Anarchist communism

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

Anarchist communism

anarchist school of thought that advocates communism. It calls for the abolition of private property but retention of personal property and collectively-owned items, goods, and services.[7] It supports social ownership of property[8][9] and the distribution of resources "From each according to his ability, to each according to his needs".[10]

Anarchist communism was first formulated as such in the Italian section of the International Workingmen's Association.[11] The theoretical work of Peter Kropotkin took importance later as it expanded and developed pro-organizationalist and insurrectionary anti-organizationalist sections.[12] Examples of anarchist communist societies are the anarchist territories of the Makhnovshchina during the Russian Revolution,[13] and those of the Spanish Revolution, most notably revolutionary Catalonia.[14]

History

Forerunners

The modern current of

communisation through the direct cessation of commerce.[15]

Painting of the June Days uprising, which Joseph Déjacque considered to be a social revolution by the proletariat.

Following the

self-organisation of the workers, which he saw expressed during the June Days uprising, against the representative politics of governmentalism. Opposed not just to government, but to all forms of oppression, Déjacque advocated for a social revolution to abolish the state, as well as religion, the nuclear family and private property. In their place, Déjacque upheld a form of anarchy based on the free distribution of resources.[16]

Déjacque particularly focused his critique on private commerce, such as that espoused by Proudhon and the Ricardian socialists. He considered a worker's right to be to the satisfaction of their needs, rather than to keep the product of their own labour, as he felt the latter would inevitably lead to capital accumulation. He thus advocated for all property to be held under common ownership and for "unlimited freedom of production and consumption", subordinated only to the authority of the "statistics book". In order to guarantee the universal satisfaction of needs, Déjacque saw the need for the abolition of forced labour through workers' self-management, and the abolition of the division of labour through integrating the proletariat and the intelligentsia into a single class. In order to achieve this vision of a communist society, he proposed a transitionary period of in which direct democracy and direct exchange would be upheld, positions of state would undergo democratization, and the police and military would be abolished.[17]

Déjacque's communist platform outlined in his Humanisphere preceded the program of the Paris Commune, and would anticipate the anarcho-communism later elaborated by Errico Malatesta, Peter Kropotkin and Luigi Galleani.[18]

Formulation in the International Workingmen's Association

Mikhail Bakunin, leader of the anti-authoritarian faction within the International Workingmen's Association.

The International Workingmen's Association (IWA) was established in 1864,[19] at a time when a formalised anarchist movement did not yet exist. Of the few individual anarchists that were influential at this time, it was Pierre-Joseph Proudhon's conception of federalism and his advocacy of abstentionism that inspired many of the French delegates that founded the IWA and lay the groundwork for the growth of anarchism.[20] Among the French delegates were a more radical minority that opposed Proudhon's mutualism, which held the nuclear family as its base social unit. Led by the trade unionist Eugène Varlin, the radicals advocated for a "non-authoritarian communism", which upheld the commune as the base social unit and advocated for the universal access to education.[21] It was the entry of Mikhail Bakunin into the IWA that first infused the federalists with a programme of revolutionary socialism and anti-statism, which agitated for workers' self-management and direct action against capitalism and the state.[22]

By this time, the Marxists of the IWA had begun to denounce their anti-authoritarian opponents as "anarchists", a label previously adopted by Proudhon and Déjacque and later accepted by the anti-authoritarians themselves.[23] Following the defeat of the Paris Commune in 1871, the IWA split over questions of socialist economics and the means of bringing about a classless society.[24] Karl Marx, who favoured the conquest of state power by political parties, banned the anarchists from the IWA.[25] The anarchist faction around the Jura Federation resolved to reconstitute as their own Anti-Authoritarian International, which was constructed as a more decentralised and federal organisation.[26] Two of the IWA's largest branches, in Italy and Spain, repudiated Marxism and adopted the anti-authoritarian platform.[27]

James Guillaume, whose work set the foundation for the development of communism from collectivism.

As a

abundance, which could set the foundation for the abandonment of exchange value and the free distribution of resources.[34] This program for anarcho-communism was adopted by the Italian anarchists,[35] who had already begun to question collectivism.[36]

Carlo Cafiero, who led the break from collectivist anarchism with the first programme for anarchist communism.

Although Guillaume had himself remained neutral throughout the debate, in September 1877, the Italian anarcho-communists clashed with the Spanish collectivists at what would be the Anti-Authoritarian International's final congress in Verviers.[37] Alongside the economic question, the two factions were also divided by the question of organisation. While the collectivists upheld trade unions as a means for achieving anarchy, the communists considered them to be inherently reformist and counter-revolutionary organisations that were prone to bureaucracy and corruption. Instead, the communists preferred small, loosely-organised affinity groups, which they believed closer conformed to anti-authoritarian principles.[38]

In October 1880, a Congress of the defunct International's Jura Federation adopted Carlo Cafiero's programme of Anarchy and Communism, which outlined a clear break with Guillaume's collectivist programme.[39] Cafiero rejected the use of an exchange value and the collective ownership of industry, which he believed would lead to capital accumulation and consequently social stratification. Instead Cafiero called for the abolition of all wage labour, which he saw as a relic of capitalism, and for the distribution of resources "from each according to their ability, to each according to their needs".[40]

Organizationalism vs. insurrectionarism and expansion

As anarcho-communism emerged in the mid-19th century, it had an intense debate with

Bakuninist collectivism and, within the anarchist movement, over participation in the workers' movement, as well as on other issues. So in "the theory of the revolution" of anarcho-communism as elaborated by Peter Kropotkin and others, "it is the risen people who are the real agent and not the working class organised in the enterprise (the cells of the capitalist mode of production) and seeking to assert itself as labour power, as a more 'rational' industrial body or social brain (manager) than the employers".[12]

Luigi Galleani was an influential anarchist advocate of insurrectionary anarchism

Between 1880 and 1890, with the "perspective of an

individual recuperation' or acts of terrorism."[12]

Even after

labor unions, there remained "the anti-syndicalist anarchist-communists, who in France were grouped around Sébastien Faure's Le Libertaire. From 1905 onwards, the Russian counterparts of these anti-syndicalist anarchist-communists become partisans of economic terrorism and illegal 'expropriations'."[41] Proponents and activists of these tactics, among others, included Johann Most, Luigi Galleani, Victor Serge, Giuseppe Ciancabilla, and Severino Di Giovanni.[citation needed
]

By the 1880s, anarcho-communism was already present in the United States, as seen in the journal Freedom: A Revolutionary Anarchist-Communist Monthly by

According to the anarchist historian Max Nettlau, the first use of the term "libertarian communism" was in November 1880, when a French anarchist congress employed it to identify its doctrines more clearly.[5] The French anarchist journalist Sébastien Faure, later founder and editor of the four-volume Anarchist Encyclopedia, started the weekly paper Le Libertaire (The Libertarian) in 1895.[45]

Methods of organizing: platformism vs. synthesism

Nestor Makhno, 1921

In

Bolshevik.[46][47]

The Platform attracted strong criticism from many sectors of the anarchist movement of the time, including some of the most influential anarchists such as

better source needed] Malatesta, after initially opposing the Platform, later agreed with the Platform, confirming that the original difference of opinion was due to linguistic confusion: "I find myself more or less in agreement with their way of conceiving the anarchist organisation (being very far from the authoritarian spirit which the "Platform" seemed to reveal) and I confirm my belief that behind the linguistic differences really lie identical positions."[50][non-primary source needed
]

Sébastien Faure, French anarcho-communist proponent of synthesis anarchism

Two texts made by the anarchist communists

Iberian Anarchist Federation (FAI), summarized this as follows: too much influence in it of Marxism, it erroneously divided and reduced anarchists between individualist anarchists and anarcho-communist sections, and it wanted to unify the anarchist movement along the lines of the anarcho-communists. He saw anarchism as more complex than that, that anarchist tendencies are not mutually exclusive as the platformists saw it and that both individualist and communist views could accommodate anarchosyndicalism.[53] Sébastian Faure had strong contacts in Spain, so his proposal had more impact on Spanish anarchists than the Dielo Truda platform, even though individualist anarchist influence in Spain was less intense than it was in France. The main goal there was reconciling anarcho-communism with anarcho-syndicalism.[54]

Spanish Revolution of 1936

CNT-FAI Anarchists during the Spanish Revolution of 1936

The most extensive application of anarcho-communist ideas happened in the anarchist territories during the Spanish Revolution.[55]

social anarchists
alike.

In Spain, the national anarcho-syndicalist trade union

dissident Marxists and anarchists.[60]

An anti-fascist poster from the libertarian socialist factions of Madrid, Spain, reading "The surveillance of the city must be ensured by the Antifascist Popular Guard" as a warning of Nationalist terrorism

Although every sector of the stateless parts of Spain had undergone

better source needed
]

Post-war years

Anarcho-communism entered into internal debates over the organization issue in the post-World War II era. Founded in October 1935, the Anarcho-Communist Federation of Argentina (FACA, Federación Anarco-Comunista Argentina) in 1955 renamed itself the

Surrealist Group led by André Breton.[citation needed
]

The new decision-making process was founded on

synthesist principles.[62] According to historian Cédric Guérin, "the unconditional rejection of Marxism became from that moment onwards an identity element of the new Federation Anarchiste". This was motivated in a significant part by the previous conflict with George Fontenis and his OPB.[62]

In Italy, the

better source needed] The Federation of Anarchist Communists (Federazione dei Comunisti Anarchici), or FdCA, was established in 1985 in Italy from the fusion of the Organizzazione Rivoluzionaria Anarchica (Revolutionary Anarchist Organisation) and the Unione dei Comunisti Anarchici della Toscana (Tuscan Union of Anarchist Communists).[citation needed
]

The

better source needed
]

Contemporary times

The synthesist Italian Anarchist Federation and the platformist Federation of Anarchist Communists continue to exist today in Italy, but insurrectionary anarchism continues to be relevant, as the recent establishment of the Informal Anarchist Federation shows.[citation needed]

In the 1970s, the French

Libertarian Communist Organization (France) in 1976 and Alternative libertaire in 1991 appeared, with this last one existing until today alongside the synthesist Fédération Anarchiste. Recently, platformist organizations founded the now-defunct International Libertarian Solidarity network and its successor, the Anarkismo network, which is run collaboratively by roughly 30 platformist organizations worldwide.[citation needed
]

Economic theory

The abolition of money, prices, and

wage labor are central to anarchist communism. With the distribution of wealth being based on self-determined needs, people would be free to engage in whatever activities they found most fulfilling and would no longer have to engage in work for which they have neither the temperament nor the aptitude.[67][68]

Anarcho-communists argue that there is no good way of measuring the value of any person's economic contributions because all wealth is a common product of current and preceding generations.

economic value to anything, an overwhelming amount of externalities and contributing factors would need to be considered—especially current or past labor contributing to the ability to utilize future labor. As Kropotkin put it: "No distinction can be drawn between the work of each man. Measuring the work by its results leads us to absurdity; dividing and measuring them by hours spent on the work also leads us to absurdity. One thing remains: put the needs above the works, and first of all recognize the right to live, and later on, to the comforts of life, for all those who take their share in production.."[70]

The Conquest of Bread by Peter Kropotkin, an influential work that presents the economic vision of anarcho-communism

Communist anarchism shares many traits with collectivist anarchism, but the two are distinct. Collectivist anarchism believes in collective ownership, while communist anarchism negates the entire concept of ownership in favor of the concept of usage.[71]

Gift economies and commons-based organizing

Port Townsend, with one of Chetzemoka's wives distributing potlatch

Traditional societies dominated by

gift exchange were small in scale and geographically remote from each other. Market exchange dominated as states formed to regulate trade and commerce within their boundaries. Nonetheless, gift exchange continues to play an essential role in modern society.[72] Contrary to popular conception, there is no evidence that societies relied only on barter before using money for trade.[73] Instead, non-monetary societies operated primarily along the principles of gift economics, and in more complex economies, on debt.[74][75][76] When barter occurred, it was usually between strangers or would-be enemies.[77]

The expansion of the Internet has witnessed a resurgence of the gift economy, especially in the technology sector. Engineers, scientists, and software developers create

Uri Gordon
has argued:

The collaborative development of

hacker ethic" (Himanen 2001). The space of illegality created by P2P (peer-to-peer) file-sharing opens up the possibility, not only of the open circulation of freely-given information and software as it is on the Internet today, but also of conscious copyright violation. The Internet, then, enables not only communist relations around information, but also the militant contamination and erosion of non-communist regimes of knowledge—a technological "weapon" to equalise access to information, eating away at intellectual property rights by rendering them unenforceable.[78]

The interest in such economic forms goes back to

Philosophical debates

Motivation

Anarchist communists reject the belief that wage labor is necessary because people are selfish by human nature. Most would point to examples of humans being willing to sacrifice time or resources for others and believe that systems of wage labor and state taxation serve more to restrict that instinct to help others rather than ensuring a society continues to function. Anarcho-communists generally do not agree with the belief in a pre-set "human nature", arguing that human culture and behavior are primarily determined by socialization and the mode of production. Many anarchist communists, like Peter Kropotkin, also believe that the human evolutionary tendency is for humans to cooperate for mutual benefit and survival instead of existing as lone competitors, a position that Kropotkin argued for at length.[79]

While anarchist communists such as Peter Kropotkin and Murray Bookchin believed that the members of such a society would voluntarily perform all necessary labor because they would recognize the benefits of communal enterprise and mutual aid,[79][80][81][82] other anarchist communists such as Nestor Makhno and Ricardo Flores Magón argue that all those able to work in an anarchist communist society should be obligated to do so, excepting groups like children, the elderly, the sick, or the infirm.[83][84][85][86] Kropotkin did not think laziness or sabotage would be a significant problem in an authentically anarchist-communist society. However, he did agree that a freely associated anarchist commune could, and probably should, deliberately disassociate from those not fulfilling their communal agreement to do their share of work.[87] Peter Gelderloos, based on the Kibbutz, argues that motivation in a moneyless society would be found in the satisfaction of work, concern for the community, competition for prestige, and praise from other community members.[88]

Freedom, work, and leisure

Anarchist communists support communism as a means for ensuring the greatest freedom and well-being for everyone, rather than only the wealthy and powerful. In this sense, anarchist communism is a profoundly

egalitarian
philosophy.

Kropotkin said that the main authoritarian mistakes in communist experiments of the past were their being based on "religious enthusiasm"[89] and the desire to live "as a family"[90] where the individual had to "submit to the dictates of a punctilious morality".[91] For him, anarcho-communism should be based on the right of free association and disassociation for individuals and groups and on significantly lowering the number of hours each individual dedicates to necessary labor.[91] He says that "to recognise a variety of occupations as the basis of all progress and to organise in such a way that man may be absolutely free during his leisure time, whilst he may also vary his work, a change for which his early education and instruction will have prepared him—this can easily be put in practice in a Communist society—this, again, means the emancipation of the individual, who will find doors open in every direction for his complete development".[91]

Individualism and collectivism

Peter Kropotkin argued that individuals sacrificing themselves for the "greater", or being ruled by the "community" or "society", is not possible because society is composed of individuals rather than being a cohesive unit separate from the individual and argue that collective control over the individual is tyrannical and antithetical to anarchism.[92] Others such as Lucien van der Walt and Michael Schmidt argue that "[t]he anarchists did not [...] identify freedom with the right of everybody to do exactly what one pleased but with a social order in which collective effort and responsibilities—that is to say, obligations—would provide the material basis and social nexus in which individual freedom could exist." They argued that "genuine freedom and individuality could only exist in a free society" and that in contrast to "misanthropic bourgeois individualism" anarchism was based in "a deep love of freedom, understood as a social product, a deep respect for human rights, a profound celebration of humankind and its potential and a commitment to a form of society where a 'true individuality' was irrevocably linked to 'the highest communist socieability'".[93]

post-left anarcho-communist Bob Black went as far as saying that "communism is the final fulfillment of individualism [...] The apparent contradiction between individualism and communism rests on a misunderstanding of both [...] Subjectivity is also objective: the individual really is subjective. It is nonsense to speak of 'emphatically prioritizing the social over the individual,' [...] You may as well speak of prioritizing the chicken over the egg. Anarchy is a 'method of individualization.' It aims to combine the greatest individual development with the greatest communal unity."[94]

Property

Alexander Berkman advocated for profit to be replaced with communities of common property, where all group members shared possessions

Anarchist communists counter the capitalist conception that communal property can only be maintained by force and that such a position is neither fixed in nature[79] nor unchangeable in practice, citing numerous examples of communal behavior occurring naturally, even within capitalist systems.[95] Anarchist communists call for the abolition of private property while maintaining respect for personal property. As such, the prominent anarcho-communist Alexander Berkman maintained that "The revolution abolishes private ownership of the means of production and distribution, and with it goes capitalistic business. Personal possession remains only in the things you use. Thus, your watch is your own, but the watch factory belongs to the people. Land, machinery, and all other public utilities will be collective property, neither to be bought nor sold. Actual use will be considered the only title-not to ownership but to possession. The organization of the coal miners, for example, will be in charge of the coal mines, not as owners but as the operating agency. Similarly will the railroad brotherhoods run the railroads, and so on. Collective possession, cooperatively managed in the interests of the community, will take the place of personal ownership privately conducted for profit."[69]

Free association of communes as opposed to the nation-state

Anarcho-communism calls for a

nation-state
. Peter Kropotkin thus suggested:

Representative government has accomplished its historical mission; it has given a mortal blow to court-rule; and by its debates it has awakened public interest in public questions. But to see in it the government of the future socialist society is to commit a gross error. Each economic phase of life implies its own political phase; and it is impossible to touch the very basis of the present economic life—private property—without a corresponding change in the very basis of the political organization. Life already shows in which direction the change will be made. Not in increasing the powers of the State, but in resorting to free organization and free federation in all those branches which are now considered as attributes of the State.

— Peter Kropotkin, Anarchist Communism: Its Basis and Principles[96]

Opposition to patriotism

Dr Rob Sparrow outlined four main reasons why anarcho-communists oppose patriotism:[97]

  • The belief in equality for all people
  • The use of patriotism to subjugate the working class
  • The association between patriotism and militarism
  • The use of patriotism to encourage loyalty to the state

See also

Notes

  1. ^ Also known as anarcho-communism,[1][2][3] communist anarchism,[4] or libertarian communism.[5][6]

References

  1. ISBN 978-0292715646. Archived from the original on 22 July 2021. Retrieved 21 December 2019 – via Google Books
    .
  2. ISBN 978-1441142702. Archived from the original on 15 January 2021. Retrieved 21 December 2019 – via Google Books
    .
  3. ISBN 978-0198727859. Archived from the original on 22 July 2021. Retrieved 21 December 2019 – via Google Books
    .
  4. ^ McElroy, Wendy (2000). "The Schism Between Individualist and Communist Anarchism". Journal of Libertarian Studies. 15 (1). Archived from the original on 16 April 2021 – via The Anarchist Library.
  5. ^ a b Nettlau 1996, p. 145.
  6. ISBN 978-0807819067. Archived from the original on 11 February 2022. Retrieved 25 March 2011 – via Google Books
    .
  7. ^ Berkman 1972: "The revolution abolishes private ownership of the means of production and distribution, and with it goes capitalistic business. Personal possession remains only in the things you use. Thus, your watch is your own, but the watch factory belongs to the people."
  8. . One widespread distinction was that socialism socialised production only while communism socialised production and consumption.
  9. from the original on 27 March 2021. Retrieved 20 September 2010.
  10. ^ Fabbri, Luigi (13 October 2002) [1922]. "Anarchism and Communism". Northeastern Anarchist. No. 4. Archived from the original on 29 June 2011.
  11. ^ Pernicone 1993, pp. 111–113.
  12. ^ a b c Pengam 1987, pp. 74–75.
  13. OCLC 58872511
    .
  14. ^ Bookchin, Murray (2 February 2017). To Remember Spain: The Anarchist and Syndicalist Revolution of 1936. Archived from the original on 23 October 2021. In anarchist industrial areas like Catalonia, an estimated three-quarters of the economy was placed under workers' control, as it was in anarchist rural areas like Aragon. [...] In the more thoroughly anarchist areas, particularly among the agrarian collectives, money was eliminated and the material means of life were allocated strictly according to need rather than work, following the traditional precepts of a libertarian communist society.
  15. ^ Pengam 1987, pp. 61–62.
  16. ^ Pengam 1987, pp. 62–64.
  17. ^ Pengam 1987, pp. 64–66.
  18. ^ Pengam 1987, pp. 66–67.
  19. ^ Chattopadhyay 2018, pp. 178–179; Graham 2019, p. 326; Pengam 1987, p. 67.
  20. ^ Graham 2019, pp. 326–327.
  21. ^ Graham 2019, pp. 327–328.
  22. ^ Graham 2019, pp. 329–332.
  23. ^ Wilbur 2019, pp. 217–218.
  24. ^ Graham 2019, pp. 332–333; Pengam 1987, p. 67.
  25. ^ Graham 2019, p. 334.
  26. ^ Graham 2019, pp. 334–336.
  27. ^ Avrich 1971, p. 23; Graham 2019, pp. 335–336.
  28. ^ Chattopadhyay 2018, p. 169; Pengam 1987, p. 67; Pernicone 1993, p. 28; Turcato 2019, p. 238.
  29. ^ Wilbur 2019, p. 214.
  30. ^ Esenwein 1989, p. 107; Marshall 1993, p. 437; Pengam 1987, pp. 68–69.
  31. ^ Esenwein 1989, p. 109; Graham 2019, p. 338; Pengam 1987, pp. 68–69.
  32. ^ Pengam 1987, pp. 68–69.
  33. ^ Esenwein 1989, p. 108; Marshall 1993, p. 437; Pengam 1987, pp. 67–68; Pernicone 1993, pp. 111–112.
  34. ^ Esenwein 1989, p. 108; Graham 2019, p. 338; Pengam 1987, p. 68; Pernicone 1993, pp. 111–112.
  35. ^ Graham 2019, p. 338; Marshall 1993, p. 437; Pengam 1987, pp. 68–69; Pernicone 1993, pp. 110–111; Turcato 2019, p. 238.
  36. ^ Esenwein 1989, pp. 107–108; Pengam 1987, pp. 68–69; Pernicone 1993, pp. 110–111; Turcato 2019, p. 238.
  37. ^ Graham 2019, p. 339; Pengam 1987, p. 69.
  38. ^ Esenwein 1989, pp. 108–109.
  39. ^ Graham 2019, p. 340; Pengam 1987, p. 69.
  40. ^ Esenwein 1989, pp. 107–108; Pengam 1987, p. 69.
  41. ^ Pengam 1987, p. 75.
  42. ^ "Lucy Parsons: Woman Of Will". Lucy Parsons Center. Archived from the original on 28 February 2020.
  43. . Free Society was the principal English-language forum for anarchist ideas in the United States at the beginning of the twentieth century.
  44. Liberty
    from 1881 to 1908, communistic anarchism had not been advocated in any detail.
  45. ^ Nettlau 1996, p. 162.
  46. .
  47. ]
  48. ^ Black, Bob (2002). "Wooden shoes or platform shoes? on the organizational platform of the libertarian communists". inspiracy.com. Archived from the original on 27 January 2013.
  49. ^ "J.3.4 Why do many anarchists oppose the "Platform"?". An Anarchist FAQ. Infoshop.org. Archived from the original on 7 October 2010. Retrieved 20 September 2010.
  50. ^ Malatesta, Errico. "On Collective Responsibility". Archived from the original on 24 December 2020 – via The Nestor Makhno Archive.
  51. ^ a b Corrêa, Felipe (22 December 2009). "Especifismo and Synthesis/Synthesism". Anarkismo.net. Archived from the original on 29 December 2019. Retrieved 20 September 2010.
  52. ^ a b c ""J.3.2 What are "synthesis" federations?"". An Anarchist FAQ. Infoshop.org. Archived from the original on 7 October 2010. Retrieved 20 September 2010.
  53. ^ Garner 2008: "Jiménez evitó ahondar demasiado en sus críticas hacia la naturaleza abiertamente marxista de algunas partes de la Plataforma, limitándose a aludir a la crítica de Santillán en La Protesta, que afirmaba que los rusos no habían sido el único grupo responsable de permitir la infiltración de las ideas marxistas, lo que iba claramente dirigido a los sindicalistas de España17. Jiménez aceptó que la Plataforma había sido un intento encomiable de resolver el eterno problema de la desunión dentro de las filas anarquistas, pero consideraba que el programa ruso tenía sus defectos. La Plataforma se basaba en una premisa errónea sobre la naturaleza de las tendencias dentro del movimiento anarquista: dividía a los anarquistas en dos grupos diferentes, individualistas y comunistas, y con ello rechazaba la influencia de los primeros y proponía la unificación del movimiento anarquista en torno a la ideas de los segundos. Jiménez afirmaba que la realidad era mucho más compleja: esas diferentes tendencias dentro del movimiento anarquista no eran contradictorias ni excluyentes. Por ejemplo, era posible encontrar elementos en ambos grupos que apoyaran las tácticas del anarcosindicalismo. Por tanto, rechazaba el principal argumento de los plataformistas según el cual las diferentes tendencias se excluían entre sí."
  54. ^ Garner 2008: "Debido a sus contactos e influencia con el movimiento del exilio español, la propuesta de Faure arraigó más en los círculos españoles que la Plataforma, y fue publicada en las prensas libertarias tanto en España como en Bélgica25. En esencia, Faure intentaba reunir a la familia anarquista sin imponer la rígida estructura que proponía la Plataforma, y en España se aceptó así. Opuesta a la situación de Francia, en España la influencia del anarquismo individualista no fue un motivo serio de ruptura. Aunque las ideas de ciertos individualistas como Han Ryner y Émile Armand tuvieron cierto impacto sobre el anarquismo español, afectaron sólo a aspectos como el sexo y el amor libre."
  55. ^ Bookchin, Murray (2 February 2017). To Remember Spain: The Anarchist and Syndicalist Revolution of 1936. Archived from the original on 23 October 2021.
  56. .
  57. .
  58. ^ Dolgoff 1974.
  59. ^ Dolgoff 1974, p. 5.
  60. .
  61. ^ Kaminski, Hanns-Erich (July 1961). "A Peasant Experiment" (PDF). Anarchy. No. 5. pp. 156–158. Archived from the original (PDF) on 8 March 2021.
  62. ^ a b c d e f Guérin 2000.
  63. ^ Fontenis, Georges. "Manifesto of Libertarian Communism". Libcom.org. Archived from the original on 23 October 2019.
  64. ^ Guérin 2000: "Si la critique de la déviation autoritaire de la FA est le principal fait de ralliement, on peut ressentir dès le premier numéro un état d'esprit qui va longtemps coller à la peau des anarchistes français. Cet état d'esprit se caractérise ainsi sous une double forme : d'une part un rejet inconditionnel de l'ennemi marxiste, d'autre part des questions sur le rôle des anciens et de l'évolution idéologique de l'anarchisme. C'est Fernand Robert qui attaque le premier : "Le LIB est devenu un journal marxiste. En continuant à le soutenir, tout en reconnaissant qu'il ne nous plaît pas, vous faîtes une mauvaise action contre votre idéal anarchiste. Vous donnez la main à vos ennemis dans la pensée. Même si la FA disparaît, même si le LIB disparaît, l'anarchie y gagnera. Le marxisme ne représente plus rien. Il faut le mettre bas; je pense la même chose des dirigeants actuels de la FA. L'ennemi se glisse partout."
  65. ^ Heath, Nick (2004). "Masini, Pier Carlo, 1923–1998". libcom.org. Archived from the original on 7 March 2021. Retrieved 13 November 2012.
  66. ^ "El movimiento libertario en Italia : Autonomía de las luchas y movimiento anárquico. La crisis de una democracia parlamentarista" [The libertarian movement in Italy : Autonomy of the struggles and anarchic movement. The crisis of a parliamentary democracy]. Bicicleta (in Spanish). 1 (1). November 1977. Archived from the original on 12 October 2013. Retrieved 31 August 2013.
  67. ^ "Does Work Really Work?". www.spunk.org. Retrieved 28 December 2023.
  68. ^ Kropotkin, Peter. "The Conquest of Bread". www.marxists.org. Retrieved 28 December 2023.
  69. ^ a b Berkman 1972.
  70. ^ Kropotkin, Peter (1906). "Chapter 13: The Collectivist Wages System" . The Conquest of Bread. New York and London: G.P. Putnam's Sons – via Wikisource.
  71. ^ Berkman 1972, p. 217.
  72. .
  73. .
  74. ^ Smith, Yves (26 August 2011). "What is Debt? – An Interview with Economic Anthropologist David Graeber". Naked Capitalism. Archived from the original on 11 April 2019. Retrieved 21 November 2012.
  75. .
  76. ^ Gharavi, Maryam Monalisa (31 October 2011). "A History of Debt". Social Text. Archived from the original on 10 December 2011. Retrieved 21 November 2012.
  77. .
  78. ^ Gordon, Uri (2007). Anarchism and Political Theory: Contemporary Problems (PhD thesis). University of Oxford. Archived from the original on 5 November 2013. Retrieved 27 August 2013 – via The Anarchist Library.
  79. ^ a b c d Kropotkin, Peter (1902). Mutual Aid: A Factor of Evolution. New York: McClure Philips & Co.
  80. Conquest of Bread
    . Paris: Tresse et Stock.
  81. Fields, Factories and Workshops
    . New York: G.P. Putnam's sons.
  82. .
  83. ^ Dielo Trouda Editorial Group (2 November 1926). "Supplement to the Organizational Platform (Questions and Answers)". Archived from the original on 25 February 2021 – via The Nestor Makhno Archive.
  84. Cienfuegos Press
    – via libcom.org.
  85. .
  86. – via The Internet Archive.
  87. ^ Kropotkin, Peter (1906). "Chapter 12: Objections" . The Conquest of Bread. New York and London: G.P. Putnam's Sons – via Wikisource.
  88. .
  89. ^ Kropotkin 1901: "nearly all communities were founded by an almost religious wave of enthusiasm. People were asked to become 'pioneers of humanity;' to submit to the dictates of a punctilious morality, to become quite regenerated by Communist life, to give all their time, hours of work and of leisure, to the community, to live entirely for the community. This meant acting simply like monks and to demand—without any necessity—men to be what they are not."
  90. ^ Kropotkin 1901: "The second mistake lay in the desire to manage the community after the model of a family, to make it 'the great family' They lived all in the same house and were thus forced to continuously meet the same 'brethren and sisters.' It is already difficult often for two real brothers to live together in the same house, and family life is not always harmonious; so it was a fundamental error to impose on all the 'great family' instead of trying, on the contrary, to guarantee as much freedom and home life to each individual."
  91. ^ a b c Kropotkin 1901.
  92. ^ Kropotkin, Peter (1886). The Place of Anarchism in Socialistic Evolution . Translated by Glasse, Henry. pp. 14–15 – via Wikisource.
  93. .
  94. ^ Black, Bob (2010). "Nightmares of Reason". The Anarchist Library. Archived from the original on 27 October 2010..
  95. .
  96. ^ Kropotkin, Peter (1920). Anarchist Communism: Its Basis and Principles . London: Freedom Press – via Wikisource.
  97. OCLC 318534708
    .

Bibliography

Further reading

External links

Anarcho-communist theorist archives