescu, one of the best-known modernist poets of his generation, wrote a homage-parody of the Nights cycle. Included in the volume Singur între poeți ("Alone among Poets"), it is seen by critic Mircea Scarlat as Sorescu's most representative such pieces.^[388] Also then, Noaptea de decemvrie partly inspired Ștefan Augustin Doinaș' ballad Mistrețul cu colți de argint.^[55]

In the 1990s, Ștefan Agopian took the Nights cycle as inspiration for an erotic short story,^[389] while Pavel Șușară adapted his rondels to a modernized setting.^[390] Macedonski's prose also influenced younger writers such as Angelo Mitchievici^[391] and Anca Maria Mosora.^[392] In neighboring Moldova, Macedonski influenced the Neosymbolism of Aureliu Busuioc.^[393] A magazine by the name of Literatorul, which claims to represent the legacy of Macedonski's publication, was founded in Romania in 1991, being edited by writers Sorescu, Fănuș Neagu and Mircea Micu.^[394] In 2006, the Romanian Academy granted posthumous membership to Alexandru Macedonski.^[395]

Macedonski's poems had a sizable impact on Romania's

Adrian Copilul Minune.^[398]

Portrayals, visual tributes and landmarks

Although his poetic theories were largely without echoes in

lithograph by Jean Alexandru Steriadi, purportedly Steriadi's only Symbolist work.^[401] Thalassa, Le Calvaire de feu inspired a series of reliefs, designed by Alexis Macedonski and hosted in his father's house in Dorobanți.^[166] During the 1910s, busts of him were completed by two sculptors, Alexandru Severin and Friedrich Storck, one of Storck's variants being hosted by the Ioan Cantacuzino collection.^[94] In 1919, Theodor Burcă was also inspired to complete another bust, and, during World War II, was commissioned by Mayor of Bucharest Ioan Rășcanu to build a Macedonski Monument in the Grădina Icoanei park, but this was never completed.^[94] Constantin Piliuță, a painter active in the second half of the 20th century, made Macedonski the subject of a portrait in series dedicated to Romanian cultural figures (also depicted were Nicolae Iorga, Ștefan Luchian and Vianu).^[402] In 1975, a bust of Macedonski, the work of Constantin Foamete, was unveiled in Craiova.^[94]

Of Macedonski's numerous residences, the one in Dorobanți was demolished when the

Romanian Revolution of 1989.^[403] Several streets named in honor of Alexandru Macedonski, notably in Bucharest (by the ASE), Craiova, Cluj-Napoca and Timișoara.^{[citation needed}

]

Works published anthumously

• Prima verba (poetry, 1872)
• Ithalo (poem, 1878)
• Poezii (poetry, 1881/1882)
• Parizina (translation of
  Parisina
  , 1882)
• Iadeș! (comedy, 1882)
• Dramă banală (short story, 1887)
• Saul (with Cincinat Pavelescu; tragedy, 1893)
• Excelsior
  (poetry, 1895)
• Bronzes (poetry, 1897)
• Falimentul clerului ortodox (essay, 1898)
• Cartea de aur (prose, 1902)
• Thalassa, Le Calvaire de feu (novel, 1906; 1914)
• Flori sacre (poetry, 1912)
• Zaherlina (essay, 1920)

Notes

1. ^ ^{a b} Călinescu, p.517
2. ^ Călinescu, p.517; Vianu, Vol.II, p.333-334
3. ^ Călinescu, p.517; Vianu, Vol.II, p.332
4. ^ Anghelescu, p.8; Călinescu, p.517, 518; Vianu, Vol.II, p.334-338
5. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.334
6. ^ Călinescu, p.517-518, 519; Vianu, Vol.II, p.330, 338-339
7. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.339. Călinescu also renders the family's alternative theory, according to which their ancestors were Italo-Russian (p.517).
8. ^ Călinescu, p.517-518; Vianu, Vol.II, p.339-341
9. ^ Anghelescu, p.7; Călinescu, p.517; Vianu, Vol.II, p.330-332
10. ^ Anghelescu, p.7; Călinescu, p.517, 519, 520; Vianu, Vol.II, p.330, 331-332
11. ^ The pieces are named Vânt de stepe ("Steppe Wind") and Stepa ("The Steppe"). Vianu (Vol.II, p.333) places emphasis on "[Macedonski's] soul [...] where so many of his ancestors' instincts resided."
12. ^ Călinescu, p.517, 974, 976
13. ^ An amateur poet, she later married into the Ghica family, but divorced, marrying a second time, to a Frenchman by the name of Leboeuf (Vianu, Vol.II, p.340).
14. ^ Călinescu, p.518; Suciu, p.104; Vianu, Vol.II, p.342
15. ^ ^{a b} Vianu, Vol.II, p.340-341
16. ^ Călinescu, p.518; Vianu, Vol.II, p.342
17. ^ Călinescu, p.518; Vianu, Vol.II, p.334
18. ^ Călinescu, p.518; Vianu, Vol.II, p.334-335
19. ^ ^{a b} Vianu, Vol.II, p.337
20. ^ ^{a b} Vianu, Vol.II, p.423
21. ^ Anghelescu, p.8; Călinescu, p.518; Vianu, Vol.II, p.338, 344
22. ^ ^{a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o p q r s t u v} (in Romanian) Mihai Zamfir, "Rivalul lui Eminescu" Archived 2018-07-01 at the Wayback Machine, in România Literară, Nr. 27/2009
23. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.342-344
24. ^ ^{a b c d e f} (in Romanian) Andrei Oișteanu, "Scriitorii români și narcoticele (2). Macedonski și 'literatura stupefiantelor' ", in Revista 22, Nr. 948, May 2008
25. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.342-343, 365, 388, 394, 479
26. ^ Călinescu, p.518
27. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.342, 343
28. ^ Anghelescu, p.9
29. ^ Anghelescu, p.9; Călinescu, p.518; Vianu, Vol.II, p.343-344
30. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.343-344
31. ^ Anghelescu, p.9; Călinescu, p.518; Vianu, Vol.II, p.343
32. ^ Anghelescu, p.9; Călinescu, p.518, 519
33. ^ ^{a b c d e f} Călinescu, p.519
34. ^ Anghelescu, p.9; Vianu, Vol.II, p.343-344
35. ^ Anghelescu, p.9; Călinescu, p.518
36. ^ ^{a b} Vianu, Vol.II, p.341-342
37. ^ Anghelescu, p.9; Vianu, Vol.II, p.346
38. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.345
39. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.345, 419
40. ^ ^{a b} Vianu, Vol.II, p.452
41. ^ Cioculescu, p.52-53
42. ^ Vianu, Vol. II, p.177
43. ^ Călinescu, p.519; Sandqvist, p.197
44. ^ ^{a b c} Vianu, Vol.II, p.347
45. ^ ^{a b} Vianu, Vol.II, p.346
46. ^ Călinescu, p.519; Vianu, Vol.II, p.347; Sandqvist, p.197. According to Vianu, the court also ruled out that Macedonski's arrest had been rendered void by the statute of limitations.
47. ^ Anghelescu, p.9; Călinescu, p.519; Vianu, Vol.II, p.347
48. ^ ^{a b} Călinescu, p.519; Vianu, Vol.II, p.347
49. ^
    Dilema Veche
    , 164/IV, 30 March 2007
50. ^ ^{a b c} Vianu, Vol.II, p.349
51. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.347, 349
52. ^ Anghelescu, p.9; Vianu, Vol.II, p.349-350
53. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.348, 350-351
54. ^ ^{a b} Vianu, Vol.II, p.348
55. ^
    Revista Sud-Est
    , Nr. 2 (48)/2002
56. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.348-349
57. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.350
58. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.350, 360-361
59. ^ Călinescu, p.515-516, 523; Vianu, Vol.II, p.343, 351
60. ^ Ornea, p.301; Vianu, Vol.II, p.351
61. ^ ^{a b c} Călinescu, p.529
62. ^ Ornea, p.301
63. ^ Ornea, p.301-302
64. ^ ^{a b} Vianu, Vol.II, p.351
65. ^ Anghelescu, p.10; Călinescu, p.529; Vianu, Vol.II, p.351
66. ^ Anghelescu, p.10; Călinescu, p.519; Sandqvist, p.197
67. ^ Nastasă, p.94, 97-98, 106
68. ^ Ornea, p.302-303
69. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.353-355. According to Vianu (Vol.II, p.355), Duiliu Zamfirescu also joined in the attack, using Literatorul for articles where his rival Eminescu was being criticized on various grounds, and signing them with the pseudonym Rienzi.
70. ^ Ornea, p.303
71. ^ Anghelescu, p.10; Vianu, Vol.II, p.351, 452
72. ^ Călinescu, p.519; Sandqvist, p.197; Vianu, Vol.II, p.351, 361
73. ^ ^{a b c} Vianu, Vol.II, p.462
74. ^ Călinescu, p.519-520
75. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.351, 394
76. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.356-357
77. ^ Anghelescu, p.10; Ornea, p.304-305; Vianu, Vol.I, p.54; Vol.II, p.356
78. ^ Anghelescu, p.16; Vianu, Vol.I, p.54
79. ^ Anghelescu, p.16; Perpessicius, p.246; Ornea, p.304
80. ^ Anghelescu, p.10; Călinescu, p.296; Vianu, Vol.II, p.350-352
81. ^ Anghelescu, p.10; Călinescu, p.296; Vianu, Vol.II, p.351-352
82. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.351-352
83. ^ Anghelescu, p.10
84. ^ Călinescu, p.316; Vianu, Vol.II, p.352-353
85. ^ ^{a b c} Vianu, Vol.II, p.353
86. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.357. Vianu believes that Macedonski had not authored any of the anti-Eminescu articles before that date.
87. ^ ^{a b c} Anghelescu, p.15
88. ^ Anghelescu, p.15; Perpessicus, p.138-139, 266, 352
89. ^ Vianu, Vol.I, p.296-299; Vol.III, p.385-386
90. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.420-421
91. ^ Anghelescu, p.10; Călinescu, p.519; Nastasă, p.106; Vianu, Vol.II, p.353
92. ^ Călinescu, p.519; Nastasă, p.106-107
93. ^ Călinescu, p.522
94. ^ ^{a b c d e f g h i j k l m n o} (in Romanian) Virgiliu Z. Teodorescu, "Alexandru Macedonski - 150 de ani de la naștere" Archived 2011-07-19 at the Wayback Machine, in Cronica Română, 15 March 2004
95. ^ Anghelescu, p.10; Călinescu, p.519, 520-521; Cernat, p.10; Perpessicius, p.138-139, 266, 352; Vianu, Vol.II, p.353-361, 387
96. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.358-360
97. ^ Călinescu, p.520; Vianu, Vol.II, p.359
98. ^ Perpessicus, p.138-139, 266, 352
99. ^ Călinescu, p.533; Vianu, Vol.II, p.353-354, 391
100. ^ Călinescu, p.519-520, 521
101. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.360-361
102. ^ Călinescu, p.520-521, 523
103. ^ Călinescu, p.522-523
104. ^
     Dilema Veche
     , Vol. IV, Nr. 154, January 2007
105. ^ ^{a b} Vianu, Vol.II, p.361
106. ^ Cernat, p.12; Sandqvist, p.197; Suciu, p.104, 109; Vianu, Vol.II, p.362; Vida, p.55
107. East Central European
     symbolist poet".
108. ^ Cernat, p.10, 18; Suciu, p.102, 103-110; Vianu, Vol.II, p.362. See also Boia, p.190, 245
109. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.363, 366
110. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.362
111. ^ ^{a b} Călinescu, p.521
112. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.362-363, 365, 366-367, 371-372, 376
113. ^ Călinescu, p.516, 520; Vianu, Vol.II, p.363
114. ^ ^{a b c} Vianu, Vol.II, p.421
115. ^ ^{a b c} Vianu, Vol.II, p.363
116. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.364-365
117. ^ ^{a b} Vianu, Vol.II, p.365
118. ^ Anghelescu, p.11
119. ^ ^{a b} Vianu, Vol.II, p.367
120. ^ Anghelescu, p.11; Cioculescu, p.63; Răileanu & Carassou, p.152; Sandqvist, p.199, 382; Suciu, p.109-110; Vianu, Vol.II, p.366
121. ^ Călinescu, p.525-526; Vianu, Vol.II, p.365, 414-418. See also Vida, p.55
122. ^ Anghelescu, p.11; Cioculescu, p.63-64, 67, 134; Vianu, Vol.II, p.366, 373
123. ^ Cioculescu, p.135
124. ^ ^{a b} Vianu, Vol.II, p.436
125. ^ ^{a b c d e f} (in Romanian) Cornel Moraru, "Un mare roman simbolist", in Observator Cultural, Nr. 41, December 2000
126. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.366-367, 465-466
127. ^ Călinescu, p.522; Vianu, Vol.II, p.367
128. ^ Anghelescu, p.11, 12; Vianu, Vol.II, p.364, 367-368
129. ^ Anghelescu, p.11; Călinescu, p.808; Cernat, p.8, 29; Vianu, Vol.II, p.368-369; Vol.III, p.280, 476-478
130. ^ Vianu, Vol.III, p.477
131. ^ Cioculescu, p.135, 136
132. ^ Anghelescu, p.11; Vianu, Vol.II, p.368-369, 371
133. ^ ^{a b} (in Romanian) Ion Georgescu, "Presa periodică și publiciștii români", in Vestitorul, Nr. 4/1937, p.41 (digitized by the Babeș-Bolyai University Transsylvanica Online Library)
134. ^ Boia, p.190-191, 245; Cernat, p.12, 42; Vianu, Vol.II, p.369-370. See also Suciu, p.107
135. ^ Răileanu & Carassou, p.152; Vianu, Vol.II, p.371
136. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.370-371
137. ^ (in Romanian) Pavel Șușară, "Ștefan Luchian" Archived 2018-07-01 at the Wayback Machine, in România Literară, Nr. 4/2006
138. ^ ^{a b c} Vianu, Vol.II, p.371
139. ^ Călinescu, p.523; Cernat, p.11; Vianu, Vol.II, p.372-373, 386
140. ^ Vianu, Vol. II, p.389
141. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.372
142. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.372-373, 386
143. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.386
144. ^ ^{a b c d} Călinescu, p.523
145. ^ Călinescu, p.523; Răileanu & Carassou, p.152
146. ^ Anghelescu, p.12; Cioculescu, p.132-140; Vianu, Vol. II, p.373-376
147. ^ Cioculescu, p.140; Vianu, Vol. II, p.373-376
148. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.373, 387
149. ^ Cioculescu, p.134-136
150. Romanian Atheneum
     , and responded by blowing a whistle. Călinescu (p.493) recounts the same story with Caragiale for a protagonist.
151. ^ Vianu, Vol. II, p.374, 391
152. ^ Vianu, Vol. II, p.374-376
153. ^ Vianu, Vol. II, p.375-376
154. ^ Vianu, Vol. II, p.413-414
155. ^ ^{a b c} Cernat, p.11
156. ^ ^{a b} Anghelescu, p.12
157. ^ Vianu, Vol. II, p.376-377
158. ^ Anghelescu, p.12; Boia, p.245; Sandqvist, p.383; Vianu, Vol.II, p.371, 377, 436-440
159. ^ Sandqvist, p.197; Vianu, Vol. II, p.376-377
160. ^ Vianu, Vol. II, p.377. See also Suciu, p.104
161. ^ ^{a b} Vianu, Vol. II, p.438-439
162. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.341
163. ^ Anghelescu, p.12; Călinescu, p.523; Vianu, Vol.II, p.377-378
164. ^ Cernat, p.88-89; Sandqvist, p.200, 235, 383. Cernat gives the date as 1909, while Sandqvist mentions 1895 and 1899.
165. ^ Anghelescu, p.12-13; Călinescu, p.522; Vianu, Vol.II, p.377-379; Vol.III, p.352
166. ^ ^{a b c} Vianu, Vol.III, p.352
167. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.378-379
168. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.378-379, 467
169. ^ ^{a b} Vianu, Vol.II, p.379
170. ^ Vianu, Vol. II, p.374-375
171. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.379-380; Vol.III, p.350-353
172. ^ Cernat, p.49; Sandqvist, p.75, 384
173. ^ Călinescu, p.684; Cernat, p.55
174. ^ ^{a b} Vianu, Vol.II, p.381
175. ^ Sandqvist, p.118, 120, 199
176. ^ Sandqvist, p.120
177. ^ ^{a b} Mioara Ioniță, "Cafenele de altădată. Terasa Oteteleșanu", in Magazin Istoric, October 2003
178. ^ Sandqvist, p.199
179. ^ Călinescu, p.523; Vianu, Vol.III, p.352
180. ^ Călinescu, p.522-523; Sandqvist, p.25, 199
181. ^ Krasztev, "From a Deadlocked Present...", p.42-43; Sandqvist, p.199-200
182. ^ Călinescu, p.523; Cernat, p.43; Răileanu & Carassou, p.152; Sandqvist, p.25, 200
183. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.380-381
184. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.380
185. ^ Anghelescu, p.13; Vianu, Vol.II, p.382, 440; Vol.III, p.353
186. ^ Călinescu, p.690
187. ^ Boia, p.245
188. ^ Anghelescu, p.13; Vianu, Vol.II, p.382
189. ^ (in Romanian) Marian Constantin, "Visuri și himere", in Observator Cultural, Nr. 474, May 2009
190. ^ Boia, p.103, 104, 245-248; Călinescu, p.523; Vianu, Vol.II, p.382-383
191. ^ ^{a b c d} Anghelescu, p.13
192. ^ Boia, p.245-246; Vianu, Vol.II, p.382
193. ^ Boia, p.245-247; Călinescu, p.523; Vianu, Vol.II, p.382
194. ^ Gheorghe Nicolescu, "Imortalizînd eroii de la Mărășești, Mărăști, Oituz", in Magazin Istoric, August 1977, p.24-25
195. ^ Boia, p.246
196. ^ Boia, p.246; Cernat, p.45; Vianu, Vol.II, p.383
197. ^ Cernat, p.45
198. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.383-384
199. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.383-384, 387. See also Boia, p.246-247
200. ^ Boia, p.246-247
201. ^ ^{a b c} Vianu, Vol.II, p.384
202. ^ Boia, p.247
203. ^ Boia, p.248
204. ^ Călinescu, p.523; Vianu, Vol.II, p.384
205. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.392
206. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.393. See also Suciu, p.104
207. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.472-473
208. ^ Anghelescu, p.13; Vianu, Vol.II, p.384
209. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.384-385
210. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.385
211. ^ Călinescu, p.523. According to Călinescu, the poet's last word was rozele ("the roses").
212. ^ ^{a b c} Vianu, Vol.II, p.409
213. ^ Călinescu, p.318, 569; Vianu, Vol.III, p.40, 451
214. ^ Călinescu, p.242, 516, 523-524, 683
215. ^ Anghelescu, p.28-29
216. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.415-416, 459-460
217. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.450-451
218. ^ Călinescu, p.525; Sandqvist, p.200; Vianu, Vol.II, p.451
219. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.451
220. ^ ^{a b} Călinescu, p.525
221. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.449-450, 456
222. ^ Călinescu, p.524; Vianu, Vol.II, p.386
223. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.387-388
224. ^ Anghelescu, p.28
225. ^ Călinescu, p.516. Paraphrased by Sandqvist, p.197, 199.
226. ^ Răileanu & Carassou, p.152. Paraphrased by Sandqvist, p.25, 199.
227. ^ ^{a b c} Sandqvist, p.200
228. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.402
229. ^ Anghelescu, p.140; Cernat, p.8, 16; Sandqvist, p.200
230. ^
     ISBN 973-36-0165-9
231. ^ Anghelescu, p.137; Vianu, Vol.II, p.403-406, 434-435
232. ^ Anghelescu, p.138
233. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.404-405
234. ^ Anghelescu, p.137; Vianu, Vol.II, p.405
235. ^
     OCLC 251657588
236. ^ Călinescu, p.523-524, 525-526, 527, 528; Vianu, Vol.II, p.393, 394, 480-481
237. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.394
238. ^ ^{a b c} Vianu, Vol.II, p.398
239. ^ Călinescu, p.523; Vianu, Vol.II, p.393-394
240. ^ Vianu, Vol.III, p.353-354
241. ^ Anghelescu, p.24, 27-28; Călinescu, p.518, 524, 526
242. ^ ^{a b c} Călinescu, p.527
243. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.388, 479-480
244. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.394-395, 397
245. ^ ^{a b} Vianu, Vol.II, p.344
246. ^ Călinescu, p.523; Vianu, Vol.II, p.344
247. ^ ^{a b} Vianu, Vol.II, p.343
248. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.345-346
249. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.348, 349, 395-398
250. ^ Călinescu, p.525; Vianu, Vol.II, p.349
251. ^ Călinescu, p.525; Răileanu & Carassou, p.7, 152; Sandqvist, p.199
252. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.419
253. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.419-420
254. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.420, 434
255. ^ ^{a b} Vianu, Vol.II, p.452-453
256. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.454-455
257. ^ Anghelescu, p.16-18, 24-25; Călinescu, p.524; Suciu, p.105-106
258. ^ Anghelescu, p.22-23
259. ^ ^{a b c d e} Călinescu, p.528
260. ^ Anghelescu, p.14
261. ^ Nastasă, p.94
262. ^ Călinescu, p.523; Vianu, Vol.II, p.398-399
263. ^ Vianu, Vol. II, p.389, 421. See also Suciu, p.106
264. ^ Călinescu, p.524; Vianu, Vol.II, p.398-402
265. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.400
266. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.420-421, 425-426
267. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.426-427
268. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.427-429
269. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.429-430
270. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.430
271. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.425-426, 430, 432-433
272. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.455-456
273. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.457-458
274. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.459-462
275. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.354. Partly rendered in Perpessicus, p.352
276. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.358
277. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.359-360. According to Vianu, Macedonski also stated that poet Dumitru Constantinescu-Teleormăneanu had published the piece without his knowledge, because he liked it and had learned it by heart. Novelist I. Peltz later claimed that Teleormăneanu was the poem's real author: (in Romanian) Al. Săndulescu, "I. Peltz memorialist" Archived 2018-07-01 at the Wayback Machine, in România Literară, Nr. 35/2004.
278. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.357
279. ^ Anghelescu, p.11; Vianu, Vol.II, p.361, 362
280. ^ Cernat, p.17. Cernat notes that the same view is held by Vianu.
281. ^ Călinescu, p.525; Cernat, p.12
282. ^ Cernat, p.11-12, 16
283. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.366
284. ^ ^{a b c d} Călinescu, p.526
285. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.413
286. ^ Suciu, p.107-109
287. ^ Krasztev, "From Modernization...", p.345
288. ^ ^{a b} Vianu, Vol.II, p.410
289. ^ Călinescu, p.318, 528
290. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.363-364, 412
291. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.407-408
292. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.463
293. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.463-464
294. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.464-467
295. ^ Krasztev, "From a Deadlocked Present...", p.43
296. ^ Călinescu, p.525; Vianu, Vol.II, p.366, 413-415
297. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.413-415
298. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.408
299. ^ Anghelescu, p.20-21
300. ^ Anghelescu, p.21-22; Ornea, p.263; Vianu, Vol.II, p.368
301. ^ Anghelescu, p.19
302. ^ Ornea, p.263
303. ^ Anghelescu, p.21; Vianu, Vol.II, p.368
304. ^ Călinescu, p.527; Vianu, Vol.II, p.410
305. ^ Anghelescu, p.25
306. ^ Anghelescu, p.25-26, 30-31; Perpessicius, p.63; Sandqvist, p.201
307. ^ Anghelescu, p.26
308. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.422-424, 431-432
309. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.334, 424-425, 427
310. ^ Cernat, p.19; Vianu, Vol.II, p.431, 432
311. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.432
312. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.377
313. ^ Călinescu, p.528; Cernat, p.89; Vianu, Vol.II, p.436-437, 444
314. ^ ^{a b} Suciu, p.106
315. ^ Vianu, Vol. II, p.440-441
316. ^ Vianu, Vol. II, p.441-442; Suciu, p.106-107
317. ^ Vianu, Vol. II, p.439
318. ^ Vianu, Vol. II, p.442-444
319. ^ Călinescu, p.525; Vianu, Vol. II, p.445
320. ^ Răileanu & Carassou, p.152; Sandqvist, p.199; Vianu, Vol. II, p.445
321. ^ Răileanu & Carassou, p.152; Sandqvist, p.199
322. ^ Vianu, Vol. II, p.444
323. ^ (in Romanian) "Sex în scris, sex de scris!" Archived 2012-09-27 at the Wayback Machine, in Jurnalul Național, 9 October 2005
324. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.378, 470-471
325. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.378, 467-468, 470, 472
326. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.469-470
327. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.471
328. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.471-472
329. ISBN 0-87745-697-6
330. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.421-421, 435-436
331. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, 435-436
332. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, 435
333. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.448
334. ^ Anghelescu, p.29-31; Călinescu, p.527; Vianu, Vol.II, p.385
335. ^ ^{a b} Vianu, Vol.II, p.418-419
336. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.473-474
337. ^ Anghelescu, p.13; Călinescu, p.523, 529; Vianu, Vol.II, p.474-479
338. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.476
339. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.478-479, 482
340. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.477
341. ^ Călinescu, p.519, 520-521, 523, 527, 529; Vianu, Vol.III, p.434-435
342. ^ Călinescu, p.407, 412; Ornea, p.117; Vianu, Vol.II, p.243, 356
343. ^ Ornea, p.117
344. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.391. According to Călinescu (p.638): "Chendi lacks even the faintest intuition of Macedonski's poetry."
345. ^ Balotă, p.42
346. ^ Călinescu, p.644
347. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.388-389
348. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.380. According to Anghelescu (p.15), this was preceded by an 1891 textbook published by educator E. Manliu, which introduced Macedonski through his Calul arabului.
349. ^ Nastasă, p.146
350. ^ Cernat, p.10-11, 15, 18; Ornea, p.136-137; Sandqvist, p.75, 197, 200, 202
351. ^ Anghelescu, p.139-140; Cernat, p.10-11, 15; Krasztev, "From Modernization...", p.334, 338, 343; Sandqvist, p.197, 200; Vianu, Vol.II, p.483
352. ^ Vianu, Vol. II, p.391
353. ^ Cernat, p.15
354. ^ Călinescu, p.690, 697, 919
355. ^ Călinescu, p.700-701, 727
356. ^ Călinescu, p.857-858
357. ^ Ornea, p.263-264; Vianu, Vol.II, p.432
358. ^ Cernat, p.45-46
359. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.388"
360. ^ Călinescu, p.652-653
361. ^ Călinescu, p.523, 531-532, 701-702
362. ^ Nicolae Tonitza, "Cronica plastică (Despre cei mai tineri: Soare Al. Macedonski.—Adina Paula Moscu.—Titina Căpitănescu.—Lazăr Zim)", in Viața Românească, Nr.4/1929
363. ^ ^{a b} (in Romanian) Tudor Octavian, "Soare Macedonski (1910-1928)", in Ziarul Financiar, 10 June 2003
364. ^ (in Romanian) Emil Manu, "Melancolia agrestă (Zaharia Stancu)" Archived 2011-06-05 at the Wayback Machine, in Convorbiri Literare, October 2002
365. ^ ^{a b} Călinescu, p.960
366. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.342
367. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.387
368. ^ Vianu, Vol.II, p.390
369. ^ Călinescu, p.558; Vianu, Vol.II, p.386-387. Vlahuță's articles include several other attacks on Macedonski (Anghelescu, p.15).
370. ^ Anghelescu, p.16
371. ^ Călinescu, p.801
372. ^ Vianu, Vol.III, p.374
373. ^ Sandqvist, p.202, 384; Vianu, Vol.III, p.374
374. ^ Călinescu, p.693, 697; Vianu, Vol.III, p.380
375. ^ Balotă, p.10, 16-34; Cernat, p.15
376. ^ Vianu, Vol.III, p.451
377. ^ Cernat, p.50
378. ^ Sandqvist, p.197, 199, 200, 207
379. OCLC 252065138
380. ^ Cernat, p.208-209; Răileanu & Carassou, p.7
381. ^ ^{a b} Cernat, p.184
382. ^ Vianu, Vol.III, p.171
383. ^ Sandqvist, p.208-209; Vianu, Vol.III, p.388
384. ^ Călinescu, p.779
385. ^ (in Romanian) Ion Țurcanu, "Poezia basarabeană din interbelic" Archived 2009-03-08 at the Wayback Machine, in Convorbiri Literare, June 2006
386. ISBN 1-84511-031-5
387. ^ (in Romanian) Ion Simuț, "Canonul literar proletcultist" Archived 2018-07-01 at the Wayback Machine, in România Literară, Nr. 27/2008
388. OCLC 17114213
389. ^ (in Romanian) UN Cristian, "Ștefan Agopian: 'Cînd citeam o carte bună, uitam să-mi fac lecțiile!' ", in Observator Cultural, Nr. 443, October 2008
390. ^ (in Romanian) Luminița Marcu, "Poezii cu dichis de Pavel Șușară", in Observator Cultural, Nr. 70, June 2001
391. ^ (in Romanian) Ioan Stanomir, "Grădini suspendate" Archived 2012-04-02 at the Wayback Machine, in Revista 22, Nr. 1029, November 2009
392. ^ (in Romanian) Bianca Burța-Cernat, "Un exercițiu ratat de virtuozitate" Archived 3 May 2015 at the Wayback Machine, in Observator Cultural, Nr. 305, January 2006
393. Revista Sud-Est
     , Nr. 4/2008
394. ^ (in Romanian) Literatorul official site; retrieved 3 November 2008
395. ^ (in Romanian) Membrii post-mortem al Academiei Române, at the Romanian Academy site; retrieved 3 November 2008
396. ^ (in Romanian) "Copilul cu vocea poleită" Archived 2008-08-04 at the Wayback Machine, in Jurnalul Național, 12 November 2007
397. ^ (in Romanian) "Concert - Toamna lui Tudor Gheorghe" Archived 2012-09-27 at the Wayback Machine, in Jurnalul Național, 31 May 2006
398. ^ (in Romanian) Radu Pavel Gheo, "Un gen muzical proteic", in Revista 22, Nr. 829, January 2006
399. ^ Vida, p.55
400. ^ Paul Rezeanu, "Caricaturistul N.S. Petrescu-Găină", in Magazin Istoric, August 2008, p.61, 62
401. ^ Vida, p.63
402. OCLC 5717220
403. ^ (in Romanian) Aldezir Marin, "O ruină încarcată de istorie", in Gazeta de Sud, 27 May 2006

References

• OCLC 34157991
• OCLC 3445488
• ISBN 978-973-50-2635-6
• George Călinescu, Istoria literaturii române de la origini pînă în prezent, Editura Minerva, Bucharest, 1986
• ISBN 978-973-23-1911-6
• OCLC 6890267
• Péter Krasztev,
  • "From a Deadlocked Present into an Imagined Past", in the Central European University's East Central Europe = L'Europe du Centre-Est, Vol. 26, Nr. 2/1999, p. 33-52
  • "From Modernization to Modernist Literature", in
    ISBN 90-272-3452-3
• (in Romanian) Lucian Nastasă, Intelectualii și promovarea socială (pentru o morfologie a câmpului universitar), Editura Nereamia Napocae, Cluj-Napoca, 2003;
  e-book version at the Romanian Academy
  's George Bariț Institute of History
• ISBN 973-21-0562-3
• ISBN 973-8031-34-6
• ISBN 2-84272-057-1
• ISBN 0-262-19507-0
• (in French) Manuela-Delia Suciu, "La poésie roumaine au XIXe siècle. Alexandru Macedonski entre romantisme et symbolisme", in Revue d'Études Françaises, Nr. 8/2003, p. 101-110 (republished by the Centre Interuniversitaire d’Études Françaises/Egyetemközi Francia Központ)
• OCLC 7431692
• (in French) Mariana Vida, "La société Tinerimea artistică de Bucarest et le symbolisme tardif entre 1902-1910", in Revue Roumaine d'Histoire de l'Art. Série Beaux-arts, Vol. XLIV, 2007, p. 55-66

External links

Romanian Wikisource has original text related to this article:

Alexandru Macedonski (original works in Romanian)

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Alexandru Macedonski.

• Amidst Hen Houses (excerpts), Poésies, Thalassa (excerpt), in the Romanian Cultural Institute's Plural Magazine (various issues)
• (in Romanian) Alexandru Macedonski, Museum of Romanian Literature profile
• Works by Alexandru Macedonski at LibriVox (public domain audiobooks)