Alexei Kosygin

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In this name that follows Eastern Slavic naming customs, the patronymic is Nikolayevich and the family name is Kosygin.
Alexei Kosygin
Алексей Косыгин
Kosygin in 1966
8th Premier of the Soviet Union
In office
15 October 1964 – 23 October 1980
PresidentAnastas Mikoyan
Nikolai Podgorny
Leonid Brezhnev
Deputy
Leader
Dmitriy Ustinov
Additional positions
Chairman of the
25th
Politburo
In office
29 June 1957 – 4 May 1960
In office
16 October 1952 – 5 March 1953
In office
18 March 1946 – 4 September 1948
Personal details
Born21 February [
Conscript
CommandsRed Army
Battles/warsRussian Civil War

Alexei Nikolayevich Kosygin (Russian: Алексе́й Никола́евич Косы́гин, IPA: [ɐlʲɪkˈsʲej nʲɪkɐˈla(j)ɪvʲɪtɕ kɐˈsɨɡʲɪn]; 21 February [O.S. 8 February] 1904 – 18 December 1980)[3] was a Soviet statesman during the Cold War. He served as the Premier of the Soviet Union from 1964 to 1980 and was one of the most influential Soviet policymakers in the mid-1960s along with General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev.

Kosygin was born in the city of

Minister of Light Industry (later, Minister of Light Industry and Food). Stalin removed Kosygin from the Politburo
one year before his own death in 1953, intentionally weakening Kosygin's position within the Soviet hierarchy.

Stalin died in 1953, and on 20 March 1959, Kosygin was appointed to the position of chairman of the State Planning Committee (Gosplan), a post he would hold for little more than a year. Kosygin next became First Deputy chairman of the Council of Ministers. When Nikita Khrushchev was removed from power in 1964, Kosygin and Leonid Brezhnev succeeded him as Premier and First Secretary, respectively. Thereafter, as a member of the collective leadership, Kosygin formed an unofficial Triumvirate (also known by its Russian name Troika) alongside Brezhnev and Nikolai Podgorny, the Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, that governed the Soviet Union in Khrushchev's place.

During the initial years following Khrushchev's ouster, Kosygin initially emerged as the leading figure in Soviet politics.[4][5][6] In addition to managing the Soviet Union's economy, he assumed a preeminent role in its foreign policy by leading arms control talks with the US and overseeing relations with other communist countries. However, the onset of the Prague Spring in 1968 sparked a severe backlash against his policies, enabling Brezhnev to eclipse him as the dominant force in the Politburo. While he and Brezhnev disliked one another, he remained in office until being forced to retire on 23 October 1980, due to bad health. He died two months later on 18 December 1980.

Early life

Kosygin was born into a

baptized (7 March 1904) one month after his birth.[8] He lost his mother in infancy and was brought up by his father.[9]

He and his father sympathized with the

co-operatives in[11] Novosibirsk, Siberia.[12] When asked[when?][by whom?] why he worked in the co-operative sector of the economy, Kosygin replied, quoting a slogan of Vladimir Lenin: "Co-operation – the path to socialism!"[13] Kosygin stayed there for six years until Robert Eikhe personally advised him to quit, shortly before the repressions hit the Soviet consumer co-operation movement.[9]

Early career

Pre-war period

He applied for a membership in the

People's Commissar for Textile and Industry and earned a seat on the Central Committee (CC). In 1940 Kosygin became a Deputy Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars
.

Wartime

Kosygin was appointed by the

State Defence Committee to manage critically important missions during the Great Patriotic War (World War II).[11]

As deputy chairman of the Council of Evacuation,[14] he had the task of evacuating industry from territories about to be overrun by the Axis. Under his command 1523 factories were evacuated eastwards, as well as huge volumes of raw materials, ready-made goods and equipment. Kosygin managed clearing of congestions on the railroads in order to maintain their stable operation.[15]

During the

Leningrad Blockade he was sent to his hometown to manage the construction of an ice road and a pipeline across the Lake Ladoga.[16] This allowed to evacuate some half-million people from the besieged and starving city, and to supply fuel to its factories and power plants.[15] He was also responsible for the procurement of locally available firewood.[15]

In 1943 Alexey Kosygin was promoted to

Council of People's Commissars (government) of the Russian SFSR. In 1944 he was appointed to head the Currency Board of the Soviet Union.[9]

Afterwar period

Kosygin became a candidate member of the

Soviet famine of 1946–47 He headed the foodstuff relief missions to the most suffering regions.[9]
He was appointed USSR Minister for Finance in February 1948, and a full member of the Politburo on 4 September 1948, putting him among the dozen or so most ranking officials in the USSR.

Kosygin's administrative skills[17] led Stalin to take the younger man under his wing. Stalin shared information with Kosygin, such as how much money the families of Vyacheslav Molotov, Anastas Mikoyan, and Lazar Kaganovich possessed, spent and paid their staff. (A Politburo member earned a modest salary by Soviet standards[18] but enjoyed unlimited access to consumer goods.) Stalin sent Kosygin to each home[when?] to put their houses into "proper order".

Temporary fall

Kosygin's patron, Zhdanov, died suddenly in August 1948. Soon afterwards, Zhdanov's old rivals Lavrentiy Beria and Georgy Malenkov persuaded Stalin to let them remove members of the decapitated Zhdanov faction, of whom the three most prominent were Nikolai Voznesensky, then Chairman of the State Planning Committee and a First Deputy Premier, Alexey Kuznetsov, the party secretary with oversight over the security, and Kosygin. During the brutal purge that followed, known as the Leningrad affair, Voznesensky, Kuznetsov and many others were arrested and shot. Kosygin was relegated to the post of USSR Minister for Light Industry,[19] while nominally retaining his membership of the Politburo until 1952.[20]

The House on the Embankment was a building completed in 1931 to house the government elite; Kosygin lived there.

Nikita Khrushchev wrote in his memoirs:

Beria and Malenkov were doing everything they could to wreck this troika of Kuznetsov, Voznesensky and Kosygin ... Many people perished in Leningrad. So did many people who had been transferred from Leningrad to work in other regions. As for Kosygin, his life was hanging by a thread ... Men who had been arrested and condemned in Leningrad made ridiculous accusations against him ... I simply can't explain how he was saved from being eliminated along with the others. Kosygin, as they say, must have drawn a lucky lottery ticket.[21]

Kosygin told his son-in-law Mikhail Gvishiani, an NKVD officer, of the accusations leveled against Voznesensky because of his possession of firearms. Gvishiani and Kosygin threw all their weapons into a lake and searched both their own houses for any listening devices. They found one at Kosygin's house, but it might have been installed to spy on Marshal Georgy Zhukov, who had lived there before him. According to his memoirs, Kosygin never left his home without reminding his wife what to do if he did not return from work. After living two years in constant fear, the family reached the conclusion[when?] that Stalin would not harm them. [22]

Khrushchev era

In September 1953, six months after Stalin's death, Kosygin was appointed USSR Minister for Industrial Goods, and in December he was reinstated as a Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers, under Malenkov, Stalin's immediate successor, but lost that position in December 1956, during Khrushchev's ascendancy, when he was appointed Deputy Chairman of the State Economic Commission. When the power struggle between Khrushchev and the so-called 'Anti-Party Group' came to a head in 1957, Kosygin backed Khrushchev because, as he said later, if Malenkov and his allies had won "blood would have flowed again",[23] but the French journalist Michel Tatu, a close observer who was based in Moscow at the time, concluded that "Kosygin did not owe anything to Khrushchev" and that out of the post-1957 leadership "was visibly the least willing to praise the First Secretary", and that Khrushchev was "somewhat reluctant" to promote Kosygin.[24]

However, despite Khrushchev's reluctance, Kosygin's career made a steady recovery. In June 1957, he was again appointed a Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers (for the third time), and a candidate member of the Presidium Central Committee (the renamed Politburo). In March 1959, he was made Chairman of Gosplan, and on 4 May 1960, he was promoted First deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers, and a full member of the Presidium.[25]

As First Deputy Premier Kosygin travelled abroad, mostly on trade missions, to countries such as North Korea, India, Argentina and Italy. Since 1959 Kosygin headed Soviet mission to the ComEcon. Later, in the aftermath of the Cuban Missile Crisis, Kosygin was the Soviet spokesman for improved relations between the Soviet Union and the United States.[19] According to Michel Tatu, in 1960–62, Kosygin was one of the 'big four', with Khrushchev, Frol Kozlov and Leonid Brezhnev, who would be present in the Kremlin to greet visiting leaders of East European communist parties, implying, but in November 1962, after Khrushchev complained about the management of Gosplan, and opposed Kosygin's plans for economic reform, he was removed from the inner leadership.[26]

Premiership

Further information: History of the Soviet Union (1964–1982)
See also: Kosygin's First, Second, Third, Fourth, and Fifth Government

Struggle for power with Brezhnev

Kosygin at the Glassboro Summit Conference, 23 June 1967
Further information: Collective leadership

When Khrushchev was removed from power in October 1964,[27] Kosygin replaced him as Premier in a collective leadership that included Leonid Brezhnev as general secretary and Nikolai Podgorny who ultimately became Chairman of the Presidium.[28] Overall, the new Politburo adopted a more conservative outlook than that under Khrushchev's rule.

Kosygin, Podgorny and

Stalinist wing.[29]

In October 1964, at a ceremony in honour of Soviet cosmonauts, Brezhnev called for the strengthening of the Party apparatus. This speech was only the beginning of a large campaign directed against Kosygin. Several newspapers, such as Pravda and Kommunist, criticized the work of the Council of Ministers, and indirectly Kosygin, its chairman, for planning the economy in an unrealistic fashion, and used the highly aggressive rhetoric previously used to condemn Khrushchev against Kosygin.[citation needed]

Brezhnev was able to criticize Kosygin by contrasting him with

Kiril Mazurov's vote, and when Kosygin and Podgorny were not bickering with each other, they actually had a majority in the Politburo over Brezhnev. Unfortunately for Kosygin this was not often the case, and Kosygin and Podgorny were constantly disagreeing on policy.[32]

Early during Kosygin's tenure, the Brezhnev–Kosygin attempt to create stability was failing on various fronts. From 1969 to 1970, discontent within the Soviet leadership had grown to such an extent that some started to doubt both former and current Soviet policies. Examples include the handling of the

Sino–Soviet border conflict[29] (he advocated restraint),[11] the Vietnam War, and the Soviet–American talks
on the limitation of strategic missiles. Two summit conferences between the US and the USSR were held: the Warsaw Pact Summit Conference and the Moscow Summit Conference; both failed to gain support for Soviet policies.

By 1970, these differences had not been resolved, and Brezhnev postponed the

Ninth Five-Year Plan (1971–1975). The delay in resolving these issues led to rumors circulating in Soviet society that Kosygin, or even Brezhnev, would lose their posts to Podgorny. By March 1971, it became apparent that Brezhnev was the leader of the country, with Kosygin as the spokesman of the five-year plan and Podgorny's position within the collective leadership strengthened.[29]

Foreign policy

Kosykin_(links)_bezoekt_Egyptes_historische_schatten,_Kosykin_(linkls)_en_Nasser,_Bestanddeelnr_919-1605
Kosygin with Egypt President Gamal Abdel Nasser at a visit to Cairo, May 1966

Early on in his tenure, Kosygin challenged Brezhnev's right as

1970 Moscow Treaty was signed on 12 August 1970 by Kosygin and Gromyko and Willy Brandt and Walter Scheel who represented West Germany.[37] In 1971, Kosygin gave an extensive interview to the American delegation that included David Rockefeller, presenting his views on US-Soviet relations, environmental protection, arms control and other issues.[38][39]

Two men signing an agreement, with other men standing behind them
Alexei Kosygin (left) and Ahmed Hassan al-Bakr signing the Iraqi–Soviet Treaty of Friendship and Co-Operation in 1972

Kosygin developed a close friendly relationship with the President of Finland Urho Kekkonen, which helped the USSR to maintain active mutual trade with Finland and to keep it away from Cold War confrontation.[40]

In 1972, Kosygin signed a Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation with the government of

Abd al-Karim Qasim.[41]

Kosygin protected

Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia Kosygin reminded leaders of the consequences of the Soviet suppression of the 1956 Hungarian revolution. Kosygin's stance became more aggressive later on when he understood that the reforms in Czechoslovakia could be turned against his 1965 Soviet economic reform.[44]

We should tell Taraki and Amin to change their tactics. They still continue to execute those people who disagree with them. They are killing nearly all of the Parcham leaders, not only the highest rank, but of the middle rank, too.

— Kosygin speaking at a Politburo session.[45]

Kosygin acted as a mediator between

international politics.[46]

The

Maoist China. Kosygin said, in a close-knit circle, that "We are communists and they are communists. It is hard to believe we will not be able to reach an agreement if we met face to face".[46] His view on China changed however, and according to Harold Wilson, former Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, Kosygin viewed China as an "organized military dictatorship" whose intended goal was to enslave "Vietnam and the whole of Asia".[47]

During an official visit by an Afghan delegation, Kosygin and

Stalinist-like repressionist behaviour. He promised to send more economic and military aid, but rejected any proposal regarding a possible Soviet intervention, as an intervention in Afghanistan would strain the USSR's foreign relations with the First World according to Kosygin, most notably West Germany.[48] However, in a closed meeting, without Kosygin, who strongly opposed any kind of military intervention, the Politburo unanimously supported a Soviet intervention.[49]

Economic policy

Five-Year Plans

Further information: Five-year plans of the Soviet Union

The

Ninth Five-Year Plan (1971–1975) had been postponed by Brezhnev due to a power struggle within the Soviet leadership.[29] At the 23rd Party Congress Kosygin promised that the Ninth Five-Year Plan would increase the supply of food, clothing and other household appliances up to 50 percent.[51] The plan envisaged a massive increase in the Soviet standard of living, with Kosygin proclaiming a growth of 40 percent for the population's cash income in his speech to the congress.[52]

The

Soviet agriculture would receive a share investment of 34 percent, a share much larger than its proportional contribution to the Soviet economy, as it accounted for only 3 percent of the Soviet GDP.[55]

The "Kosygin" reform

Main article: 1965 Soviet economic reform

Like Khrushchev, Kosygin tried to reform the

centralized state bureaucracy.[56] The reform had been proposed to Khrushchev in 1964, who evidently liked it and took some preliminary steps to implement it. Brezhnev allowed the reform to proceed because the Soviet economy was entering a period of low growth.[57] In its testing phase, the reform was applied to 336 enterprises in light industry.[58]

The reform was influenced by the works of Soviet economist

decentralization. According to critics, Kosygin's changes to Liberman's original vision caused the reform to fail.[57]

A propaganda poster promoting the reform. The poster reads: We're forging the keys of happiness.

Kosygin believed that decentralization,

semi-public companies, and cooperatives were keys to catching up to the First World's contemporary level of economic growth. His reform sought a gradual change from a "state-administered economy" to an economy in which "the state restricts itself to guiding enterprises".[59] The reform was implemented, but showed several malfunctions and inconsistencies early on.[56]

Results

The salary for Soviet citizens increased abruptly by almost 2.5 times during the plan. Real wages in 1980 amounted to 232.7 rubles, compared to 166.3 rubles before the 1965 Soviet economic reform and the Eighth Five-Year Plan. The first period, 1960–1964, was characterized by low growth, while the second period, 1965–1981, had a stronger growth rate. The second period vividly demonstrated the success of the Kosygin reform, with the average annual growth in retail turnover being 11.2 billion rubles, 1.8 times higher than in the first period and 1.2 times higher than the third period (1981–1985). Consumption of goods and daily demand also increased. The consumption of home appliances greatly increased. Refrigerators increased from a low of 109,000 in 1964 to 440,000 units by 1973; consumption declined during the reversal of the reform. Car production increased, and would continue to do so until the late 1980s. The Soviet leadership, under pressure, sought to provide more attractive goods for Soviet consumers.[60]

The removal of Khrushchev in 1964 signalled the end of his "

housing revolution". Housing construction declined between 1960 and 1964 to an average of 1.63 million square metres. Following this sudden decrease, housing construction increased sharply between 1965 and 1966, but dropped again, and then steadily grew (the average annual growth rate was 4.26 million square metres). This came largely at the expense of businesses. While the housing shortage was never fully resolved, and still remains a problem in present-day Russia, the reform overcame the negative trend and renewed the growth of housing construction.[14]

Cancellation and aftermath

Growing hostility towards reform, the initial poor results, and Kosygin's reformist stance, led to a popular backlash against him. Kosygin lost most of the privileges he had enjoyed before the reform, but Brezhnev was never able to remove him from the office of Chairman of the Council of Ministers, despite his weakened position.

intensification of production.[61] There is no proof to back up the claim that the reform itself contributed to the high growth seen in the late-1960s, or that its cancellation had anything to do with the stagnating growth of the economy which began in the 1970s.[62]

1973 and 1979 reforms

Main articles: 1973 Soviet economic reform and 1979 Soviet economic reform

Kosygin initiated another

Kosygin's fifth government in a joint decision of the Central Committee and the Council of Ministers. The "Improving planning and reinforcing the effects of the economic mechanism on raising the effectiveness in production and improving the quality of work", more commonly known as the 1979 reform. The reform, in contrast to the 1965 reform, was intended to increase the central government's economic involvement by enhancing the duties and responsibilities of the ministries. Due to Kosygin's resignation in 1980, and because of Nikolai Tikhonov's conservative approach to economics, very little of the reform was actually implemented.[64]

Later life and resignation

Kosygin (right) shaking hands with Romanian communist leader Nicolae Ceaușescu in 1974

By the early to mid-1970s Brezhnev had established a strong enough power base to effectively become leader. According to historian Ilya Zemtsov, the author of Chernenko: The Last Bolshevik: The Soviet Union on the Eve of Perestroika, Kosygin "began to lose power" with the 24th Party Congress in 1971 which for the first time publicized the formula 'the Politburo led by Brezhnev'". Along with weakening Kosygin's position, Brezhnev moved to strengthen the Party's hold on the Government apparatus, weakening Kosygin's position further.[65] Historian Robert Wesson, the author of Lenin's Legacy: The Story of the CPSU, notes that Kosygin's economic report to the 25th Party Congress "pointed even more clearly to the end of struggle" between Brezhnev and Kosygin.[55] Kosygin was further pushed aside when Brezhnev published his memoirs, which stated that Brezhnev, not Kosygin, was in charge of all major economic decisions.[66] To make matters worse for Kosygin, Brezhnev blocked any future talks on economic reform within the party and government apparatus, and information regarding the reform of 1965 was suppressed.[55]

Brezhnev consolidated his own position over the Government Apparatus by strengthening Podgorny's position as

1977 Soviet Constitution strengthened Podgorny's control of the Council of Ministers, by giving the post of head of state some executive powers. In fact, because of the 1977 Soviet Constitution, the Council of Ministers became subordinate to the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet.[67] When Podgorny was replaced as head of state in 1977 by Brezhnev, Kosygin's role in day-to-day management of government activities was lessened drastically, through Brezhnev's new-found post.[68] Rumours started circulating within the top circles, and on the streets, that Kosygin would retire due to bad health.[65]

Brezhnev's consolidation of power weakened Kosygin's influence and prestige within the Politburo. Kosygin's position was gradually weakened during the 1970s and he was frequently hospitalized.

Council of Ministers, had to act on his behalf.[69] Kosygin suffered his first heart attack in 1976. After this incident, it is said that Kosygin changed from having a vibrant personality to being tired and fed up; he, according to people close to him, seemed to have lost the will to continue his work. He twice filed a letter of resignation between 1976 and 1980, but was turned down on both occasions.[14] During Kosygin's sick leave, Brezhnev appointed Nikolai Tikhonov to the post of First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers. Tikhonov, as with Brezhnev, was a conservative, and through his post as First Deputy chairman Tikhonov was able to reduce Kosygin to a standby role. At a Central Committee plenum in June 1980, the Soviet economic development plan was outlined by Tikhonov, not Kosygin. The powers of the Premier diminished to the point where Kosygin was forced to discuss all decisions made by the Council of Ministers with Brezhnev.[65]

Death

Kremlin Wall Necropolis – grave of Kosygin

Kosygin was hospitalized in October 1980; during his stay he wrote a brief letter of resignation; the following day he was deprived of all government protection, communication, and luxury goods he had earned during his political life. Kosygin died on 18 December 1980 in Moscow, none of his Politburo colleagues, former aides, or security guards visited him. At the end of his life, Kosygin feared the complete failure of the

Eleventh Five-Year Plan (1981–1985), saying that the sitting leadership was reluctant to reform the stagnant Soviet economy. His funeral was postponed for three days, as Kosygin died on the eve of Brezhnev's birthday, and the day of Stalin's.[70] Kosygin was praised by Brezhnev as an individual who "laboured selflessly for the good of the Soviet state".[71] A state funeral was conducted and Kosygin was honoured by his peers; Brezhnev, Yuri Andropov, and Tikhonov laid an urn containing his ashes at the Kremlin Wall Necropolis.[2]

Personality

Compared to other Soviet officials, Kosygin stood out as a pragmatic and relatively independent leader. In a description given by an anonymous high-ranking

GRU official, Kosygin is described as "a lonely and somewhat tragic figure" who "understood our faults and shortcomings of our situation in general and those in our Middle East policy in particular, but, being a highly restrained man, he preferred to be cautious." An anonymous former co-worker of Kosygin said "He always had an opinion of his own, and defended it. He was a very alert man, and performed brilliantly during negotiations. He was able to cope quickly with the material that was totally new to him. I have never seen people of that calibre afterwards."[72]

Canadian Prime Minister

Soviet dissident, believed Kosygin to be "the most intelligent and toughest man in the Politburo".[68] Singapore Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew remembered Kosygin as "very quiet-spoken, but very determined, mind of great ability and application".[75] David Rockefeller admitted that Soviet Prime Minister Kosygin was a talented manager doing miracles in ruling the clumsy Soviet economy.[76]

Legacy

Historical assessments

Kosygin would prove to be a very competent administrator, with the Soviet

liberalization of all aspects of public life.[34]

Chernenko: The Last Bolshevik: The Soviet Union on the Eve of Perestroika author Ilya Zemtsov describes Kosygin as "determined and intelligent, an outstanding administrator" and claims he distinguished himself from the other members of the Soviet leadership with his "extraordinary capacity for work".[77] Historians Moshe Lewin and Gregory Elliott, the authors of The Soviet Century, describe him as a "phenomenal administrator".[16] "His strength", David Law writes, was "his exceptional capability as an administrator". According to Law Kosygin proved himself to be a "competent politician" also.[7] Historians Evan Mawdsley and Stephen White claim that Brezhnev was unable to remove Kosygin because his removal would mean the loss of his last "capable administrator".[78] In their book, The Unknown Stalin, Roy Medvedev and Zhores Medvedev called Kosygin an "outstanding organizer", and the "new Voznesensky".[17] Historian Archie Brown, the author The Rise & Fall of Communism, believes the 1965 Soviet economic reform to have been too "modest", and claimed that Kosygin "was too much a product of the Soviet ministerial system, as it evolved under Stalin, to become a radical economic reformer". However, Brown does believe that Kosygin was "an able administrator".[5] Gvishiani, a Russian historian, concluded that "Kosygin survived both Stalin and Khrushchev, but did not manage to survive Brezhnev."[2]

Kosygin was viewed with sympathy by the Soviet people, and is still presently viewed as an important figure in both Russian and Soviet history.

Council of Ministers, recalled that Kosygin refused to go drinking with Brezhnev, a move which annoyed Brezhnev gravely.[78] Nikolai Ryzhkov, the last Chairman of the Council of Ministers, in a speech to the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union in 1987 referred to the "sad experiences of the 1965 reform", and claimed that everything went from bad to worse following the reform's cancellation.[79]

Honours

During his lifetime, Kosygin received seven Orders and two Awards from the Soviet state.

Leningrad, present day Saint Petersburg. In 2006 the Russian Government renamed a street after him.[80]

Foreign honours

  • Bangladesh Liberation War Honour
    (Bangladesh Muktijuddho Sanmanona)

References

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  2. ^ a b c d Алексей Гвишиани: "Не надо жалеть Косыгина!" [Alex Gvishiani: "Do not feel sorry for Kosygin!"] (in Russian). Pravda Online. 9 April 2004. p. 3. Retrieved 4 September 2010.
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  59. ^ Elliott & Lewin 2005, p. 249.
  60. ^ Анализ динамики показателей уровня жизни населения [Analysis of the dynamics of living standards] (in Russian). Moscow State University. Retrieved 4 September 2010.
  61. ^ a b Травин, Дмитрий. Алексей Николаевич Косыгин [Alexei Nikolayevich Kosygin] (in Russian). peoples.ru. Retrieved 20 September 2010.
  62. ^ Bacon & Sandle 2002, p. 58.
  63. ^ Dellenbrant 1986, pp. 74–75.
  64. ^ ютуба, любитель (17 December 2010). "30 лет назад умер Алексей Косыгин" [A reformer before Yegor Gaidar? Kosygin died for 30 years ago]. Newsland (in Russian). Retrieved 29 December 2010.
  65. ^ a b c Zemtsov 1989, p. 119.
  66. ^ Wesson 1978, p. 254.
  67. ^ Zemtsov 1989, p. 118.
  68. ^ a b "Soviet Union: And Then There Was One". Time. 3 November 1980. Archived from the original on 25 November 2010. Retrieved 21 January 2011.
  69. ^ a b Zemtsov 1989, p. 105.
  70. ^ Вергасов, Фатех. Организация здорового накала [The Healthy Glow of Organisation] (in Russian). pseudology.org. Retrieved 4 September 2010.
  71. ^ "World: Lonely Death of a Survivor". Time. 29 December 1980. p. 1. Archived from the original on 21 May 2008. Retrieved 21 January 2011.
  72. ^ Saikal 2006, p. 293.
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  79. ^ Ellman 1989, p. 73.
  80. ^ a b Staff writer. Косы́гин, Алексе́й Никола́евич [Kosygin, Alexei Nikolayevich] (in Russian). warheroes.ru. Retrieved 18 April 2011.
  81. ^ Central Asian Research Centre 1979, p. 64.

Sources

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Political offices
Preceded by Chairman of the Council of Ministers
1964–1980 		Succeeded by
Preceded by First Deputy Chairman of the Council of Ministers
1960–1964 		Succeeded by
Dmitriy Ustinov
Preceded by Chairman of the
State Planning Committee

1959–1960 		Succeeded by
Preceded by
Minister of Finance

1948 		Succeeded by
Preceded by
Council of People's Commissars of the Russian SFSR

1943–1946 		Succeeded by
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Minister of Consumer Goods

1953–1954 		Succeeded by
Nikita Ryzhov
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Minister of Light and Food Industry

1948–1953 		Succeeded by
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Nikolai Tshesnokov
Minister of Light Industry

1948–1953 		Succeeded by
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Party political offices
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Member of the Politburo

1960–1980 		Succeeded by
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Candidate Member of the Presidium

1952–1953 		Succeeded by
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Member of the Presidium

1948–1952 		Succeeded by
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Candidate Member of the Politburo

1948 		Succeeded by
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Preceded by
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 Member of the Central Committee
1939–1980 		Succeeded by
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