Anarchism in China
Part of a series on |
Anarchism |
---|
Anarchism in China was a strong intellectual force in the reform and revolutionary movements in the early 20th century. In the years before and just after the
Chinese students in Japan and France eagerly sought out anarchist doctrines to first understand their home country and then to change it. These groups relied on education to create a culture in which strong government would not be needed because men and women were humane in their relations with each other in the family and in society. Groups in Paris and Tokyo published journals and translations that were eagerly read in China and the Paris group organized the
Origins
Chinese anarchism has its origins in
Throughout its history, Chinese civilization has gone through a
Beginnings of the reformist and revolutionary movements
During the
Inspired by early Qing thinkers that condemned rulers who prioritized private interests over the public good,[8] the goal of the first generation of Chinese nationalists was to organically integrate Chinese society and the state, with reformers like Liang Qichao advocating for greater political participation through the institution of democracy.[9] Contrary to the nationalists' intentions, by probing the relationship between society and the state, they had raised the question of opposition between society and the state,[9] as well as the question of opposition between individual autonomy and the political collective,[10] laying the foundations for the emergence of Chinese anarchist thought. These growing anarchic tendencies were even seen in Liang's own words, when he posed that his conception of nationalism "does not allow other people to infringe my freedom, nor does it let me impose on other people"[11] and advocated for the cultivation of autonomous individuals by removing all political and social restrictions from them.[10]
The collapse of the Self-Strengthening Movement because of the Chinese defeat in the First Sino-Japanese War gave rise to a number of new revolutionary nationalist organizations such as the Revive China Society, as well as organized political reform movements such as the Gongche Shangshu movement. From Hong Kong, the Revive China Society planned to launch an uprising in Guangzhou, but their plans were leaked and dozens of members were captured and executed by the Qing government. Meanwhile, the Guangxu Emperor had undertaken the Hundred Days' Reform, but this too was defeated in a coup d'état by the conservative faction led by Empress Dowager Cixi, who placed the reform-minded Guangxu Emperor under house arrest and ordered the public execution of the reform's chief advocates.
After the defeat of the Qing-backed Boxer Rebellion, the Qing government was finally forced to begin implementing reforms, in order to attempt to keep the dynasty in power.[12] At the time, because of the activities of European anarchists in the late 19th century, they were frequently reported in the newspapers, but the translation used at the time was inaccurate, either phonetically as "Ya-Na-Ji-Si-De Party" (鴨那雞撕德黨) or as "Monarchless Party" (無君黨).[13] In 1901, influenced by the Japanese translation, Liang Qichao, who was exiled in Japan, first called the American anarchist Leon Czolgosz a member of "Anarchist Party" (無政府黨) when he reported the assassination of President William McKinley in the Qing Yi Bao; because the Qing Yi Bao had great influence among intellectuals at the time, this translation soon became the most common one,[14] however, it is generally believed that the first systematic introduction to anarchism was published much later, in a 1902 book called The Great Tide in Russia (simplified Chinese: 俄罗斯大风潮; traditional Chinese: 俄羅斯大風潮; pinyin: Eluosi Dafengchao), which was translated and expanded by Ma Junwu based on a chapter from Thomas Kirkup's A History of Socialism.[15] Ma Junwu, Zhang Ji and the intellectuals of the time had already discussed the relationship between the Russian nihilist movement, the socialist movement in Europe and anarchism. These connections, especially with the nihilist movement, were also the general impression that anarchism left on the Chinese people at the beginning.[16]
Early growth of anarchism
Although the emergence of anarchism as a distinct, formal political current did not occur until 1906, there were many people interested in anarchism as early as 1903.[17] The organized Chinese anarchist groups presence appeared first in France and Japan when the sons of wealthy families went abroad for study after the failed Boxer Rebellion. By 1906 national and provincial programs sent between five and six hundred students to Europe and about 10,000 to Japan. Japan, especially Tokyo, was the most popular destination because of its geographic proximity to China, its relatively affordable cost, and certain affinities between the two cultures. The Japanese language use of Chinese characters made it somewhat easier to learn. In Europe, Paris was particularly popular. Living in the city was relatively cheap, the French government subsidized the students, and France was seen as the center of Western civilization.[18][page needed]
The Chinese government officials may also have wanted to get radical students out of the country. The most radical students went to Europe and the more moderate students to Japan. That policy was to prove remarkably short-sighted as these foreign-educated students would use the methods and ideologies of European socialism and anarchism to completely transform Chinese society. In both locations of study, anarchism quickly became the most dominant of the western ideologies adopted by the students. In 1906, within a few months of each other, two separate anarchist student groups would form, one in Tokyo and one in Paris. The different locations, and perhaps also the different inclinations of the students being sent to each location, would result in two very different kinds of anarchism.[18][page needed]
Paris group
Having fled the
In 1906 Zhang, Li, Wu and Cai founded the first Chinese anarchist organization, the World Society (
This opposition to political revolution drew criticism from nationalists, who saw anarchism as a threat to a strong, unified, centralized modern nation that could stand up to Western imperialism. As one reader wrote in a letter to Xin Shiji (新世紀週報; The New World or New Century; titled La Novaj Tempaj in Esperanto), the anarchist newspaper published by the Paris group:
If you people know only how to cry emptily that "We want no government, no soldiers, no national boundaries, and no State" and that you are for universal harmony, justice, freedom, and equality, I fear that those who know only brute force and not justice will gather their armies to divide up our land and our people.[18][page needed]
Nationalists also argued that only by building a popular front could the revolutionary movement defeat the Manchus and the Qing Dynasty, and that in the long run if anarchism was to succeed it must be preceded by a Republican system that would make China secure.
The response of the Xin Shiji editors, written by Li Shizeng, was threefold. First, the revolution that the anarchists advocated would be global, simultaneous, decentralized, and spontaneous. Thus, foreign imperialists would be too occupied with the revolutions in their home countries to bother invading or harassing China.[30] Secondly, they argued that having a strong centralized coercive government had not prevented China's enemies from attacking her in the past anyway, and that a decentralized "people's militia" would be more effective than a standing army in defending the country.[30] Finally, there was the moral point that in the long run, tyranny is tyranny, regardless of whether it is native or foreign. Therefore, the only logical approach for people who want freedom must be to oppose all authority be it Manchu, Han, foreign, or native.[citation needed]
Critics then and later asked how the Chinese anarchists could expect a global
While the Paris group advocated the destruction of hierarchical society through violence, they also held education as fundamental to constructing an anarchist society, believing that education was not only a means but an end of revolution.[31] They declared that education was the most important activity revolutionaries could be involved in, and that only through educating the people could anarchism be achieved.[32] According to the Paris group, anarchist education was geared towards teaching morality, truth and public-mindedness, rather than government-sponsored education which taught obedience to authority.[27] Accordingly, they geared their activities towards education instead of assassination or grass roots organizing (the other two forms of activism which they condoned in theory). To these ends the Paris group set up a variety of businesses, including a soy products factory, which employed worker-students from China who wanted an education abroad. The students worked part-time and studied part-time, thus gaining a European education for a fraction of what it would cost otherwise. Many also gained first-hand experience on what it might mean to live, work, and study in an anarchist society. This study-abroad program played a critical role in infusing anarchist language and ideas into the broader nationalist and revolutionary movements as hundreds of students participated in the program. The approach demonstrated that anarchist organizational models based on mutual aid and cooperation were viable alternatives to profit-driven capitalist ventures.
In 1908, the World Society started a weekly journal, Xin Shiji, to introduce Chinese students in France, Japan, and China to the history of European radicalism.[18][page needed] The journal, funded by Zhang and edited by Wu, translated the works of William Godwin, Peter Kropotkin, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon and Élisée Reclus into the Chinese language.[33] Other contributors included Wang Jingwei, Zhang Ji, and Chu Minyi, a student from Zhejiang who accompanied Zhang Renjie back from China and would be his assistant in the years to come.[34] But after three years and over one hundred issues, the journal ceased publication,[20] as Zhang did not have enough money to finance both its publication and the activities of the Revolutionary Alliance.[33]
Li wrote that the influences of the Paris group could be divided into 3 main fields: radical
Tokyo group
In 1903, Liu Shipei and He Zhen married and moved to Shanghai. Here the newlywed couple joined the anti-Qing Restoration Society, in which Liu developed the doctrine of guocui and edited the journal National Essence, while the Society's founder Cai Yuanpei oversaw He Zhen's education at the Patriotic Women's School. The Society's activities in Shanghai quickly attracted government suppression and the couple were forced to flee into exile in Tokyo, where they joined a group of revolutionaries that introduced them to the ideas of anarchism.[36] The pair went on to establish the Society for the Study of Socialism, began to promote an anti-modernist and agrarianist take on anarchism.[37] The Tokyo anarchists drew greatly from ancient Chinese philosophers such as Laozi, who the group held to be the founding father of Chinese anarchism, and Xu Xing, whose agriculturalist philosophy deeply inspired the group's agrarian utopianism.[38] While from the works of western anarchists, the Tokyo group found inspiration in the literature of Leo Tolstoy, whose idealization of agrarianism and opposition to commercialism aligned closely with their own philosophy.[39]
Liu Shipei argued that the Confucianist and Taoist advocacy of laissez-faire government had curtailed wider imperial intervention in society, which made China more able to achieve anarchism in the short-term than countries which had undergone the establishment of a centralized nation-state.[40] Therefore, Liu held that the retention of the old regime was preferable to instituting a new one as, in his view, modern capitalism and parliamentarism would only contribute to a rise in economic and political inequality respectively.[41]
In 1907, the Society began publication of the journal Natural Justice, with its stated objective being "to destroy national and racial boundaries to institute internationalism; resist all authority; overthrow all existing forms of government; institute communism; institute absolute equality of men and women."[40] The journal became instrumental in publicizing reports on the oppressive conditions endured by women and the peasantry in Chinese society,[42] presenting these conditions as a consequence of the rise of patriarchal family structures and urban civilization.[41] From this position, He Zhen established the Women's Rights Recovery Association, an anarcha-feminist organization dedicated to the forceful implementation of gender equality and an end to the economic exploitation of women, proposals which were elaborated on in the article On the Question of Women's Liberation.[43] The following year, the Society also began publication of another journal Balance, under the direction of Zhang Ji, which published some of the earliest discussions on the role of the peasantry in a social revolution. Articles in the journal called for a peasants' revolution and, inspired by the works of Peter Kropotkin, advocated for the integration of agriculture with industry.[44]
Liu Shipei and He Zhen eventually split from the programs of Zhang Binglin and other Tokyo leaders and returned to Shanghai. When it became public that the couple had been informers working for the Manchu official Duanfang, they were shunned.[45]
Assassination corps
While neither the Paris nor the Tokyo groups actively engaged in assassinations, they looked favorably on those that did. Inspired by the theory of propaganda of the deed, Chinese anarchists of the time believed that assassinations that were undertaken through self-sacrifice furthered the revolutionary cause.[29]
In 1905, Liu Shaobin joined the Revolutionary Alliance and began to engage in assassination activities, with one failed attempt against the naval commander Li Zhun costing Liu a hand and landing him in prison for about three years.[46] After his release, Liu began to read the anarchist literature coming from abroad and also became interested in Buddhism.[47]
The Paris anarchist and
The Assassination corps was particularly active in Guangzhou, participating in the various uprisings that the city experienced at the turn of the 20th century. In the aftermath of the Second Guangzhou Uprising, one of the Qing commanders Li Chun became a target of the Chinese Assassination Corps, and was wounded in an explosive attack by the assassin Lin Kuan-tz'u.
Anarchism in the Xinhai Revolution
Starting in Guangzhou in 1895, uprisings led by the Revolutionary Alliance and its precursor Revive China Society against the Qing dynasty began to sweep throughout China, all of which failed. Chinese anarchists were generally supportive of the uprisings, believing that violence was justified if it was for moral purposes, necessary under despotic conditions, and effective if it aroused mass support for the revolutionary cause.[29]
In reaction to the Qing government's suppression of the
When the revolution arrived in Guangzhou on 25 October, the Qing general Feng-shan was assassinated within minutes of arriving in the city by members of the Assassination Corps.[53] Local militias were subsequently organized by the anarchist Chen Jiongming, who launched an uprising throughout Guangdong, capturing Huizhou and proclaiming the independence of the province from the Qing Empire. Many other provinces followed suit, eventually culminating in the abdication of the Xuantong Emperor and the establishment of the Republic of China.
Anarchist ideas had already been introduced to China through the literature of the Paris and Tokyo groups,[54] enough so that Chinese radicals were able to easily distinguish between anarchism and other political philosophies.[55] But following the Revolution and the victory of the Revolutionary Alliance, which counted several prominent anarchists as movement elders, anarchists in China took advantage of the new political openness to begin applying anarchism in practice.[56]
By this time the Paris group had rendered their anarchism into a genuine philosophy that was more concerned with the place of the peaceful individual within society than with the day-to-day grind of government coercion against working people. The revolution allowed the Paris anarchists to return home, where they started to take a particular focus on the provision of education. Their tendency toward peace lead to increased friction between them and those comrades supportive of government coercion in Guangzhou.
In August 1912, the Revolutionary Alliance and five other small revolutionary parties were merged and reformed into the Chinese Nationalist Party (KMT) and saw a victory in the first National Assembly election,[61] with the Tokyo anarchists Jing Meijiu and Zhang Ji being elected. The decision of these anarchists to enter parliamentary politics was criticized by Liu Shifu for compromising anarchists principles, although it was also defended by Wu Zhihui.[60] Shifu opposed political participation, believing that politics was a force imposed on society from above and seeing the social realm as separate from it.[62]
However, the implementation of Nationalist rule was by no means a guarantee of freedom to organize for anti-authoritarians, and government persecution was ongoing. Meanwhile, the main ideological opposition to anarchism came from self-described
The emergence of Socialism
With Nationalist
The Tokyo anarchist Jing Meijiu was among the first to introduce socialism to China, lecturing on the subject at Shanxi University, where he advanced anarchism as the most extreme form of socialism. Inspired by the Tokyo group's abolition of distinctions between mental and manual labor, as well as the advocacy for gender equality, Jing established a worker-run women's factory in Taiyuan with the intention of providing them economic independence and fair compensation for their work, in addition to an education provided by leading Chinese anarcha-feminists.[64]
Upon his return to China in 1910, the Paris anarchist Jiang Kanghu also began to promote socialism, which he had learnt of during his time as a contributor to the New Era. He advocated for women's education alongside socialism, which attracted the attention of Imperial authorities, although he managed to escape punishment. Shortly after the uprising against the Qing began, Jiang established the Chinese Socialist Party, the country's first socialist organization. The party had a program which advocated the abolition of racial boundaries, inheritance and all taxes except the land tax. The party grew quickly, eventually coming to claim 200 branches with 400,000 members across the country, made up of a largely heterogeneous membership which included both anarchists and social democrats.[65] In a lecture given at a party meeting, Sun Yat-sen declared his commitment to a socialist program, which would utilize a single-tax policy and controls on monopolies, holding the ideas of Henry George alongside that of Karl Marx.[66] Sun and Jiang were both criticised by the anarchist Liu Shifu for their claims to the leadership of the Chinese socialist movement, as well as their inclinations towards reformism, the retention of private property and state socialism. Shifu also pointed out how their socialist positions were unclear about what differentiated them from capitalism, sometimes blending the two, and often confused many different conflicting concepts for each other.[67]
The broad socialist positions promoted by Jiang, vaguely defined by
Jiang's socialism was shaped by an individualism which saw the benefitting of the self as tied together with the benefitting of others, arguing that the way to maximize the security and happiness of individuals lay in the abolition of "obstacles" such as religion, the state and the family.[72] He blamed traditional family structures, in particular, for the oppression of women, and advocated providing women with education and work in order for them to gain independence from and equality with men.[73] He also opposed communism, as he believed there would be those that did not contribute "from each according to their ability" that would take advantage of the communist system and that absolute equality would cause the stagnation of society. Instead he promoted equal opportunity, defending private property and different levels of payment.[74]
The desire to retain market relations but supplement them with a broad social safety net escalated into the main source of conflict within the party. Other sources of friction had to do with the party's focus on building the revolution in China first, and using elected office as a tool to do so – both significant deviations from classical anarchism. Jiang did not call himself an anarchist, so his party was generally perceived as being outside the movement, despite the similarities. In 1912 Jiang's party split into two factions, the
The Buddhist anarchist monk Taixu, who had joined the Socialist Party along with many other radical monks, led the libertarian socialist faction of the party known as the "Pure Socialists".[75] The "pure socialists" stood in opposition to Jiang's state socialism, culminating in late 1912, when the group broke entirely with the party.[76] The program of the pure socialists sought to abolish class distinctions and eliminate all social divisions among people, seeing anarchism not just as opposition to government but as the abolition of all forms of power.[77] The Pure Socialists revised platform included the complete abolition of property and an anarchist-communist economic system. Shifu criticized the Pure Socialists' tendencies towards nativism and nationalism, as well as for retaining the name "Socialist". As their platform was clearly of an anarchist orientation, Shifu stated that they should as such have called themselves anarchists.[78]
Guangzhou group
Following his release from prison, Liu Shaobin began to increasingly gravitate towards anarchism and socialism, having read the materials published by the Paris and Tokyo groups, as well as the publication of the Revolutionary Alliance.[79] As part of his activities in the Assassination Corps, he took a trip to Shanghai, in which he intended to assassinate the new head of state Yuan Shikai. However, upon arriving at a Buddhist monastery near West Lake, he renounced assassination and converted fully to anarchism, changing his name to Liu Shifu. At a meeting in Hangzhou, Shifu established the Conscience Society, an anarchist self-improvement group which took up many of the same practices as the Promote Virtue Society established by the Paris Group.[47]
When Shifu returned to Guangzhou, he founded the Cock-Crow Society, which initially consisted largely of Shifu's family members and close friends, living together in a common household which operated as a commune.[80] The Society spearheaded the propagation of anarchist ideas in China through the distribution of its journal the People's Voice,[47] as well as the Paris Group's New Era and the Tokyo Group's Natural Justice. It began the teaching of Esperanto in China, which was spread by the Guangzhou anarchists to other parts of the country, driven by the internationalist program of the constructed language.[80] The Society also initiated the labor movement in South China, with the Guangzhou anarchists becoming the first organizers of trade unions in the country and developing a strong syndicalist tendency, having particular success in organizing workers in the service industry.[81] The city of Guangzhou quickly developed into the main base of anarchist activity in mainland China.
Shifu propagated a form of
By this time there was an extreme diffusion of anarchist ideas to the point where it was becoming difficult to define exactly who was and who was not an anarchist. Shifu set out to remedy that situation in a series of articles in Peoples Voice, which criticized
The Guangzhou group eventually went on to establish the Society of Anarcho-Communist Comrades, which advocated "absolute freedom in economic and political life" through the abolition of capitalism and establishment of a communist society, without using the state.[83] In the Goals and Methods of the Anarchist-Communist Party, the Society called for abolition of class distinctions, the state, marriage, religion and borders, as well as the institution of common ownership of the means of production, formation of democratic public associations to coordinate the economy, universal free education, the eight-hour day, the cultivation of mutual aid and an international language.[85] But after the death of the young Liu Shifu, the Chinese anarchist movement went through a difficult period, as reactionary forces began to gain more power.
Counterrevolution and the rise of the Warlords
In March 1913, the KMT leader
In the political oppression that followed, many anarchist groups were forced into exile. The Guangzhou group evacuated the city, fleeing first to
In December 1915, Yuan Shikai declared himself Emperor of a new Empire of China. This was opposed by almost all the generals and officers in the Beiyang Army, with many of the Southern Provinces once again rebelling against the imperial government, beginning the National Protection War. By March 1916, the situation forced Yuan to abdicate and he died not long after. This implosion of the Beiyang government's centralized authority led to the beginning of the Warlord Era, during which the Beiyang Army fragmented into a number of regional military cliques that began to vie for control of the country.
In the aftermath, the leading KMT politician Chen Qimei was assassinated in Shanghai by the Fengtian warlord Zhang Zongchang, leading Zhang Renjie to take Chen's protégé Chiang Kai-shek under his wing, providing Chiang with financial assistance, personal advice and political backing.
Anarchism during the Third Revolution
Following the death of Yuan Shikai, a number of dissident political figures returned to China. Sun Yat-sen moved to Guangzhou, where he convened a military government with the intention of protecting provisional constitution and reuniting China, beginning the Third Revolution.
During this period, anarchists in Guangzhou initiated the Chinese syndicalist movement, organizing China's first
However, the First Constitutional Protection Movement was soon defeated by the Beiyang government and the Guangxi clique subsequently seized control of the military government in Guangzhou. Some of the Guangzhou anarchists subsequently fled to the Southern Fujian Protectorate , under the protection of the anarchist military leader Chen Jiongming, who oversaw the propagation of anarchism in the city. Under Chen's leadership, Zhangzhou became a model anarchist city, where anarchists could operate and publish their literature freely.[93] The large anarchist presence in the province led Fujian to become known as the "Soviet Russia of Southern China", with the city's anarchist publications serving as a major source of information on the progress of the Russian Revolution.[93]
New Culture Movement
Meanwhile, in
From his position at Peking University, Cai Yuanpei became a leader of the
Many of these discussions were published in Chen Duxiu's New Youth magazine, which became a leading forum for debate on the weaknesses present in the Republic of China.[101] The anarchist arguments for a Social Revolution that had originated a decade earlier with the original Paris group found broader acceptance in the New Culture Movement,[102] to which anarchists introduced the first visions of socialism in China.[103]
The movement itself was not specifically anarchist, but in its glorification of science and extreme disdain for Confucianism and traditional culture, the proliferation of anarchist thought during this period can be seen as a confirmation of the influence anarchists had on the movement from its foundation on. Anarchism, as a mass movement, was another manifestation of modernity and the most thorough criticism of empires and nation-states. At the same time, it was part of the process of modernization and globalization that swept the world before 1914.[104] However, anarchism at this time was externally positioned as a continuum between liberalism and state socialism.[105] The participants saw it as a conscious attempt to create a Chinese renaissance, and consciously sought to create and live the new culture that they espoused.[106]
The New Culture Movement saw a surge in anarchist activity, with anarchist groups such as the Truth Society playing an important role in the movement at Peking University.[107] Other pillars of the Chinese anarchist movement at the time included the Conscience Society in Guangzhou and the Masses Society in Nanjing, which later merged with the Beijing-based Truth Society to establish the Evolution Society, a nationwide anarchist umbrella organization.[107]
May Fourth Movement
In 1919, a wave of student protests broke out throughout the country in response to the Beiyang government's weak response to the Treaty of Versailles, which had allowed the Empire of Japan to retain the territories in Shandong that it had captured from the German Empire. After student leaders of the demonstrations were arrested and imprisoned, Cai Yuanpei briefly resigned from his post as Dean of Peking University in protest, leading to a mass mobilization.[95] News from the Russian Revolution, which Chinese radicals initially viewed as an anarcho-communist revolution, brought with it a new-found interest in socialism.[108] Anarchists greatly benefited from the new interest in socialism, as anarchism was the most popular and widespread variant of socialism at the time.[109]
The Beiyang government became increasingly concerned with the surge in anarchist activity and began to identify extremism closely with anarchism, counterintuitively giving more publicity to the anarchist movement.[110] Anarchist societies began to spring up across China and anarchist ideas became central to Chinese radicalism, with the New Life Movement bringing anarchist principles into everyday life,[109] through the creation of agrarian communes. According to Zhou Zuoren, a leading figure in the movement, the main goal of these new villages was conceived as being the promotion of labor, which anarchists of the time held to be the foundation of future society.[111] The anarchist conceptions of mutualism and education were also fundamental aspects in these experiments to reorganize social life.[112] Anarchists of the May Fourth Movement refused to distinguish between means and ends, holding that the process of revolution lay in the creation of the future society in the present.[113] However, these communal experiments quickly failed, with the groups involved falling victim to financial difficulties, as the situation had made economic enterprise and employment more difficult.[111] But these short-lived communal experiments still provided inspiration for China's left-leaning intellectuals, who saw them as the beginning of a new era in human society.[111]
The newfound interest in socialism brought on by the movement also brought with it a surge in Marxism.[109] It was at this time that the first Bolsheviks started organizing in China and began contacting anarchist groups for aid and support. The anarchists, unaware that Bolsheviks had taken control in the Soviets and would suppress anarchism, helped them set up communist study groups – many of which were originally majority anarchist – and introduced Bolshevism into the Chinese labor and student movements.[114] Chen Duxiu, a vocal opponent of anarchism,[115] became more interested in Marxism during this period and went on to found the Chinese Communist Party (CCP).[116] The CCP was itself founded on the basis of student associations that had been inspired by anarchism during the May Fourth Movement, particularly by the principles of mutual aid and the practice of labor that had been foundational to the organization of collective living in rural areas. Some of the student activists that had arrived at Communism through their association with anarchism included the agrarian movement pioneer Peng Pai and the future CCP leader Mao Zedong.[117]
Suppression of the anarchist movement by Beiyang government
After the Xinhai Revolution, the main target of anarchist opposition shifted from the original
The Beiyang government also sent government agents to monitor the actions of the anarchists. From February to April 1921, the Beijing government sent secret agents disguised as students seven times to infiltrate and sabotage the anarchist groups.
Second Constitutional Protection Movement
In 1920, the anarchist military leader
Sun Yat-sen proposed to forcibly unify China under centralized one-party rule, whereas Chen Jiongming opposed this idea, instead advocating for the establishment of a multi-party federal China through the implementation of inter-provincial autonomy. This split hit its apex when Li Yuanhong was reinstated as President of China, with Chen Jiongming declaring the success of the constitutional protection movement and calling for Sun Yat-sen to step down. When Sun refused, Chen organized a military revolt against the Guangzhou government, forcing Sun Yat-sen to flee once again to Shanghai. But Tang Jiyao eventually retook Guangzhou for the KMT, forcing Chen to flee himself, first to Huizhou then to Hong Kong. Sun Yat-sen himself returned to Guangzhou, where he re-established the military government.
Anarchists in the First United Front
By 1923, Sun Yat-sen was beginning to put into practice his plans for the military conquest of
While these statements accelerated the Chinese anarchist effort to appropriate the Three Principles, it also opened the door for the appropriation of anarchism by the Kuomintang. Anarchists saw their loyalties divided and their anarchist goals subordinated to that of the party.[125] The Central Supervisory Committee of the KMT even came under the influence of veteran anarchists, such as the Paris anarchists Li Shizeng, Wu Zhihui and Zhang Renjie, who fiercely criticized the KMT's alliance with the CCP.[126] Wu argued that the anarchist involvement in the KMT was necessary to counter the warlords and justified his support for the party due to its commitment to revolution, pointing to Peter Kropotkin's support for the Entente in World War I as an example of anarchists supporting progressive causes that were not their own.[127] But few anarchists looked favorably on this collaboration with the KMT,[128] with some even calling the party counter-revolutionary[128] and criticizing what they saw as opportunism among the KMT anarchists,[129] ultimately causing a division within the anarchist movement which led to the beginning of its downfall.[125] The actual result of such collaboration was that the anarchists, not the Nationalists, compromised their positions since doing so allowed them to gain access to power positions in the Nationalist government that they theoretically opposed.
With the exception of in Guangzhou, the Chinese anarchist movement largely lost ground to the Communist Party.
Succession crisis
With the death of Sun Yat-sen in March 1925, a power struggle emerged within the Kuomintang, with the left-wing
May Thirtieth Movement
On 30 May 1925, Chinese students gathered at the Shanghai International Settlement and held a demonstration against foreign intervention in China.[133] Supported by the KMT, they called for a boycott of foreign goods and an end to the Settlement. The British-operated Shanghai Municipal Police opened fire on the crowd of demonstrators, killing at least nine. This incident sparked outrage throughout China, which culminated in a strike in Guangdong and proved a fertile recruiting ground for the CCP.[134] The aftermath of the May Thirtieth Movement brought on a massive surge in the influence of the Communist Party, growing from having about one thousand members to over fifty thousand and establishing their supremacy over the Chinese labor movement, displacing the existing anarcho-syndicalist leadership.[135] As well as the loss of their influence in the labor movement, anarchists were also losing influence among the youth, who were becoming increasingly attracted to nationalism.[136]
In the self-criticism that the anarchist movement undertook in the ensuing years, anarchists identified their failings in their inability to organize a national revolutionary movement, instead having largely focused on local struggles, as well as their refusal to engage in non-anarchist revolutionary activity.[136] This led many anarchists, who had previously been critical of anarchist collaboration with the Kuomintang, to raise questions on whether or not to participate in the party.[137] Some anarchists such as Ba Jin were opposed to direct collaboration with the revolutionary parties, but instead obliged anarchists to participate in the popular revolution itself and guide people toward anarchism.[137] Others were willing to collaborate with the KMT, on the condition that they retain their anarchist identity and push the party towards anarchist revolutionary goals, which was a perspective encouraged by the Paris anarchists.[138]
Rise of the Kuomintang and the decline of anarchism
The rising power of the left-wing brought increased tensions within the United Front as Chiang Kai-shek began to consolidate power in preparation for the Northern Expedition. The former leaders of the Paris anarchist group Zhang Renjie, Li Shizeng, Wu Zhihui and Cai Yuanpei had become known as the Four Elders of the Kuomintang, holding strong influence over the party and supporting Chiang Kai-shek's candidacy for the leadership. The Four Elders took a hardline stance against the communists as well as the left-wing of the KMT, who perceived their activities as threatening an anarchist takeover of the party.[126]
Division of the United Front
On 20 March 1926, Chiang Kai-shek launched the Canton Coup, purging hardline communists who opposed the proposed Northern Expedition. In an attempt to balance the need for communist assistance with his concerns about growing communist influence,[139] After Zhang Renjie counseled Chiang against identifying himself too closely with the right,[140] Chiang negotiated the removal of hardline members of the KMT's right-wing faction from their posts in compensation for the purged leftists. Soviet aid to the KMT government continued, as did co-operation with the CCP, holding together the United Front long enough to lay the groundwork for the Northern Expedition.[141]
The first phase of the expedition began in July 1926, capturing the provinces of
The Wuhan government, which was controlled by Wang Jingwei's leftist faction of the KMT, aided by the CCP,[144] as well as widespread grassroots support,[145] transformed Wuhan into "a seedbed for revolution",[146] while portraying themselves as the sole legitimate leadership of the KMT.[147] Controlling much of Hunan, Hubei, Guangdong and Jiangxi,[148] the Wuhan government began challenging Chiang's authority,[145] nominally stripping him of much of his military authority, though refrained from deposing him as commander-in-chief. The CCP also became an equal partner in the Wuhan government, sharing power with the KMT leftists.[145] In response to these developments, Chiang started to rally anti-communist elements in the KMT and NRA around him.[149]
When the Northern Expedition arrived in Nanjing, a series of
The National Labor University
In the aftermath of the Shanghai Massacre, the Four Elders convinced several prominent anarcho-syndicalists in the Shanghai labor movement to join them in the KMT, bringing together a significant anarchist presence within the party.[158] One of the projects these anarchists proposed was the establishment of a workers' university, which would train and educate a new kind of "worker-intellectual" in order to transform the nation as a whole. The KMT anarchists also published a new periodical called Revolution Weekly, to propagate anarchist ideas that were appropriate for continued collaboration between anarchists and the KMT, taking the Three Principles of the People as a means to achieve the goal of anarchism.[159]
In late 1927, the National Labor University was established in Shanghai, with the goal of realizing the anarchist ideal of combining labor with education, by turning "schools into fields and factories, fields and factories into schools." The anarchists believed that this would be a means to peacefully abolish class distinctions and achieve a social revolution, bringing China further towards anarchism.[160] Faculty at the university criticized contemporary Chinese education for its emphasis on reading "dead books", advocating instead for a "living education" which came through the practice of labor.[161]
The formation of the university was overseen by Cai Yuanpei, who had experience as head of Peking University and was busy supervising the broader restructuring of the education system in the Republic of China,
Students generally attended classes in the morning, while doing manual labor in the fields and factories during the afternoon. Industrial Labor students worked on machines or setting type in print shops, Agricultural Labor students worked the fields or on irrigation, successfully cultivating tomatoes and cauliflower, while Social Sciences students conducted surveys on social problems and labor strikes in nearby villages.[164] Students were also encouraged to engage in a variety of extracurricular activities, with each college having its own theater group, such that classwork and manual labor did not preclude their leisure time.[165]
However, the number of students that enrolled did not meet the planned numbers, due in part to the university's de-emphasis of strictly academic work, the stigma still attached to manual labor and the effort to recruit students from working-class backgrounds.[165] The Nationalist government was also increasingly replacing the decentralized socialist education system of Cai Yuanpei with a centralized education system.[165] Access to resources were curtailed and the Labor University eventually ceased operations altogether, due to the conditions created by the January 28 incident.[166]
Suppression of the anarchist movement by KMT and CCP
The Second phase of the Northern Expedition finally forced the dissolution of the Beiyang government, with the Northeast Flag Replacement marking the achievement of the Nationalist government's supremacy over the Republic of China. Chiang Kai-shek subsequently centralized authority under the Kuomintang, quickly transforming the country into a one-party state and resolving to terminate mass movements, which he concluded were no longer necessary now that a revolutionary party held state power.[128] In particular, the continuing existence of the anarchist movement presented a clear and present threat to the authoritarian rule of the KMT, which resolved to undertake the suppression of anarchism in China.[128]
When the KMT initiated a second wave of repression against the few remaining mass movements, anarchists left the organization en masse and were forced underground as hostilities between the KMT and CCP – both of whom were hostile towards anti-authoritarians – escalated. Previously sympathetic to the KMT, articles in the anarchist periodical Revolution Weekly began to question the party's revolutionary credentials, citing its murder of striking workers in Shanghai and the prevalence of warlords in the KMT's ranks, leading it to conclude that there had been a continuation of collusion between capitalists and the new regime. Anarchists argued that the revolution had been a solely political revolution and that the KMT had abandoned its previously held promises of social revolution, holding instead that the revolution's success rested in the proliferation of the KMT in power and labeling any people that called for freedom or the improvement of their own lives as "counterrevolutionaries".[167]
The Four Elders were among the targets of criticism by anarchists, identifying Wu Zhihui in particular as an enabler of Chiang Kai-shek and calling for the KMT anarchists to resign their posts and cease their activities within the party and the government. The left-wing faction of the KMT was blamed for the attacks on the Four Elders and, as the criticisms of the party continued, Revolution Weekly was proscribed throughout China and shut down in September 1929. In its final issue, an editorial stated that anarchists "had survived the Communists and the Northern Expedition" but "finally succumbed to the Kuomintang, which had promised free speech to all."[168] Anarchists themselves started to be hunted down by the authorities, charged with conspiring to take over the party or even being labelled as communists.[169] By the end of the 1920s, the anarchists, betrayed by the Kuomintang in their struggle against Marxism, exhausted their utility and slowly disappeared as a force in the Chinese revolutionary movement.
Nevertheless, some anarchists continued to collaborate with the Kuomintang, although they were now being sidelined by Chiang Kai-shek. Zhang Renjie took a position as governor of Zhejiang, where he oversaw a number of public infrastructure projects,[151] before they were eventually sold to private firms,[170] after which he broke with Chiang and resigned,[171] later retiring from politics altogether.[172] Despite initially denying any government office, Wu Zhihui was eventually elected to the National Assembly, where he helped to draft a new constitution and administered the oath of office to Chiang.[89] Cai Yuanpei took a more combative approach, founding the China League for Civil Rights which openly criticized Chiang's government for abuse of power and political repression, though he soon retired from public view after the league's co-founder was murdered in front of the organization's offices in Shanghai.[173]
Insurgent communism and the rise of Maoism
Following the suppression of the anarchist movement and the capitulation of the left-wing nationalists in the Kuomintang, the Chinese Communist Party became the de facto leader of the left-wing opposition to the Nationalist government of Chiang Kai-shek. The Communists themselves had been driven underground and forced to flee to the countryside by nationalist persecution, leading them to begin building a base among the rural peasantry.
To
The KMT was eventually forced to retreat in order to deal with Japanese incursions into China,
China at war
Despite centralizing power over the
The Empire of Japan continued to conquer more and more regions of China, including
The Nationalist government had previously been engaging in a number of
When a number of attempts to form a series of anti-Chiang Kai-shek governments were suppressed,
Following the
Anarchism in the People's Republic
Part of a series on |
Maoism |
---|
At the advent of the Chinese Communist Revolution, many Chinese anarchists fled abroad to Hong Kong or Taiwan, with some even going as far as France or the United States, although others also chose to remain in mainland China.[191] One of those that remained was the anarchist writer Ba Jin, who was obliged to join the China Writers Association, saw his works censored to remove any mentions of anarchism and largely ceased writing. During the Anti-Rightist Campaign, Ba Jin denounced writers that were accused of right-wing deviationism.[192]
With the beginning of the Great Leap Forward, the people's communes were established with the intention of "performing the functions of state power" and taking on a vital role in the transition from socialism to communism, being treated as the first step in the "withering away of the state". This promise of an end to statism was particularly appealing to many Chinese peasants, who were attracted to the communes by their aspirations of freedom from state officials and party bureaucrats.[193] According to Maurice Meisner, "[h]ad the people's communes actually developed in the manner Maoists originally envisioned, centralized political power in China would have been fundamentally undermined."[194]
Following a series of strike actions by the peasantry, party officials implemented a "rectification campaign" in order to combat the rising egalitarianism in the communes. Mao himself commented on the state of the communes that: "there is now semi-anarchism [...] We should now emphasize unified leadership and centralization of powers. Powers granted should be properly retracted. There should be proper control over the lower level."[195] After a series of party meetings, bureaucratic authority was reasserted over the rural cadres and centralized state control of the communes was established, reintroducing private ownership and resolving to distribute resources based on work output rather than individual needs.[196] The subsequent bureaucratic mismanagement, combined with other factors, led to tens of millions dying in the Great Chinese Famine from 1959 to 1961.[197]
Anarchic tendencies within the Cultural Revolution
During the
After the suppression of the Shanghai People's Commune and the institution of a revolutionary committee in the city,
Out of these struggles between the grassroots and the leadership of the revolution, the radical Maoist group
By the end of 1968, the last vestiges of the radical popular uprising had been suppressed by the PLA, with revolutionary committees finally coming to dominate the country,[208] restoring managerial rule over the workers who "in the name of rebellion and opposing slavishness [...] in reality stir up anarchism."[209] In its wake, Mao Zedong's cult of personality grew to a more totalizing position and the Cleansing the Class Ranks campaign consolidated the power of the Communist Party over China.[210] During the early 1970s, many of the radical changes brought by the Cultural Revolution were rolled back. China–United States relations were normalized, party officials that had been attacked during the revolution were rehabilitated and managerial authority was strengthened, with calls for labor discipline, further rules and regulations, as well as an industrial struggle against the forces of "anarchism" and "ultra-leftism".[211]
A power struggle broke out thereafter, with the Maoist elements of the leadership around the
In recent years, critics of the Cultural Revolution have argued that it was inspired by anarchist ideas. These ideas entered the Chinese Communist Party in the early 1920s and survived many years of revolution. There are some similarities between the themes of the Cultural Revolution and those of the
The Democracy Movement and the New Left
The end of the Cultural Revolution had also brought the advent of the
In response to increasing debates on the question of
In spite of the repression against the democracy movement, pro-democratic ideas continued to spread throughout the 1980s, becoming increasingly popular among China's student movement. Towards the end of 1986, student demonstrations began to take place in a number of Chinese cities calling for political reforms,[223] including the ability for citizens to nominate their own candidates for the National People's Congress rather than choosing from a government-approved list,[224] as well as an end to political corruption and cronyism.[225] With none of the students' demands being met by the government,[226] the party responded by initiating a campaign against "bourgeois liberalization", stopping student protests and restricting political activity, with the reformer Hu Yaobang being removed from his post as General Secretary.[227]
Yaobang's death in April 1989 became the catalyst for the
During the third generation, various strands of thought started to emerge that criticized the policy of marketization and its consequences, concerned particularly with the rising social inequality, converging to become what is now known as the Chinese New Left.[229] Sections of the New Left began to radicalize further during the fourth generation, as the advent of the internet brought together a number of new leftists on websites such as Utopia,[230] cultivating a rise in democratic socialism, neo-Maoism and anarchism, which attacked Communist Party policy from the far-left. The Hongkongese political scientist Chris Man-kong Li criticized the "statist apologism" displayed by sections of the New Left, particularly focusing on the work of Wang Hui, whom he accused of whitewashing state oppression and justifying authoritarianism.[231]
Cultural movements with anarchist elements
Meng Jinghui, an avant-garde director has introduced the adaptation of Accidental Death of an Anarchist to China and gained popularity.[232][233]
At the turn of the 21st century, the
See also
- Anarchism in Hong Kong
- Anarchism in Indonesia
- Anarchism in Malaysia
- Anarchism in the Philippines
- Anarchism in Singapore
- Left communism in China
- Socialist ideology of the Kuomintang
- Anarchism: A Documentary History of Libertarian Ideas
References
- ^ Graham 2005, p. 1.
- ^ Rapp 2012, p. 20.
- ^ Rapp 2012, pp. 45–46.
- ^ Reischauer 1965, pp. 31–33.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, pp. 51–52.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 52.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 53.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 59.
- ^ a b Dirlik 1991, p. 58.
- ^ a b Dirlik 1991, p. 60.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 51.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 72.
- ^ Hung 1985, p. 417.
- ^ Hung 1985, pp. 417–418.
- ^ Hu 1994, pp. 41–42; Xu & Liu 1989, pp. 23–28.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, pp. 71–73.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, pp. 10, 78.
- ^ a b c d e f Scalapino & Yu 1961.
- ^ Chang & Chang 2010, pp. 160–161.
- ^ a b Dirlik 1991, p. 81.
- ^ a b Zarrow 1990, p. 75.
- ^ Zarrow 1990, pp. 73–74.
- ^ Li 2013, pp. 89–90.
- ^ Zarrow 1990, pp. 60–72.
- ^ a b Dirlik 1991, p. 88.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 94.
- ^ a b Dirlik 1991, p. 91.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 92.
- ^ a b c Dirlik 1991, p. 89.
- ^ a b Dirlik 1991, p. 95.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 90.
- ^ Graham 2005, p. 347.
- ^ a b Zarrow 1990, pp. 76–80.
- ^ Bailey 2014, p. 24.
- ^ Zarrow 1990, pp. 156–157.
- ^ Zarrow 1990, pp. 32–33.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 13.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 102; Rapp 2012, pp. 135–136.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 102.
- ^ a b Dirlik 1991, p. 101.
- ^ a b Dirlik 1991, p. 103.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 82.
- ^ Zarrow 1988, pp. 800–801.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, pp. 103–104.
- ^ Zarrow 1990, p. 35.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 125; Krebs 1998, p. 6.
- ^ a b c Dirlik 1991, p. 126.
- ^ Lee, Stefanowska & Wiles 1970, p. 50.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, pp. 125, 170.
- ^ Esherick & Wei 2013, p. 89.
- ^ Esherick & Wei 2013, p. 122.
- ^ Esherick & Wei 2013, pp. 140–141.
- ^ Rhoads 1975, pp. 196, 211, 218.
- ^ a b Dirlik 1991, p. 116.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 118.
- ^ Zarrow 1990, p. 188.
- ^ Bailey 1988, p. 445-447.
- ^ Levine 1993, p. 24.
- ^ a b Boorman 1968, p. 320.
- ^ a b c Dirlik 1991, p. 120.
- ^ Ch'ien 1950, pp. 83–91; Fu 1993, pp. 153–154.
- ^ a b Dirlik 1991, p. 129.
- ^ a b Dirlik 1991, p. 134.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 119.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 122.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 140.
- ^ a b Dirlik 1991, pp. 141–143.
- ^ a b Dirlik 1991, p. 135.
- ^ a b Dirlik 1991, p. 133.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 136.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 137.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 138.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, pp. 139–140.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 139.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 123.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 121.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 124.
- ^ a b Dirlik 1991, p. 141.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 125.
- ^ a b Dirlik 1991, p. 127.
- ^ a b Dirlik 1991, p. 128.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 117.
- ^ a b Dirlik 1991, p. 130.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 142.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 131.
- ^ Fu 1993, pp. 153–154.
- ^ Young 1983, p. 228.
- ^ Spence 1999, p. 279.
- ^ a b Boorman 1970, pp. 418–419.
- ^ Xu 2011, pp. 200–203.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, pp. 15, 128.
- ^ a b Dirlik 1991, p. 188.
- ^ a b Dirlik 1991, p. 170.
- ^ Linden 1968, pp. 765–767.
- ^ a b Brown & Hutton 2011, p. 553.
- ^ Pantsov & Levine 2012, pp. 62–64; Schram 1966, pp. 48–49.
- ^ Levine 1993, pp. 25–29.
- ^ Bailey 1988, pp. 448–450.
- ^ Spence 1999, pp. 290–313.
- ^ Hon 2014, pp. 211–212.
- ^ Zhitian 2019, pp. 190–191.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, pp. 156–167.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 180.
- ^ Levy 2010, p. 3.
- ^ Levy 2010, p. 4.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 159.
- ^ a b Dirlik 1991, p. 15.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 176.
- ^ a b c Dirlik 1991, p. 16.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 152.
- ^ a b c Dirlik 1991, p. 193.
- ^ a b Dirlik 1991, p. 181.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 182.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, pp. 199–206; Dirlik 2010, p. 139.
- ^ a b Dirlik 1991, p. 153.
- ^ Spence 1999, p. 304.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 195.
- ^ Hu 1994, p. 119.
- ^ Hu 1994, p. 120.
- ^ Hu 1994, pp. 123–124.
- ^ Hu 1994, pp. 124–126.
- ^ Dingyan Chen 1999, pp. 142–148.
- ^ Tung 1968, pp. 92, 106.
- ^ Dirlik 1986, pp. 124–125.
- ^ a b c Dirlik 1991, p. 270.
- ^ a b Dirlik 1991, p. 249.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 252.
- ^ a b c d Dirlik 1991, p. 250.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, pp. 252–254.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 218-222.
- ^ a b Dirlik 1991, p. 154.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 187.
- ^ Wilbur 1983, p. 22.
- ^ Jordan 1976, pp. 11, 29.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 230, 257.
- ^ a b Dirlik 1991, p. 257.
- ^ a b Dirlik 1991, p. 258.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 258-259.
- ^ Jordan 1976, pp. 39–40; Wilbur 1983, p. 47.
- ^ Chen 2008, pp. 177-180.
- ^ Jordan 1976, pp. 42–49.
- ^ Jordan 1976, pp. 118–120.
- ^ Wu 1969, pp. 128–133.
- ^ Coble 1986, p. 5; Fenby 2004, p. 124.
- ^ a b c Wu 1969, p. 126.
- ^ Fenby 2004, p. 124.
- ^ Fenby 2004, pp. 124–125.
- ^ Wu 1969, pp. 126, 132.
- ^ Wu 1969, pp. 126–127.
- ^ Jordan 1976, pp. 117–120.
- ^ a b Boorman 1967, p. 76.
- ^ Wilbur 1983, p. 110.
- ^ Coble 1986, p. 32.
- ^ Jacobs 1981, p. 284.
- ^ Wilbur 1983, pp. 157–159.
- ^ Jordan 1976, p. 137; Worthing 2016, pp. 92–93.
- ^ Jordan 1976, pp. 148–150.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 255.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 261.
- ^ a b Dirlik 1991, p. 262.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 265.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 264.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 263.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 266.
- ^ a b c Dirlik 1991, p. 267.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 268.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 280.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 281.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 282.
- ^ Wang 2004, p. 55-56.
- ^ Chang & Chang 2010, p. 238-242, 263.
- ^ Chang & Chang 2010, p. 259-263.
- ^ Boorman 1970, p. 298.
- ^ Carter 1976, p. 63.
- ^ Carter 1976, p. 64; Schram 1966, pp. 122–125.
- ^ Carter 1976, pp. 67–68; Schram 1966, p. 130.
- ^ Rapp 2012, pp. 153–154.
- ^ Carter 1976, pp. 68–72; Schram 1966, pp. 131–138.
- ^ Carter 1976, p. 75; Schram 1966, pp. 149–151.
- ^ Carter 1976, p. 76; Schram 1966, p. 152.
- ^ Carter 1976, p. 78; Schram 1966, pp. 155–161.
- ^ Carter 1976, p. 77; Schram 1966, pp. 161–165.
- ^ Carter 1976, p. 78.
- ^ Schram 1966, pp. 166–168.
- ^ Carter 1976, pp. 80–81; Schram 1966, pp. 175–177.
- ^ Carter 1976, pp. 81–93; Schram 1966, pp. 180–188.
- ^ Rapp 2012, pp. 174–180.
- ^ Behr (1987), p. 168.
- ^ So 2011, pp. 89–92.
- ^ Dirlik 2012, p. 131.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 291.
- ^ Heath, Nick (16 November 2006). "Ba Jin, 1904-2005". Libcom.org. Retrieved 14 April 2021.
- ^ Meisner 1986, p. 227.
- ^ Meisner 1986, p. 228.
- ^ Harris 2015, p. 59.
- ^ Meisner 1986, pp. 228–229.
- ^ Meisner 1986, pp. 236–238.
- ^ Meisner 1986, p. 354.
- ^ Meisner 1986, pp. 327–329.
- ^ Meisner 1986, pp. 329–330.
- ^ Meisner 1986, p. 331.
- ^ Meisner 1986, p. 332.
- ^ Meisner 1986, p. 335.
- ^ Meisner 1986, p. 341.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 292.
- ^ a b Meisner 1986, p. 344.
- ^ Dirlik 1991, p. 292; Meisner 1986, p. 344.
- ^ Meisner 1986, pp. 344–345.
- ^ Harris 2015, p. 139.
- ^ Meisner 1986, pp. 346–347.
- ^ Meisner 1986, pp. 388–389.
- ^ Harris 2015, p. 141.
- ^ Harris 2015, pp. 141–142.
- ^ Meisner 1986, pp. 430–436.
- ^ Dirlik 1986, p. 125.
- ^ Meisner 1986, p. 436.
- ^ a b Meisner 1986, p. 437.
- ^ Meisner 1986, pp. 449–477.
- ^ Han 1990, p. 271.
- ^ a b c Rapp 2012, p. 233.
- ^ Rapp 2012, p. 232.
- ^ Rapp 2012, pp. 233–234.
- ^ Pantsov & Levine 2015, pp. 400–401.
- ^ Kwong 1988, p. 970.
- ^ Kwong 1988, p. 979.
- ^ Kwong 1988, p. 978.
- ^ Pantsov & Levine 2015, pp. 401–403.
- ^ Zhao 2001, p. 147.
- ISBN 9780822381150
- ^ Magnier, Mark (25 June 2019). "The underrated influence of modern neo-Maoists on China's Communist Party". South China Morning Post.
- ^ Man-kong Li, Chris (9 September 2020). Pearson, Eleanor (ed.). "The Chinese 'New Left' as Statist Apologists". E-International Relations. Retrieved 9 June 2021.
- JSTOR 41490942. Retrieved 4 June 2023.
- ^ Melvin, Sheila (12 April 2005). "Theater: Applause for a tough vision in China". The New York Times. Retrieved 4 June 2023.
- ^ a b c d Shui'en, Tang (2009). "The Alternative Education of a Chinese Punk". Shao Foundation. Archived from the original on 7 September 2015.
- ^ a b c DC (March 2009). "Desiree Social Center: A liberated space in Wuhan" (PDF). Black Rim Nigra Rando (1). Archived from the original (PDF) on 8 April 2020.
- ^ "(转)【东湖艺术计划 – 讲座与讨论】 第十二次 话题:《在"公共废墟"中》/麦巅 /7月27日(周日)下午三点" [(Turn) [East Lake Art Project – Lectures and Discussions] Twelfth Topic: "In "Public Ruins" / Mai Dian / July 27 (Sunday) at 3:00 pm] (in Chinese). 24 July 2014. Retrieved 15 April 2021.
- ^ ""我们家"不再存在" ["Our home" no longer exists] (in Chinese). Our Home. 3 September 2016. Retrieved 15 April 2021.
Bibliography
- Bailey, Paul (1988). "The Chinese Work-Study Movement in France". S2CID 154375449.
- Bailey, Paul (2014). "Cultural Productions in a New Global Space: Li Shizeng and the New Chinese Francophile Project in The Early Twentieth Century". In Lin, Pei-yin; Tsai, Weipin (eds.). Print, Profit, and Perception: Ideas, Information and Knowledge in Chinese Societies, 1895-1949. Leiden: OCLC 870529870.
- Behr, Edward (1987). The Last Emperor. OCLC 16717096.
- OCLC 1051447108.
- Boorman, Howard L., ed. (1967). Biographical Dictionary of Republican China Volume I. New York: ISBN 978-0231089586.
- Boorman, Howard L., ed. (1968). "Li Shih-tseng". Biographical Dictionary of Republican China Volume II. New York: Columbia University Press. pp. 319–321.
- Boorman, Howard L., ed. (1970). Biographical Dictionary of Republican China Vol III. New York: ISBN 0231045581.
- Brown, Rebecca M.; Hutton, Deborah S. (2011). A Companion to Asian Art and Architecture. Chicester: OCLC 841033727.
- Carter, Peter (1976). Mao. London: ISBN 978-0-19-273140-1.
- Chang, Nelson; Chang, Laurence (2010). The Zhangs from Nanxun: A One Hundred and Fifty Year Chronicle of a Chinese Family. Palo Alto; Denver: CF Press. ISBN 9780692008454.
- Chen, Yuan–tsung (2008). Return to the Middle Kingdom: One Family, Three Revolutionaries, and the Birth of Modern China. New York, NY: ISBN 9781402756979.
- Ch'ien, Tuan-sheng (1950). The Government and Politics of China 1912–1949. OCLC 869087489.
- Coble, Parks M. (1986). The Shanghai Capitalists and the Nationalist Government, 1927-1937. ISBN 9780674805361.
- Dingyan Chen, Leslie H. (1999). Chen Jiongming and the Federalist Movement: Regional Leadership and Nation Building in Early Republican China. Michigan monographs in Chinese studies. OCLC 1007291359.
- OCLC 642198823.
- OCLC 1159798786.
- S2CID 144753702 – via Taylor & Francis.
- S2CID 144785666.
- Esherick, Joseph W.; Wei, C.X. George (2013). China: How the Empire Fell. New York: ISBN 978-1134612222.
- Fenby, Jonathan (2004). Generalissimo: Chiang Kai-shek and the China He Lost. London: ISBN 978-0743231442.
- Fu, Zhengyuan (1993). Autocratic tradition and Chinese politics. OCLC 1158841192.
- Gasster, Michael (1969). Chinese intellectuals and the revolution of 1911: the birth of modern Chinese radicalism. OCLC 1038625219.
- Han, Minzhu (1990). Cries for Democracy: Writing and Speeches from the 1989 Chinese Democracy Movement. OCLC 750779242.
- OCLC 915662854.
- Hon, Tze-ki (28 March 2014). "The Chinese Path to Modernisation". International Journal for History, Culture and Modernity. 2 (3): 211–228. ISSN 2666-6529.
- Hung, Te-hsien (1985-02-15). "早期國人對無政府主義的初步認識" [The early Chinese's initial understanding of anarchism]. Foodstuffs Monthly (in Traditional Chinese). 14 (9&10): 415–424. . Retrieved 2022-09-07.
- Hu, Qingyun (1994). 中国无政府主义思想史 [History of Anarchist Thought in China] (in Chinese) (1 ed.). ISBN 7-5626-0498-3. Retrieved 4 August 2021.
- Jacobs, Dan N. (1981). Borodin: Stalin's Man in China. Cambridge, Massachusetts: ISBN 0-674-07910-8.
- Jordan, Donald Allan (1976). The Northern Expedition: China's National Revolution of 1926-1928. OCLC 657972971.
- Krebs, Edward S. (1998). Shifu, Soul of Chinese Anarchism. Lanham, Md.: Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 0847690148.
- Pantsov, Alexander V.; Levine, Steven I. (2012). Mao: The Real Story. New York and London: ISBN 978-1-4516-5447-9.
- Lee, Lily Xiao Hong; Stefanowska, A. D.; Wiles, Sue, eds. (1970). Biographical Dictionary of Chinese Women: The Twentieth Century, 1912–2000. ISBN 0765607980.
- Levine, Marilyn Avra (1993). The Found Generation: Chinese Communists in Europe During the Twenties. Seattle: ISBN 0-295-97240-8.
- Levy, Carl (2010). "Social Histories of Anarchism". Journal for the Study of Radicalism. 4 (2): 1–44. S2CID 144317650.
- Li, Guangyi (2013). ""New Year's Dream": A Chinese Anarcho-cosmopolitan Utopia". Utopian Studies. 24 (1): 89–104. S2CID 142749024.
- Linden, Allen B. (1968). "Politics and Education in Nationalist China: The Case of the University Council, 1927-1928". The Journal of Asian Studies. 27 (4): 763–776. S2CID 154280190.
- Kwong, Julia (1988). "The 1986 Student Demonstrations in China: A Democratic Movement?". OCLC 6015212703.
- OCLC 13270932.
- Müller-Saini, Gotelind; Benton, Gregor (2006). "Esperanto and Chinese Anarchism in the 1920s and 1930s" (PDF). OCLC 6895540091.
- Pantsov, Alexander V.; Levine, Steven I. (2015). Deng Xiaoping: A Revolutionary Life. OCLC 920743961.
- Rachline, Marianne (1965). "A Propos de l'anarchisme chinois" [About Chinese Anarchism]. OCLC 7377049991.
- OCLC 1052261304.
- Reischauer, Edwin O. (1965). "The Dynastic Cycle". In Meskill, John (ed.). The Pattern of Chinese History. OCLC 878667213.
- Rhoads, Edward J. M. (1975). China's Republican Revolution: The Case of Kwangtung, 1895-1913. ISBN 0674119800.
- Rošker, Jana S. (2016). Anarchismus in China an der Schwelle des 20. Jahrhunderts: eine vergleichende Studie zu Staatstheorie und anarchistischem Gedankengut in China und Europa. ISBN 978-3-8381-5155-7.
- Scalapino, Robert Anthony; Yu, George Tzuchiao (1961). The Chinese Anarchist Movement. OCLC 3803036..
- ISBN 978-0-14-020840-5.
- OCLC 255636843.
- So, Wai Chor (January 2011). "Race, Culture, and the Anglo-American Powers: The Views of Chinese Collaborators". Modern China. 37 (1): 69–103. S2CID 220605241.
- OCLC 59383489.
- Tung, William L. (1968). The political institutions of modern China. OCLC 851375642.
- Wang, Shuhuai (2004). "Zhang Renjie and the Hangzhou Electric Plant". Bulletin of the Institute of Modern History, Academia Sinica (in Chinese). 43 (3): 1–56. Archived from the original on 2016-03-03. Retrieved 2021-06-14.
- Wilbur, Clarence Martin (1983). The Nationalist Revolution in China, 1923-1928. OCLC 1052138293.
- Worthing, Peter (2016). General He Yingqin: The Rise and Fall of Nationalist China. Cambridge, England: ISBN 9781107144637.
- Wu, Tien-wei (November 1969). "A Review of the Wuhan Debacle: The Kuomintang-Communist Split of 1927". S2CID 163744191.
- Xu, Guoqi (2011). Strangers on the Western Front: Chinese Workers in the Great War. OCLC 938933317.
- Xu, Shanguang; Liu, Jianping (1989). 中国无政府主义史 [History of Anarchism in China] (in Chinese) (1 ed.). ISBN 7-216-00337-3.
- Young, Ernest (1983). "Politics in the Aftermath of Revolution". In John King Fairbank (ed.). Republican China 1912–1949, Part 1. The Cambridge History of China. Vol. 12. OCLC 886500210.
- Zarrow, Peter Gue (1990). Anarchism and Chinese Political Culture. OCLC 466391736.
- Zarrow, Peter Gue (1988). "He Zhen and Anarcho-Feminism in China". S2CID 155072159.
- Zhao, Dingxin (2001). The Power of Tiananmen: State-Society Relations and the 1989 Beijing Student Movement. OCLC 963478668.
- Zhitian, Luo (2 October 2019). "Wholeness and individuality: Revisiting the New Culture Movement, as symbolized by May Fourth". Chinese Studies in History. 52 (3–4): 188–208. S2CID 211429408.
External links
- Anarchists and the May 4 Movement in China by Nohara Shirõ (translated by Philip Billingsley).
- China section - The Anarchist Library
- Chinese Anarchism section - The Anarchist Library
- Chinese Revolution section - The Anarchist Library