Alliance 90/The Greens
Alliance 90/The Greens Bündnis 90/Die Grünen | ||
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Co-Leaders | ||
Parliamentary leaders | ||
Founded |
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Merger of |
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Headquarters | Platz vor dem Neuen Tor 1 10115 State Parliaments 320 / 1,894 | |
European Parliament | 21 / 96 | |
Heads of State Governments | 1 / 16 | |
Party flag | ||
Website | ||
www | ||
Alliance 90/The Greens (German: Bündnis 90/Die Grünen, pronounced
Since January 2022, Ricarda Lang and Omid Nouripour have been co-leaders of the party. It currently holds 118 of the 736 seats in the Bundestag, having won 14.8% of votes cast in the 2021 federal election, and its parliamentary group is the third largest of six. Its parliamentary co-leaders are Britta Haßelmann and Katharina Dröge. The Greens have been part of the federal government twice: first as a junior partner to the Social Democrats (SPD) from 1998 to 2005, and then with the SPD and the Free Democratic Party (FDP) in the traffic light coalition since the 2021 German federal election. In the incumbent Scholz cabinet, the Greens have five ministers, including Vice-Chancellor Robert Habeck and Foreign Minister Annalena Baerbock.
The party holds seats in all of Germany's state legislatures, except the
Alliance 90/The Greens is a founding member of the
History
Background
The Green Party was initially founded in West Germany as Die Grünen (the Greens) in January 1980. It grew out of the anti-nuclear energy, environmental, peace, new left, and new social movements of the late 20th century.[4]
Grüne Liste Umweltschutz (green list for environmental protection) was the name used for some branches in Lower Saxony and other states in the Federal Republic of Germany. These groups were founded in 1977 and took part in several elections. Most of them merged with The Greens in 1980.
The West Berlin state branch of The Greens was founded as Alternative Liste, or precisely, Alternative Liste für Demokratie und Umweltschutz (AL; alternative list for democracy and environmental protection) in 1978 and became the official West Berlin branch of The Greens in 1980. In 1993 it renamed to Alliance 90/The Greens Berlin after the merger with East Berlin's Greens and Alliance 90.
The Hamburg state branch of the Green Party was called Grün-Alternative Liste Hamburg (GAL; green-alternative list) from its foundation in 1982 until 2012. In 1984 it became the official Hamburg branch of The Greens.
12–13 January 1980: Foundation congress
The political party The Greens (German: Die Grünen) sprung out of the wave of New Social Movements that were active in the 1970s, including environmentalist, anti-war, and anti-nuclear movements which can trace their origin to the student protests of 1968. Officially founded as a German national party on 13 January 1980 in Karlsruhe, the party sought to give these movements political and parliamentary representation, as the pre-existing peoples parties were not organised in a way to address their stated issues.[5] Its membership included organisers from former attempts to achieve institutional representation such as GLU and AUD. Opposition to pollution, use of nuclear power, NATO military action, and certain aspects of industrialised society were principal campaign issues.[citation needed] The party also championed sexual liberation and the abolition of age of consent laws.[6]
The formation of a party was purportedly first discussed by movement leaders in 1978. Important figures in the first years were – among others –
.In the foundational congress of 1980, the ideological tenets of the party were consolidated, proclaiming the famous Four Pillars of the Green Party:
- Social justice
- Ecological wisdom
- Grassroots democracy
- Nonviolence
1980s: Parliamentary representation on the federal level
In 1982, the conservative factions of the Greens broke away to form the
After some success at state-level elections, the party won 27 seats with 5.7% of the vote in the Bundestag, the lower house of the German parliament, in the 1983 federal election. Among the important political issues at the time was the deployment of Pershing II IRBMs and nuclear-tipped cruise missiles by the U.S. and NATO on West German soil, generating strong opposition in the general population that found an outlet in mass demonstrations. The newly formed party was able to draw on this popular movement to recruit support. Partly due to the impact of the Chernobyl disaster in 1986, and to growing awareness of the threat of air pollution and acid rain to German forests (Waldsterben), the Greens increased their share of the vote to 8.3% in the 1987 federal election. Around this time, Joschka Fischer emerged as the unofficial leader of the party, which he remained until resigning all leadership posts following the 2005 federal election.
The Greens were the target of attempts by the East German secret police to enlist the cooperation of members who were willing to align the party with the agenda of the
Until 1987, the Greens included a faction involved in
1990s: German reunification, electoral failure in the West, formation of Alliance 90/The Greens
In the
1998–2002: Greens as governing party, first term
In the
Almost immediately the party was plunged into a crisis by the question of German participation in the NATO actions in Kosovo. Numerous anti-war party members resigned their party membership when the first post-war deployment of German troops in a military conflict abroad occurred under a Red-Green government, and the party began to experience a long string of defeats in local and state-level elections. Disappointment with the Green participation in government increased when anti-nuclear power activists realised that shutting down the nation's nuclear power stations would not happen as quickly as they wished, and numerous pro-business SPD members of the federal cabinet opposed the environmentalist agenda of the Greens, calling for tacit compromises.
In 2001, the party experienced a further crisis as some Green Members of Parliament refused to back the government's plan of sending military personnel to help with the 2001 invasion of Afghanistan. Chancellor Gerhard Schröder called a vote of confidence, tying it to his strategy on the war. Four Green MPs and one Social Democrat voted against the government, but Schröder was still able to command a majority.
On the other hand, the Greens achieved a major success as a governing party through the 2000 decision to phase out the use of nuclear energy.
2002–2005: Greens as governing party, second term
Despite the crises of the preceding electoral period, in the
The Greens benefited from increased inroads among traditionally left-wing demographics which had benefited from Green-initiated legislation in the 1998–2002 term, such as environmentalists (
One internal issue in 2002 was the failed attempt to settle a long-standing discussion about the question of whether members of parliament should be allowed to become members of the party executive. Two party conventions declined to change the party statute. The necessary majority of two-thirds was missed by a small margin. As a result, former party chairpersons
The only party convention in 2003 was planned for November 2003, but about 20% of the local organisations forced the federal party to hold a special party convention in Cottbus early to discuss the party position regarding Agenda 2010, a major reform of the German welfare programmes planned by Chancellor Schröder.
The November 2003 party convention was held in Dresden and decided the election platform for the 2004 European Parliament elections. The German Green list for these elections was headed by Rebecca Harms (then leader of the Green party in Lower Saxony) and Daniel Cohn-Bendit, previously Member of the European Parliament for The Greens of France. The November 2003 convention is also noteworthy because it was the first convention of a German political party ever to use an electronic voting system.
The Greens gained a record 13 of Germany's 99 seats in these elections, mainly due to the perceived competence of Green ministers in the federal government and the unpopularity of the Social Democratic Party.
In early 2005, the Greens were the target of the
In May 2005, the only remaining state-level
2005–2021: In opposition
For almost two years after the federal election in 2005, the Greens were not part of any government at the state or federal level. In June 2007, the Greens in Bremen entered into a coalition with the Social Democratic Party (SPD) following the 2007 Bremen state election.
In April 2008, following the 2008 Hamburg state election, the Green-Alternative List (GAL) in Hamburg entered into a coalition with the Christian Democratic Union (CDU), the first such state-level coalition in Germany. Although the GAL had to agree to the deepening of the Elbe River, the construction of a new coal-fired power station and two road projects they had opposed, they also received some significant concessions from the CDU. These included reforming state schools by increasing the number of primary school educational stages, the restoration of trams as public transportation in the city-state, and more pedestrian-friendly real estate development. On 29 November 2010, the coalition collapsed, resulting in an election that was won by SPD.
Following the Saarland state election of August 2009, The Greens held the balance of power after a close election where no two-party coalitions could create a stable majority government. After negotiations, the Saarland Greens rejected the option of a left-wing 'red-red-green' coalition with the SPD and The Left (Die Linke) in order to form a centre-right state government with the CDU and Free Democratic Party (FDP), a historical first time that a Jamaica coalition has formed in German politics.
In June 2010, in the first state election following the victory of the
The Greens founded the first international chapter of a German political party in the U.S. on 13 April 2008 at the Goethe-Institut in Washington D.C. Its main goal is "to provide a platform for politically active and green-oriented German citizens, in and beyond Washington D.C., to discuss and actively participate in German Green politics. [...] to foster professional and personal exchange, channeling the outcomes towards the political discourse in Germany."[18]
In March 2011 (two weeks after the
Like the Social Democrats, the Greens backed Chancellor Angela Merkel on most bailout votes in the German parliament during her second term, saying their pro-European stances overrode party politics.[20] Shortly before the elections, the party plummeted to a four-year low in the polls, undermining efforts by Peer Steinbrück's Social Democrats to unseat Merkel.[21] While being in opposition on the federal level since 2005, the Greens have established themselves as a powerful force in Germany's political system. By 2016, the Greens had joined 11 out of 16 state governments in a variety of coalitions.[22] Over the years, they have built up an informal structure called G-coordination to organize interests between the federal party office, the parliamentary group in the Bundestag, and the Greens governing on the state level.[22]
The Greens remained the smallest of six parties in the Bundestag in the 2017 federal election, winning 8.9% of votes. After the election, they entered into talks for a Jamaica coalition with the CDU and FDP. Discussions collapsed after the FDP withdrew in November.[23][24]
After the federal election and unsuccessful Jamaica negotiations, the party held elections for two new co-leaders; incumbents Özdemir and Peter did not stand for re-election. Robert Habeck and Annalena Baerbock were elected with 81% and 64% of votes, respectively. Habeck had served as deputy premier and environment minister in Schleswig-Holstein since 2012, while Baerbock had been a leading figure in the party's Brandenburg branch since 2009. Their election was considered a break with tradition, as they were both members of the moderate wing.[25]
The Greens saw a major surge in support during the Bavarian and Hessian state elections in October 2018, becoming the second largest party in both.[26][27] They subsequently rose to second place behind the CDU/CSU in national polling, averaging between 17% and 20% over the next six months.[28]
In the 2019 European Parliament election, the Greens achieved their best ever result in a national election, placing second with 20.5% of the vote and winning 21 seats.[29] National polling released after the election showed a major boost for the party. The first poll after the election, conducted by Forsa, showed the Greens in first place on 27%. This was the first time the Greens had ever been in first place in a national opinion poll, and the first time in the history of the Federal Republic that any party other than the CDU/CSU or SPD had placed first in a national poll.[30] This trend continued as polls from May to July showed the CDU/CSU and Greens trading first place, after which point the CDU/CSU pulled ahead once more. The Greens continued to poll in the low 20% range into early 2020.[28]
The Greens recorded best-ever results in the Brandenburg (10.8%) and Saxony (8.6%) state elections in September 2019, and subsequently joined coalition governments in both states.[31][32] They suffered an unexpected decline in the Thuringian election in October, only narrowing retaining their seats with 5.2%. In the February 2020 Hamburg state election, the Greens became the second largest party, winning 24.2% of votes cast.[33]
In March 2021, the Greens improved their performance in Baden-Württemberg, where they remained the strongest party with 32.6% of votes, and Rhineland-Palatinate, where they moved into third place with 9.3%.[34][35]
Due to their sustained position as the second most popular party in national polling ahead of the September 2021 federal election, the Greens chose to forgo the traditional dual lead-candidacy in favour of selecting a single Chancellor candidate.[36] Co-leader Annalena Baerbock was announced as Chancellor candidate on 19 April[37] and formally confirmed on 12 June with 98.5% approval.[38]
The Greens surged in opinion polls in late April and May, briefly surpassing the CDU as the most popular party in the country, but their numbers slipped back after Baerbock was caught up in several controversies. Her personal popularity also fell below that of both Armin Laschet and Olaf Scholz, the Chancellor candidates for the CDU and SPD, respectively. The party's fortunes did not reverse even after the July floods, which saw climate change return as the most important issue among voters.[39] The situation worsened in August as the SPD surged into first place to the detriment of both the CDU and Greens.[40]
2021–present: Return to government
The Greens finished in third place in the 2021 federal election with 14.8% of votes. Though their best ever federal election result, it was considered a bitter disappointment in light of their polling numbers during the previous three years.[41] They entered coalition talks with the FDP and SPD, eventually joining a traffic light coalition under Chancellor Olaf Scholz which took office on 8 December 2021.[42] The Greens have five ministers in the Scholz cabinet, including Robert Habeck as Vice-Chancellor and Annalena Baerbock as foreign minister.[43]
Since party statute mandates that party leaders may not hold government office, Baerbock and Habeck stepped down after entering cabinet. At a party conference in January 2022, Ricarda Lang and Omid Nouripour were elected to succeed them. At the time of her election, Lang was 28 years old, speaker for women's issues, and a former leader of the Green Youth. 46-year-old Nouripour was foreign affairs spokesman and a member of the Bundestag since 2006. Of the new leaders, Lang is considered a representative of the party's left-wing, while Nouripour represents the right-wing.[44][45]
Ideology and platform
The party's main ideological trends are
During the 2021 federal election, the
Starting from the leadership of
Economic policies
The party has economically
Foreign policy
The Greens are regarded as taking a
The party remains divided over issues such as nuclear disarmament and U.S. nuclear weapons on German territory. Some Greens want Germany to sign the United Nations' Treaty on the Prohibition of Nuclear Weapons.[80][81][82]
Energy and nuclear power
Ever since the party's inception, The Greens have been concerned with the immediate halt of construction or operation of all nuclear power stations. As an alternative, they promote a shift to non-nuclear renewable energy and a comprehensive program of energy conservation.
In 1986, large parts of Germany were covered with radioactive contamination from the Chernobyl disaster and Germans went to great lengths to deal with the contamination. Germany's anti-nuclear stance was strengthened. From the mid-1990s onwards, anti-nuclear protests were primarily directed against transports of radioactive waste in "CASTOR" containers.
After the Chernobyl disaster, the Greens became more radicalised and resisted compromise on the nuclear issue. During the 1990s, a re-orientation towards a moderate program occurred, with concern about
Energy policy is still the most important cross-cutting issue in climate and economic policies. Implementation of Green Policy would see electricity generation from 100 percent renewable sources as early as 2040.[according to whom?] The development of renewable energy and combined heat and power is also a great opportunity for technical and economic innovation. Solar industry and environmental technologies are already a significant part of key industries providing jobs which need to be developed and promoted vigorously. In addition, a priority of green energy policy is increasing the thermal insulation and energy efficiency of homes, the phaseout of all nuclear energy generation with possible high-efficiency gas-fired power plants operational during the transition phase.
Environment and climate policy
The central idea of green politics is sustainable development.[84] The concept of environmental protection is the cornerstone of Alliance 90/The Greens policy. In particular, the economic, energy and transport policy claims are in close interaction with environmental considerations. The Greens acknowledge the natural environment as a high priority and animal protection should be enshrined as a national objective in constitutional law. An effective environmental policy would be based on a common environmental code, with the urgent integration of a climate change bill. During the red-green coalition (1998–2005) a policy of agricultural change was launched labeled as a paradigm shift in agricultural policy towards a more ecological friendly agriculture, which needs to continue.
The Greens have praised the
European Union
Alliance 90/The Greens supports the eventual federalization of the European Union into a Federal European Republic (German: Föderale Europäische Republik), i.e. a single federal European sovereign state.[67][85]
Transport
A similarly high priority is given to transport policy. The switch from a traveling allowance to a mobility allowance, which is paid regardless of income to all employees, replacing company car privileges. The truck toll will act as a climate protection instrument internalizing the external costs of transport. Railway should be promoted in order to achieve the desired environmental objectives and the comprehensive care of customers. The railway infrastructure is to remain permanently in the public sector, allowing a reduction in expenditure on road construction infrastructure. The Greens want to control privileges on kerosene and for international flights, introduce an air ticket levy.
Fossil fuels such as heavy oil or diesel shall be replaced by emission-neutral fuels and green propulsion systems in order to make shipping climate-neutral in the long term.[86]
Social policy
For many years, the Green Party has advocated against the "Ehegattensplitting" policy, under which the incomes of married couples are split for taxation purposes. Furthermore, the Party advocates for a massive increase in federal spending for places in preschools, and for increased investment in education: an additional 1 billion Euros for vocational schools and 200 million Euros more BAföG (Bundesausbildungsförderungsgesetz in German, approximately translated to "the Federal Law for the Advancement of Education") for adults.[87]
In its 2013 platform, the Green Party successfully advocated for a minimum wage of 8.50 Euro per hour, which was implemented on 1 January 2015.[88] It continues to press for higher minimum wages.[89]
The Greens want the starting retirement age to remain 67,[90] but with some qualifications – for example, a provision for partial retirement.[citation needed][91]
The party supports and has supported various forms of
The Greens support
Women and LGBTQIA+ rights
The Green Party supports the implementation of quotas in executive boards, the policy of equal pay for equal work, and continuing the fight against domestic violence.[95] According to its website, the Green Party "fights for the acceptance and against the exclusion of homosexuals, bisexuals, intersex- and transgender people and others".[96]
In order to recognize the political persecution that LGBT+ people face abroad, the Green Party wants to extend asylum to LGBTQIA+ people abroad.[97] The policy change was sponsored primarily by Volker Beck, one of the Party's most prominent gay members.[98] Because of the extensive support the Green Party has given the LGBTQIA+ community since its conception, many LGBTQIA+ people vote for the Green Party even if their political ideology does not quite align otherwise.[98]
Drug policy
The party supports the legalization and regulation of cannabis and is the sponsor of the proposed German cannabis control bill.
Furthermore, the Greens support research on the drug and the use of marijuana for medicinal purposes.[99][100]
Electorate
A 2000 study by the Infratest Dimap political research company has suggested the Green voter demographic includes those on higher incomes (e.g. above €2000/month) and the party's support is less among households with lower incomes. The same polling research also concluded that the Greens received fewer votes from the unemployed and general working population, with business people favouring the party as well as the centre-right liberal Free Democratic Party. According to Infratest Dimap the Greens received more voters from the age group 34–42 than any other age group and that the young were generally more supportive of the party than the old. (Source: Intrafest Dimap political research company for the ARD.[101])
The Greens have a higher voter demographic in urban areas than rural areas, except for a small number of rural areas with pressing local environmental concerns, such as
Election results
Federal Parliament (Bundestag)
Election | Constituency | Party list | Seats | +/– | Status | ||
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Votes | % | Votes | % | ||||
1980 | 732,619 | 1.0 (#5) | 569,589 | 1.5 (#5) | 0 / 497
|
No seats | |
1983 | 1,609,855 | 4.1 (#5) | 2,167,431 | 5.6 (#5) | 27 / 498
|
27 | Opposition |
1987 | 2,649,459 | 7.0 (#4) | 3,126,256 | 8.3 (#5) | 42 / 497
|
15 | Opposition |
1990[a] | 2,589,912 | 5.6 (#5) | 2,347,407 | 5.0 (#4) | 8 / 662
|
36 | Opposition |
1994 | 3,037,902 | 6.5 (#4) | 3,424,315 | 7.3 (#4) | 49 / 672
|
41 | Opposition |
1998 | 2,448,162 | 5.0 (#4) | 3,301,624 | 6.7 (#4) | 47 / 669
|
2 | SPD–Greens |
2002 | 2,693,794 | 5.6 (#5) | 4,108,314 | 8.6 (#4) | 55 / 603
|
8 | SPD–Greens |
2005 | 2,538,913 | 5.4 (#5) | 3,838,326 | 8.1 (#5) | 51 / 614
|
4 | Opposition |
2009 | 3,974,803 | 9.2 (#5) | 4,641,197 | 10.7 (#5) | 68 / 622
|
17 | Opposition |
2013 | 3,177,269 | 7.3 (#5) | 3,690,314 | 8.4 (#4) | 63 / 630
|
5 | Opposition |
2017 | 3,717,436 | 8.0 (#6) | 4,157,564 | 8.9 (#6) | 67 / 709
|
4 | Opposition |
2021 | 6,465,502 | 14.0 (#3) | 6,848,215 | 14.7 (#3) | 118 / 735
|
51 | SPD–Greens–FDP |
a Results of Alliance 90/The Greens (East) and The Greens (West)
European Parliament
Election | Votes | % | Seats | +/– |
---|---|---|---|---|
1979 | 893,683 | 3.2 (#5) | 0 / 81
|
|
1984 | 2,025,972 | 8.2 (#4) | 7 / 81
|
7 |
1989 | 2,382,102 | 8.4 (#3) | 8 / 81
|
1 |
1994 | 3,563,268 | 10.1 (#3) | 12 / 99
|
4 |
1999 | 1,741,494 | 6.4 (#4) | 7 / 99
|
5 |
2004 | 3,078,276 | 11.9 (#3) | 13 / 99
|
6 |
2009 | 3,193,821 | 12.1 (#3) | 14 / 99
|
1 |
2014 | 3,138,201 | 10.7 (#3) | 11 / 96
|
3 |
2019 | 7,675,584 | 20.5 (#2) | 21 / 96
|
10 |
State Parliaments (Länder)
State parliament | Election | Votes | % | Seats | +/– | Status |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
Baden-Württemberg | 2021 | 1,585,903 | 32.6 (#1) | 58 / 154
|
11 | Greens–CDU |
Bavaria | 2023 | 1,972,147 | 14.4 (#4) | 32 / 205
|
6 | Opposition |
Berlin | 2023 | 278,964 | 18.4 (#3) | 34 / 159
|
2 | Opposition |
Brandenburg | 2019 | 136,364 | 10.8 (#4) | 10 / 88
|
4 | SPD–CDU–Greens |
Bremen | 2023 | 150,263 | 11.9 (#3) | 11 / 84
|
5 | SPD–Greens–Left |
Hamburg | 2020 | 963,796 | 24.2 (#2) | 33 / 123
|
18 | SPD–Greens |
Hesse | 2023 | 415,888 | 14.8 (#4) | 22 / 137
|
7 | CDU–Greens |
Lower Saxony | 2022 | 526,923 | 14.5 (#3) | 24 / 146
|
12 | SPD–Greens |
Mecklenburg-Vorpommern | 2021 | 57,548 | 6.8 (#5) | 5 / 79
|
5 | Opposition |
North Rhine-Westphalia | 2022 | 1,299,821 | 18.2 (#3) | 39 / 195
|
25 | CDU–Greens |
Rhineland-Palatinate | 2021 | 179,902 | 9.3 (#3) | 10 / 101
|
4 | SPD–Greens–FDP |
Saarland
|
2022 | 22,598 | 4.995 (#4) | 0 / 51
|
0 | No seats |
Saxony
|
2019 | 187,015 | 8.6 (#4) | 12 / 119
|
4 | CDU–Greens–SPD |
Saxony-Anhalt | 2021 | 63,145 | 5.9 (#6) | 6 / 97
|
1 | Opposition |
Schleswig-Holstein | 2022 | 254,124 | 18.3 (#2) | 14 / 69
|
4 | CDU–Greens |
Thuringia | 2019 | 57,485 | 5.2 (#5) | 5 / 90
|
1 | Left–SPD–Greens |
Results timeline
Year | DE |
EU |
BW |
BY |
BE |
BB |
HB |
HH |
HE |
NI |
MV |
NW |
RP |
SL |
SN |
ST |
SH |
TH | |
---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
1978 | N/A | N/A | N/A | 1.8 | N/A | N/A | N/A | 4.6 | 2.0 | 3.9 | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A | N/A | |
1979 | 3.2 | 3.7 | 6.5 | N/A | 2.4 | ||||||||||||||
1980 | 1.5 | 5.3 | 3.0 | 2.9 | |||||||||||||||
1981 | 7.2 | ||||||||||||||||||
1982 | 4.6 | 7.7 | 8.0 | 6.5 | |||||||||||||||
6.8 | |||||||||||||||||||
1983 | 5.6 | 5.4 | 5.9 | 4.5 | 3.6 | ||||||||||||||
1984 | 8.2 | 8.0 | |||||||||||||||||
1985 | 10.6 | 4.6 | 2.5 | ||||||||||||||||
1986 | 7.5 | 10.4 | 7.1 | ||||||||||||||||
1987 | 8.3 | 10.2 | 7.0 | 9.4 | 5.9 | 3.9 | |||||||||||||
1988 | 7.9 | 2.9 | |||||||||||||||||
1989 | 8.4 | 11.8 | |||||||||||||||||
1990 | 5.0 | 6.4 | 9.4 | 9.2 | 5.5 | 9.3 | 5.0 | 2.6 | 5.6 | 5.3 | 6.5 | ||||||||
1991 | 11.2 | 7.2 | 8.8 | 6.5 | |||||||||||||||
1992 | 9.5 | 5.0 | |||||||||||||||||
1993 | 13.5 | ||||||||||||||||||
1994 | 7.3 | 10.1 | 6.1 | 2.9 | 7.4 | 3.7 | 5.5 | 4.1 | 5.1 | 4.5 | |||||||||
1995 | 13.2 | 13.1 | 11.2 | 10.0 | |||||||||||||||
1996 | 12.1 | 6.9 | 8.1 | ||||||||||||||||
1997 | 13.9 | ||||||||||||||||||
1998 | 6.7 | 5.7 | 7.0 | 2.7 | 3.2 | ||||||||||||||
1999 | 6.4 | 9.9 | 1.9 | 8.9 | 7.2 | 3.2 | 2.6 | 1.9 | |||||||||||
2000 | 7.1 | 6.2 | |||||||||||||||||
2001 | 7.7 | 9.1 | 8.6 | 5.2 | |||||||||||||||
2002 | 8.6 | 2.6 | 2.0 | ||||||||||||||||
2003 | 7.7 | 12.8 | 10.1 | 7.6 | |||||||||||||||
2004 | 11.9 | 3.6 | 12.3 | 5.6 | 5.1 | 4.5 | |||||||||||||
2005 | 8.1 | 6.2 | 6.2 | ||||||||||||||||
2006 | 11.7 | 13.1 | 3.4 | 4.6 | 3.6 | ||||||||||||||
2007 | 16.5 | ||||||||||||||||||
2008 | 9.4 | 9.6 | 7.5 | 8.0 | |||||||||||||||
2009 | 10.7 | 12.1 | 5.7 | 13.7 | 5.9 | 6.4 | 12.4 | 6.2 | |||||||||||
2010 | 12.1 |
||||||||||||||||||
2011 | 24.2 | 17.6 | 22.5 | 11.2 | 8.7 | 15.4 | 7.1 | ||||||||||||
2012 | 11.3 | 5.0 | 13.2 | ||||||||||||||||
2013 | 8.4 | 8.6 | 11.1 | 13.7 | |||||||||||||||
2014 | 10.7 | 6.2 | 5.7 | 5.7 | |||||||||||||||
2015 | 15.1 | 12.3 | |||||||||||||||||
2016 | 30.3 | 15.2 | 4.8 | 5.3 | 5.2 | ||||||||||||||
2017 | 8.9 | 8.7 | 6.4 | 4.0 | 12.9 | ||||||||||||||
2018 | 17.6 | 19.8 | |||||||||||||||||
2019 | 20.5 | 10.8 | 17.4 | 8.6 | 5.2 | ||||||||||||||
2020 | 24.2 | ||||||||||||||||||
2021 | 14.7 | 32.6 | 18.9 |
6.3 | 9.3 | 5.9 | |||||||||||||
2022 | 14.5 |
18.2 |
5.0 | 18.3 | |||||||||||||||
2023 | 14.4 | 18.4 | 11.9 |
14.8 | |||||||||||||||
Year | DE |
EU |
BW |
BY |
BE |
BB |
HB |
HH |
HE |
NI |
MV |
NW |
RP |
SL |
SN |
ST |
SH |
TH | |
Bold indicates best result to date. Present in legislature (in opposition) Junior coalition partner Senior coalition partner |
States (Länder)
Length | State/Federation | Coalition partner(s) |
---|---|---|
1985–1987 | Hesse | SPD (Cabinet Börner III) |
1989–1990 | Berlin | Alternative List for Democracy and Environment Protection with SPD (Senate Momper) |
1990–1994 | Lower Saxony | SPD (Cabinet Schröder I) |
1990–1994 | Brandenburg | Alliance 90 with SPD and FDP (Cabinet Stolpe I) |
1991–1999 | Hesse | SPD (Cabinets Eichel I and II) |
1991–1995 | Bremen | SPD and FDP (Senate Wedemeier III) |
1994–1998 | Saxony-Anhalt | SPD (Cabinet Höppner I), minority government supported by PDS |
1995–2005 | North Rhine-Westphalia | SPD (Cabinets Rau V, Clement I and II, Steinbrück) |
1996–2005 | Schleswig-Holstein | SPD (Cabinets Simonis II and III) |
1997–2001 | Hamburg | SPD (Senate Runde) |
1998–2005 | Federal Government
|
SPD (Cabinets II )
|
2001–2002 | Berlin | SPD (Senate Wowereit I), minority government supported by PDS |
2007–2019 | Bremen | SPD (Senates Böhrnsen II and III and Sieling) |
2008–2010 | Hamburg | CDU (Senates von Beust III and Ahlhaus)
|
2009–2012 | Saarland | CDU and FDP (Cabinets Müller III and Kramp-Karrenbauer) |
2010–2017 | North Rhine-Westphalia | SPD (Cabinets Kraft I (minority government with changing majorities) and II) |
2011–2016 | Baden-Württemberg | SPD ( Cabinet Kretschmann I ) (Greens as leading party)
|
2011–2016 | Rhineland-Palatinate | SPD (Cabinets Beck V and Dreyer I) |
2012–2017 | Schleswig-Holstein | SPD and SSW (Cabinet Albig)
|
2013–2017 | Lower Saxony | SPD (Cabinet Weil I) |
2014–2024 | Hesse | CDU (Cabinet Bouffier II, III, and Rhein I) |
2014–2020 | Thuringia | Left and SPD (Cabinet Ramelow I) |
since 2015 | Hamburg | SPD (Senates Scholz II, Tschentscher I and II) |
since 2016 | Baden-Württemberg | CDU (Cabinets Kretschmann II and III) (Greens as leading party) |
since 2016 | Rhineland-Palatinate | SPD and FDP (Cabinets Dreyer II and III) |
2016–2021 | Saxony-Anhalt | CDU and SPD (Cabinet Haseloff II) |
since 2016 | Berlin | SPD and Linke (Senates Müller II and Giffey) |
2017–2022 | Schleswig-Holstein | CDU and FDP (Cabinet Günther I) |
since 2019 | Bremen | SPD and Left ( Senate Bovenschulte )
|
since 2019 | Brandenburg | SPD and CDU (Cabinet Woidke III) |
since 2019 | Saxony | CDU and SPD (Cabinet Kretschmer II) |
since 2020 | Thuringia | Left and SPD (Cabinet Ramelow II) |
since 2021 | Federal Government
|
SPD and FDP ( Cabinet Scholz )
|
since 2022 | North Rhine-Westphalia | CDU (Cabinet Wüst II) |
since 2022 | Schleswig-Holstein | CDU (Cabinet Günther II) |
since 2022 | Lower Saxony | SPD ( Cabinet Weil III )
|
Leadership (1993–present)
Leaders | Year | ||
---|---|---|---|
Ludger Volmer | Marianne Birthler | 1993–1994 | |
Jürgen Trittin | Krista Sager | 1994–1996 | |
Gunda Röstel | 1996–1998 | ||
Antje Radcke | 1998–2000 | ||
Fritz Kuhn | Renate Künast | 2000–2001 | |
Claudia Roth | 2001–2002 | ||
Reinhard Bütikofer | Angelika Beer | 2002–2004 | |
Claudia Roth | 2004–2008 | ||
Cem Özdemir | 2008–2013 | ||
Simone Peter | 2013–2018 | ||
Robert Habeck | Annalena Baerbock | 2018–2022 | |
Omid Nouripour | Ricarda Lang | 2022–present |
See also
- Anti-nuclear movement
- Green party
- Green Party faction (Bundestag)
- Green Youth (Germany)
- List of German Green Party politicians
- List of political parties in Germany
Notes
- ^
- "Surging Greens shake up German coalition politics". BBC. 26 November 2018.
- "Germany's surging Greens step up election race to succeed Merkel". The Guardian. 18 April 2021.
- "German Greens overtake conservatives as chancellor candidates announced". Reuters. 21 April 2021.
- "Die Grüne pick Annalena Baerbock as chancellor candidate". Berliner Zeitung. 19 April 2021.
- "Politbarometer sees Greens just ahead of Union". Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung (in German). 7 May 2021.
- "Greens climb record high, FDP crashes". Der Spiegel (in German). 6 April 2011.
- "Chancellor candidate Baerbock: How Thuringian politicians evaluate the decision of the Greens". Mitteldeutscher Rundfunk. 19 April 2021.
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{{cite web}}
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Further reading
- Kleinert, Hubert (1992). Aufstieg und Fall der Grünen. Analyse einer alternativen Partei (in German). Bonn: Dietz.
- Jachnow, Joachim (May–June 2013). "What's become of the German Greens?". New Left Review (81). London: 95–117.
- Frankland, E. Gene; Schoonmaker, Donald (1992). Between Protest & Power: The Green Party in Germany. Westview Press.
- Kolinsky, Eva (1989): The Greens in West Germany: Organisation and Policy Making Oxford: Berg.
- Nishida, Makoto (2005): Strömungen in den Grünen (1980–2003) : eine Analyse über informell-organisierte Gruppen innerhalb der Grünen Münster: Lit, ISBN 978-3-8258-9174-9
- Papadakis, Elim (2014). The Green Movement in West Germany. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-317-54029-8.
- Raschke, Joachim (1993): Die Grünen: Wie sie wurden, was sie sind. Köln: Bund-Verlag.
- Raschke, Joachim (2001): Die Zukunft der Grünen. Frankfurt am Main / New York: Campus.
- Stifel, Andreas (2018): Vom erfolgreichen Scheitern einer Bewegung – Bündnis 90/Die Grünen als politische Partei und soziokulturelles Phänomen. Wiesbaden: VS Springer.
- OL 1346192M.
- Wiesenthal, Helmut (2000): "Profilkrise und Funktionswandel. Bündnis 90/Die Grünen auf dem Weg zu einem neuen Selbstverständnis", in Aus Politik und Zeitgeschichte, B5 2000, S. 22–29.