Angolan Civil War

Angolan Civil War
Part of the Cold War (until 1991) and the First & Second Congo War (from 1996 onwards)
Clockwise from top left Cuban Revolutionary Armed Forces (FAR) commanders during the Battle of Quifangondo; A building riddled with bullets in Huambo, after the war; A Cuban PT-76 in Luanda; A car belonging to the FAPLA burning during Operation Savannah
Date 11 November 1975 – 4 April 2002 (26 years, 4 months, 3 weeks and 3 days) Location Angola Result MPLA victory Withdrawal of all foreign forces in 1989. Transition towards a multiparty political system in 1991/92. Dissolution of the armed forces of the FNLA. Participation of UNITA and FNLA, as political parties, in the new political system, from 1991/92 onwards. Jonas Savimbi, leader of UNITA, killed in 2002; UNITA abandoned armed struggle and participated in electoral politics. Resistance of FLEC continued to this day
Belligerents
People's Republic of Angola MPLA  Cuba (1975–1991) SWAPO (1975–1991)[1] ANC (1975–1991)[2][1] Executive Outcomes (1993–1995)[3] FLNC (1975–2001)[4][5]  Namibia (2001–2002)[note 1] Material support:  Soviet Union (1975–1991)[7][8]  East Germany (1975–1989)[9]  Yugoslavia (1975–1991)[10]  North Korea (1980s)[note 2]  Brazil[13][14][15][16][17] Diplomatic support:  Guyana[18]  Mexico[19][20]	Democratic People's Republic of Angola UNITA FNLA (1975–1976) FNLA (1976–1978)[5]  South Africa (1975–1991)[11]  Zaire (1975)[21][5] Material support:  United States (1975–1991)[5]  Morocco (1970s)[5]  China (1975)[5] FLEC Material support:  France[22]
Commanders and leaders
Agostinho Neto † José E. dos Santos Iko Carreira Kundi Paihama João Lourenço António Franca Lúcio Lara Fidel Castro Antonio Batlle Abelardo C. Ibarra Arnaldo Ochoa  Raul Arguello † Vasily Petrov Valentin Varennikov Sam Nujoma	Jonas Savimbi † Jeremias Chitunda † António Dembo Paulo Lukamba D. A. Chilingutila Alberto Vinama Kafundanga Chingunji Arlindo Pena Ben-Ben Holden Roberto Daniel Chipenda (1975) Luis Ranque Franque Henrique N'zita Tiago Rodrigues Mingas Mobutu Sese Seko B. J. Vorster (1975–1978) P. W. Botha (1978–1989)
Strength
MPLA troops: 40,000 (1976)[23] 70,000 (1987)[24] 130,000 (2001)[25] Cuban troops: 36,000 with 400 tanks (1976)[26] 35,000–37,000 (1982)[24] 60,000 (1988)[24] 337,033[27]–380,000[28] total (supported by 1,000 tanks, 600 armored vehicles and 1,600 artillery pieces)[29] Soviet troops: Altogether 11,000 (1975 to 1991)[30] Brazilian pilots: Classified with tens of aircraft (1999–2002)[15]	UNITA militants: 65,000 (1990, highest)[31] FNLA militants: 22,000 (1975)[32] 4,000–7,000 (1976)[33] South African troops: 7,000 (1975–1976)[34] 6,000 (1987–1988)[34]
Casualties and losses
Unknown 2,016–5,000 dead[35] 54 killed[36]	Unknown Unknown 2,365[37]–2,500 dead[38] (including South African Border War deaths) Unknown
800,000 killed and 4 million displaced[39]
Nearly 70,000 Angolans became amputees as a result of land mines[40]

Part of a series on the
History of Angola
Portuguese province 1951–1961 War of Independence 1961–1974 Sovereign socialist state 1975–1992 Civil War 1975–2002
Post-war Angola’s
2000s 2010s 2020s
See also
Years in Angola
v t e

The Angolan Civil War (Portuguese: Guerra Civil Angolana) was a civil war in Angola, beginning in 1975 and continuing, with interludes, until 2002. The war began immediately after Angola became independent from Portugal in November 1975. It was a power struggle between two former anti-colonial guerrilla movements, the communist People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) and the anti-communist National Union for the Total Independence of Angola (UNITA).

The MPLA and UNITA had different roots in Angolan society and mutually incompatible leaderships, despite their shared aim of ending colonial rule. A third movement, the

Since its formation in the 1950s, the MPLA's main social base has been among the

The FNLA formed parallel to the MPLA

UNITA's main social basis were the Ovimbundu of central Angola, who constituted about one-third of the country's population, but the organization also had roots among several less numerous peoples of eastern Angola. UNITA was founded in 1966 by Jonas Savimbi, who until then had been a prominent leader of the FNLA. During the anti-colonial war, UNITA received some support from the People's Republic of China. With the onset of the civil war, the United States decided to support UNITA and considerably augmented their aid to UNITA in the following decades. In the latter period, UNITA's main ally was the apartheid regime of South Africa.^[49][50]

Roots of the conflict

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Angola, like most African countries, became constituted as a nation through colonial intervention. Angola's colonial power was Portugal, which was present and active in the territory, in one way or another, for over four centuries.

Ethnic divisions

The original population of this territory were dispersed Khoisan groups. These were absorbed or pushed southwards, where residual groups still exist, by a massive influx of Bantu people who came from the north and east.

The Bantu influx began around 500 BC, and some continued their migrations inside the territory well into the 20th century. They established a number of major political units, of which the most important was the

Nonetheless, the Portuguese presence on the Angolan coast remained limited for much of the colonial period. The degree of real colonial settlement was minor, and, with few exceptions, the Portuguese did not interfere by means other than commercial in the social and political dynamics of the native peoples. There was no real delimitation of territory; Angola, to all intents and purposes, did not yet exist.

In the 19th century, the Portuguese began a more serious program of advancing into the continental interior. They wanted a de facto overlordship that allowed them to establish commercial networks and a few settlements. In this context, they also moved further south along the coast and founded the "third bridgehead" of

In 1961, the FNLA and the MPLA, based in neighbouring countries, began a guerrilla campaign against Portuguese rule on several fronts. The

Independence

After the

In early November 1975, the South African government warned Savimbi and Roberto that the South African Defence Force (SADF) would soon end operations in Angola despite the failure of the coalition to capture Luanda and therefore secure international recognition for their government. Savimbi, desperate to avoid the withdrawal of South Africa, asked General Constand Viljoen to arrange a meeting for him with Prime Minister of South Africa John Vorster, who had been Savimbi's ally since October 1974. On the night of 10 November, the day before the formal declaration of independence, Savimbi secretly flew to Pretoria to meet Vorster. In a reversal of policy, Vorster not only agreed to keep his troops in Angola through November, but also promised to withdraw the SADF only after the OAU meeting on 9 December.^[64][65] While Cuban officers led the mission and provided the bulk of the troop force, 60 Soviet officers in the Congo joined the Cubans on 12 November. The Soviet leadership expressly forbade the Cubans from intervening in Angola's civil war, focusing the mission on containing South Africa.^[66]

In 1975 and 1976 most foreign forces, with the exception of Cuba, withdrew. The last elements of the Portuguese military withdrew in 1975^[67] and the South African military withdrew in February 1976.^[68] Cuba's troop force in Angola increased from 5,500 in December 1975 to 11,000 in February 1976.^[69]

Sweden provided humanitarian assistance to both the SWAPO and the MPLA in the mid-1970s,^[70][71][72] and regularly raised the issue of UNITA in political discussions between the two movements.

Cuban intervention

Cuban logistics were primitive, relying on a few aging commercial aircraft, small cargo ships, and large fishing vessels to support a major, long-range military operation.^[73]

In early September 1975, the Cuban merchant ships Viet Nam Heroico, Isla Coral, and La Plata, loaded with troops, vehicles, and 1,000 tons of gasoline, crossed the Atlantic and sailed to Angola. The United States held a secret, high-level talk with Cuba to express its consternation over Cuba's actions, but this had little effect. The Cuban troops landed in early October. On 7 November, Cuba began a thirteen-day airlift of a 650-man special forces battalion. The Cubans used old Bristol Britannia turboprop aircraft, making refueling stops in Barbados, Guinea-Bissau, and the Congo before landing in Luanda. The troops traveled as "tourists," carrying machine guns in briefcases. They packed 75mm cannons, 82mm mortars, and small arms into the aircraft's cargo holds.^[73]

On 14 October, four South African columns totaling 3,000 troops launched Operation Savannah in an attempt to capture Luanda from the south. The Cubans suffered major reversals, including one at Catofe, where South African forces surprised them and caused numerous casualties.^[74] However, the Cubans ultimately halted the South African advance by 26 November.^[34] Later, another 4,000 South African soldiers entered southern Angola to establish a buffer zone along the Namibian border. The MPLA received support from 3,000 Katangan exiles, a Mozambican battalion, 3,000 East German personnel, and 1,000 Soviet advisors. The pivotal intervention came from 18,000 Cuban troops, who defeated the FNLA in the north and UNITA in the south, concluding the conventional war by 12 February 1976.^[34] In Cabinda, the Cubans launched a series of successful operations against the FLEC separatist movement.^[75]

By March 1977, the MPLA controlled enough of the country to permit Castro to pay a state visit. However, in May, Nito Alves and José Van Dunem attempted an unsuccessful coup against Agostinho Neto. Cuban troops helped defeat the rebels.^[73] In May 1978, South Africa initiated Operation Reindeer, during which an airstrike on a Cuban convoy resulted in the loss of 150 Cuban troops. By July 1978, Cuba had suffered 5,600 casualties in its African wars (Angola and Ethiopia), including 1,000 killed in Angola and 400 killed against Somali forces in the Ethiopian Ogaden.^[34] In 1987, 6,000 South African soldiers reentered the Angolan war, clashing with Cuban forces. They defeated four MPLA brigades at the Lomba River in September and laid siege to Cuito Cuanavale for months until 12,000 Cuban troops broke the blockade in March 1988.^[34] On 26 June, South African forces engaged Cuban forces at Techipa, killing several Cuban troops. In response, Cuba launched an air strike on SADF positions the following day, killing nearly a dozen South African troops. Both sides promptly withdrew to prevent further escalation of hostilities.

Clark Amendment

Two days before the program's approval, Nathaniel Davis, the Assistant Secretary of State, told Henry Kissinger, the Secretary of State, that he believed maintaining the secrecy of IA Feature would be impossible. Davis correctly predicted the Soviet Union would respond by increasing involvement in the Angolan conflict, leading to more violence and negative publicity for the United States. When Ford approved the program, Davis resigned.^[78] John Stockwell, the CIA's station chief in Angola, echoed Davis' criticism saying that success required the expansion of the program, but its size already exceeded what could be hidden from the public eye. Davis' deputy, former U.S. ambassador to Chile Edward Mulcahy, also opposed direct involvement. Mulcahy presented three options for U.S. policy towards Angola on 13 May 1975. Mulcahy believed the Ford administration could use diplomacy to campaign against foreign aid to the communist MPLA, refuse to take sides in factional fighting, or increase support for the FNLA and UNITA. He warned that supporting UNITA would not sit well with Mobutu Sese Seko, the president of Zaire.^[76][79]

The U.S. government vetoed Angolan entry into the United Nations on 23 June 1976.^[86] Zambia forbade UNITA from launching attacks from its territory on 28 December 1976^[87] after Angola under MPLA rule became a member of the United Nations.^[88] According to Ambassador William Scranton, the United States abstained from voting on the issue of Angola becoming a UN member state "out of respect for the sentiments expressed by its [our] African friends".^[89]

Shaba invasions

John Stockwell, the CIA's station chief in Angola, resigned after the invasion, explaining in the April 1977 The Washington Post article "Why I'm Leaving the CIA" that he had warned Secretary of State Henry Kissinger that continued American support for anti-government rebels in Angola could provoke a war with Zaire. He also said that covert Soviet involvement in Angola came after, and in response to, U.S. involvement.^[99]

The FNLC invaded Shaba again on 11 May 1978, capturing Kolwezi in two days. While the Carter Administration had accepted Cuba's insistence on its non-involvement in Shaba I, and therefore did not stand with Mobutu, the U.S. government now accused Castro of complicity.^[100] This time, when Mobutu appealed for foreign assistance, the U.S. government worked with the French and Belgian militaries to beat back the invasion, the first military cooperation between France and the United States since the Vietnam War.^[101][102] The French Foreign Legion took back Kolwezi after a seven-day battle and airlifted 2,250 European citizens to Belgium, but not before the FNLC massacred 80 Europeans and 200 Africans. In one instance, the FNLC killed 34 European civilians who had hidden in a room. The FNLC retreated to Zambia, vowing to return to Angola. The Zairean army then forcibly evicted civilians along Shaba's border with Angola. Mobutu, wanting to prevent any chance of another invasion, ordered his troops to shoot on sight.^[103]

U.S.-mediated negotiations between the MPLA and Zairean governments led to a peace accord in 1979 and an end to support for insurgencies in each other's respective countries. Zaire temporarily cut off support to the FLEC, the FNLA and UNITA, and Angola forbade further activity by the FNLC.^[101]

Nitistas

By the late 1970s, Interior Minister

Alves and Van-Dunem planned to arrest Neto on 21 May before he arrived at a meeting of the Central Committee and before the commission released its report on the activities of the Nitistas. The MPLA changed the location of the meeting shortly before its scheduled start, throwing the plotters' plans into disarray. Alves attended anyway. The commission released its report, accusing him of factionalism. Alves fought back, denouncing Neto for not aligning Angola with the Soviet Union. After twelve hours of debate, the party voted 26 to 6 to dismiss Alves and Van-Dunem from their positions.[104]

In support of Alves and the coup, the

The MPLA government arrested tens of thousands of suspected Nitistas from May to November and tried them in secret courts overseen by Defense Minister Iko Carreira. Those who were found guilty, including Van-Dunem, Jacobo "Immortal Monster" Caetano, the head of the 8th Brigade, and political commissar Eduardo Evaristo, were shot and buried in secret graves. At least 2,000 followers (or alleged followers) of Nito Alves were estimated to have been killed by Cuban and MPLA troops in the aftermath, with some estimates claiming as high as 90,000 dead. Amnesty International estimated 30,000 died in the purge.^{[106][107][108][109]}

The coup attempt had a lasting effect on Angola's foreign relations. Alves had opposed Neto's foreign policy of

The Soviets tried to increase their influence, wanting to establish permanent military bases in Angola,[114] but despite persistent lobbying, especially by the Soviet chargé d'affaires, G. A. Zverev, Neto stood his ground and refused to allow the construction of permanent military bases. With Alves no longer a possibility, the Soviet Union backed Prime Minister Lopo do Nascimento against Neto for the MPLA's leadership.^[115] Neto moved swiftly, getting the party's Central Committee to fire Nascimento from his posts as Prime Minister, Secretary of the Politburo, Director of National Television, and Director of Jornal de Angola. Later that month, the positions of Prime Minister and Deputy Prime Minister were abolished.^[116]

Neto diversified the ethnic composition of the MPLA's political bureau as he replaced the hardline old guard with new blood, including José Eduardo dos Santos.^[117] When he died on 10 September 1979, the party's Central Committee unanimously voted to elect dos Santos as president.^{[citation needed]}

1980s

Under dos Santos's leadership, Angolan troops crossed the border into Namibia for the first time on 31 October, going into Kavango. The next day, dos Santos signed a non-aggression pact with Zambia and Zaire.^[118] In the 1980s, fighting spread outward from southeastern Angola, where most of the fighting had taken place in the 1970s, as the National Congolese Army (ANC) and SWAPO increased their activity. The South African government responded by sending troops back into Angola, intervening in the war from 1981 to 1987,^[68] prompting the Soviet Union to deliver massive amounts of military aid from 1981 to 1986. The USSR gave the MPLA more than US$2 billion in aid in 1984.^[119] In 1981, newly elected United States President Ronald Reagan's U.S. assistant secretary of state for African affairs, Chester Crocker, developed a linkage policy, tying Namibian independence to Cuban withdrawal and peace in Angola.^[120][121]

Beginning with 1979, Romania trained Angolan guerrillas. Every 3–4 months, Romania sent two airplanes to Angola, each returning with 166 recruits. These were taken back to Angola after they completed their training. In addition to guerrilla training, Romania also instructed young Angolans as pilots. In 1979, under the command of Major General

Cuba increased its troop force in Angola from 35,000 in 1982 to 40,000 in 1985. South African forces tried to capture

By 1986, Angola began to assume a more central role in the Cold War, with the Soviet Union, Cuba and other Eastern bloc nations enhancing support for the MPLA government, and American conservatives beginning to elevate their support for Savimbi's UNITA. Savimbi developed close relations with influential American conservatives, who saw Savimbi as a key ally in the U.S. effort to oppose and rollback Soviet-backed, undemocratic governments around the world. The conflict quickly escalated, with both Washington and Moscow seeing it as a critical strategic conflict in the Cold War.^[citation needed]

The Soviet Union gave an additional $1 billion in aid to the MPLA government and Cuba sent an additional 2,000 troops to the 35,000-strong force in Angola to protect

In addition to escalating its military support for UNITA, the Reagan administration and its conservative allies also worked to expand recognition of Savimbi as a key U.S. ally in an important Cold War struggle. In January 1986, Reagan invited Savimbi to a meeting at the White House. Following the meeting, Reagan spoke of UNITA as winning a victory that "electrifies the world". Two months later, Reagan announced the delivery of Stinger surface-to-air missiles as part of the $25 million in aid UNITA received from the U.S. government.^[120][133] Jeremias Chitunda, UNITA's representative to the U.S., became the Vice President of UNITA in August 1986 at the sixth party congress.^[134] Fidel Castro made Crocker's proposal—the withdrawal of foreign troops from Angola and Namibia—a prerequisite to Cuban withdrawal from Angola on 10 September.

UNITA forces attacked Camabatela in

After the indecisive results of the Battle of Cuito Cuanavale, Fidel Castro claimed that the increased cost of continuing to fight for South Africa had placed Cuba in its most aggressive combat position of the war, arguing that he was preparing to leave Angola with his opponents on the defensive. According to Cuba, the political, economic and technical cost to South Africa of maintaining its presence in Angola proved too much. Conversely, the South Africans believe that they indicated their resolve to the superpowers by preparing a nuclear test that ultimately forced the Cubans into a settlement.^[144]

Cuban troops were alleged to have used nerve gas against UNITA troops during the civil war. Belgian criminal toxicologist Dr. Aubin Heyndrickx, studied alleged evidence, including samples of war-gas "identification kits" found after the battle at Cuito Cuanavale, claimed that "there is no doubt anymore that the Cubans were using nerve gases against the troops of Mr. Jonas Savimbi."^[145]

The Cuban government joined negotiations on 28 January 1988, and all three parties held a round of negotiations on 9 March. The South African government joined negotiations on 3 May and the parties met in June and August in

As the Angolan Civil War began to take on a diplomatic component, in addition to a military one, two key Savimbi allies, The Conservative Caucus' Howard Phillips and the Heritage Foundation's Michael Johns visited Savimbi in Angola, where they sought to persuade Savimbi to come to the United States in the spring of 1989 to help the Conservative Caucus, the Heritage Foundation and other conservatives in making the case for continued U.S. aid to UNITA.^[147]

President Mobutu invited 18 African leaders, Savimbi, and dos Santos to his palace in Gbadolite in June 1989 for negotiations. Savimbi and dos Santos met for the first time and agreed to the Gbadolite Declaration, a ceasefire, on 22 June, paving the way for a future peace agreement.^[148][149] President Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia said a few days after the declaration that Savimbi had agreed to leave Angola and go into exile, a claim Mobutu, Savimbi, and the U.S. government disputed.^[149] Dos Santos agreed with Kaunda's interpretation of the negotiations, saying Savimbi had agreed to temporarily leave the country.^[150]

On 23 August, dos Santos complained that the U.S. and South African governments continued to fund UNITA, warning such activity endangered the already fragile ceasefire. The next day Savimbi announced UNITA would no longer abide by the ceasefire, citing Kaunda's insistence that Savimbi leave the country and UNITA disband. The MPLA government responded to Savimbi's statement by moving troops from Cuito Cuanavale, under MPLA control, to UNITA-occupied Mavinga. The ceasefire broke down with dos Santos and the U.S. government blaming each other for the resumption in armed conflict.^[151]

1990s

Government troops wounded Savimbi in battles in January and February 1990, but not enough to restrict his mobility.^[156] He went to Washington, D.C., in December and met with President George H. W. Bush again,^[148] the fourth of five trips he made to the United States. Savimbi paid Black, Manafort, Stone, and Kelly, a lobbying firm based in Washington, D.C., $5 million to lobby the Federal government for aid, portray UNITA favorably in Western media, and acquire support among politicians in Washington. Savimbi was highly successful in this endeavour. The weapons he would gain from Bush helped UNITA survive even after U.S. support stopped.^[157]

Senators

President dos Santos met with Savimbi in

Then, in a series of stunning victories, UNITA regained control over

Perhaps the clearest shift in

Savimbi, unwilling to personally sign an accord, had former UNITA Secretary General

In January 1995, U.S. President Clinton sent Paul Hare, his envoy to Angola, to support the Lusaka Protocol and impress the importance of the ceasefire onto the Angolan government and UNITA, both in need of outside assistance.

The UN extended its mandate on 8 February 1996. In March, Savimbi and dos Santos formally agreed to form a coalition government.[68] The government deported 2,000 West African and Lebanese Angolans in Operation Cancer Two, in August 1996, on the grounds that dangerous minorities were responsible for the rising crime rate.^[180] In 1996 the Angolan government bought military equipment from India, two Mil Mi-24 attack helicopters and three Sukhoi Su-17 from Kazakhstan in December, and helicopters from Slovakia in March.^[178]

The international community helped install a Government of Unity and National Reconciliation in April 1997, but UNITA did not allow the regional MPLA government to take up residence in 60 cities. The

UNITA's ability to mine diamonds and sell them abroad provided funding for the war to continue even as the movement's support in the Western world and among the local populace withered away. De Beers and Endiama, a state-owned diamond-mining monopoly, signed a contract allowing De Beers to handle Angola's diamond exports in 1990.^[188] According to the United Nation's Fowler Report, Joe De Deker, a former stockholder in De Beers, worked with the government of Zaire to supply military equipment to UNITA from 1993 to 1997. De Deker's brother, Ronnie, allegedly flew from South Africa to Angola, directing weapons originating in Eastern Europe. In return, UNITA gave Ronnie bushels of diamonds worth $6 million. De Deker sent the diamonds to De Beer's buying office in Antwerp, Belgium. De Beers openly acknowledges spending $500 million on legal and illegal Angolan diamonds in 1992 alone. The United Nations estimates Angolans made between three and four billion dollars through the diamond trade between 1992 and 1998.^[169][189] The UN also estimates that out of that sum, UNITA made at least $3.72 billion, or 93% of all diamond sales, despite international sanctions.^[190]

Executive Outcomes (EO), a South African private military company, played a major role in turning the tide for the MPLA, with one U.S. defence expert calling the EO the "best fifty or sixty million dollars the Angolan government ever spent."^[191] Heritage Oil and Gas, and allegedly De Beers, hired EO to protect their operations in Angola.^[191] Executive Outcomes trained up to 5,000 troops and 30 combat pilots in camps in Lunda Sul, Cabo Ledo, and Dondo.^[192]

Cabinda separatism

The territory of

Throughout the 1990s, Cabindan rebels kidnapped and ransomed off foreign oil workers to in turn finance further attacks against the national government. FLEC militants stopped buses, forcing Chevron Oil workers out, and set fire to the buses on 27 March and 23 April 1992. A large-scale battle took place between FLEC and police in Malongo on 14 May, in which 25 mortar rounds accidentally hit a nearby Chevron compound.

Angola agreed to trade oil to Slovakia in return for arms, buying six Sukhoi Su-17 attack aircraft on 3 April 2000. The Spanish government in the Canary Islands prevented a Ukrainian freighter from delivering 636 tons of military equipment to Angola on 24 February 2001. The captain of the ship had falsely reported his cargo, claiming the ship carried automobile parts. The Angolan government admitted Simportex had purchased arms from Rosvooruzhenie, the Russian state-owned arms company, and acknowledged the captain might have violated Spanish law by misreporting his cargo, a common practice in arms smuggling to Angola.^[203]

Government troops captured and destroyed UNITA's Epongoloko base in Benguela province and Mufumbo base in Cuanza Sul in October 2001.[210] The Slovak government sold fighter jets to the Angolan government in 2001 in violation of the European Union Code of Conduct on Arms Exports.^[211]

Death of Savimbi

Government troops killed Jonas Savimbi on 22 February 2002, in Moxico province.

The United Nations Security Council passed Resolution 1404 on 18 April, extending the monitoring mechanism of sanctions by six months. Resolutions 1412 and 1432, passed on 17 May and 15 August respectively, suspended the UN travel ban on UNITA officials for 90 days each, finally abolishing the ban through Resolution 1439 on 18 October. UNAVEM III, extended an additional two months by Resolution 1439, ended on 19 December.^[216]

UNITA's new leadership declared the rebel group a political party and officially demobilized its armed forces in August 2002.^[217] That same month, the United Nations Security Council replaced the United Nations Office in Angola with the United Nations Mission in Angola, a larger, non-military, political presence.^[218]

Aftermath

The civil war spawned a disastrous humanitarian crisis in Angola, internally displacing 4.28 million people – one-third of Angola's total population. The United Nations estimated in 2003 that 80% of Angolans lacked access to basic medical care, 60% lacked access to water, and 30% of Angolan children would die before the age of five, with an overall national life expectancy of less than 40 years of age.^[219] Over 100,000 children were separated from their families.^[220]

There was an exodus from rural areas in most of the country. Today the urban population represents slightly more than half of the population, according to the latest census. In many cases, people went into cities outside the traditional area of their ethnic group. There are now important Ovimbundu communities in Luanda, Malanje, and Lubango. There has been a degree of return, but at a slow pace, while many younger people are reluctant to go to a rural life that they never knew.^[221]

In rural areas, one problem is that some were for years under the control of the MPLA-government, while others were controlled by UNITA.^{[clarification needed]} Some of the population fled to neighbouring countries, while others went into remote mountainous areas.^[221]

Over 156 people have died since 2018 from 70 landmine accidents and other blasts resulting from explosives installed during the Angolan civil war.^[222] The landmine victims do not receive any government support.^[223]

On the 44th anniversary of the May 27, 1977 attempted coup by Nito Alves, Angolan president João Lourenço apologized for the execution of thousands of Alves' followers by the MPLA in the aftermath of the failed coup and promised to return the remains of the victims to their families.^[224]

Humanitarian efforts

The government spent $187 million settling

In John Milius's 1984 film Red Dawn, Bella, one of the Cuban officers who takes part in a joint Cuban-Soviet invasion of the United States, is said to have fought in the conflicts in Angola, El Salvador, and Nicaragua.^[228][229]

The Cuban classic film Caravana was produced on the fictionalized exploits of a Cuban caravan (a military mechanized column) sent to reinforce an isolated Cuban position against an impeding UNITA attack. On the way they need to clear mines and repel continued attacks of Cobra, a special operations section of UNITA troops indirectly monitored by CIA handlers. The film received substantial support from Cuban Armed Forces, included many famous Cuban actors of the time and became a classic of Cuban Cinema.^[citation needed]

Three additional Cuban films were produced in a loose trilogy, each focused in one significant battle of the war: Kangamba, Sumbe and Cuito Cuanavale.^{[citation needed]}

The 2004 film

The Swedish–German 2010 documentary film My Heart of Darkness, about the Angolan Civil War was filmed in 2007.^[235]

The Angolan Civil War is featured in the 2012 video game Call of Duty: Black Ops II, in which the player (Alex Mason) assists Jonas Savimbi in a battle against MPLA forces.^[236]

In the video game

Venom Snake" ventures into the Angola—Zaire

border region during the Angolan Civil War in order to track down the men responsible for the destruction of his private military organization.

The conflict is featured in first three episodes of the 2018 German television series Deutschland 86.

See also

• Ryszard Kapuscinski
• Mozambican Civil War, another proxy war which also started soon after the country gained independence from Portugal
• Reagan Doctrine
• Republic of Cabinda
• South African Border War
• Mercenaries in Angolan Civil War

Notes

1. ^ Irritated by UNITA cross-border raids, the Namibian Defence Force retaliated by sending units into southern Angola and destroying a UNITA training camp at Licua in late January 2001.^[6] The Namibian troops were not withdrawn from Angola until May 2002.^[6]
2. ^ The North Korean Military Mission in Angola had about 1,500 personnel attached to FAPLA in 1986, most likely advisers, although their exact duties are uncertain.^[11] Their presence in Angola may have been indirectly subsidised by the Soviet Union.^[12]
3. ^ The results of the 2008 Elections in Angola show that its constituency is by now considerably larger.
4. ^ The Dutch conquered and ruled Luanda between 1640 and 1648 as Fort Aardenburgh, but the Portuguese presence was maintained inland, and after the reconquest of Luanda, all trading activities were resumed as before.

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Further reading

• "Angola Retrospective: Long Road to Peace." New African, February 2016, 50+.
• Nelson Mandela & Fidel Castro, How Far We Slaves Have Come!, New York:Pathfinder Press, 1991
• Adunbi, Omolade. Oil Wealth and Insurgency in Nigeria (Indiana UP, 2015).
• Brittain, Victoria, and Peter Whittaker. "Death of Dignity: Angola's Civil War." New Internationalist (August 1998). MPLA viewpoint.
• Collelo, Thomas. Angola, a Country Study (3rd ed. US State Dept. 1991).
• Fernando Andresen Guimarães, The Origins of the Angolan Civil War: Foreign Intervention and Domestic Political Conflict, Houndsmills & London: Macmillan, 1998
• French, Howard H. "How America Helped Savimbi and Apartheid South Africa. (for the Record: Angola)." New African (June 2002) .
• Gleijeses, Piero. "Moscow's Proxy? Cuba and Africa 1975–1988." Journal of Cold War Studies 8.4 (2006): 98–146. online
• Gleijeses, Piero. Conflicting Missions: Havana, Washington, and Africa, 1959–1976 (U of North Carolina Press, 2002).
• Gleijeses, Piero. Visions of Freedom: Havana, Washington, Pretoria and the Struggle for Southern Africa, 1976–1991 (U of North Carolina Press, 2013).
• Hanhimaki, Jussi M. The Flawed Architect: Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy (2004) pp 398=426.
• Hill, Alexander (2021). ""We Carried Out Our [International] Duty!": The Soviet Union, Cuito Cuanavale, and Wars of National Liberation in Southern Africa".
  S2CID 235689406
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• Isaacson, Walter. Kissinger: A Biography (2005) pp 672–92. online free to borrow
• W. Martin James III (2011). A Political History of the Civil War in Angola 1974–1990. Piscataway: Transaction Publishers. p. 34.
  ISBN 978-1-4128-1506-2
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• Kennes, Erik, and Miles Larmer. The Katangese Gendarmes and War in Central Africa: Fighting Their Way Home (Indiana UP, 2016).
• Klinghoffer, Arthur J. The Angolan War: A study of Soviet policy in the Third World, (Westview Press, 1980).
• Assis Malaquias (2007). Rebels and Robbers: Violence in Post-Colonial Angola. Uppsala: Nordiska Afrikainstitutet.
  ISBN 978-91-7106-580-3
  .
• McCormick, Shawn H. The Angolan Economy: Prospects for Growth in a Postwar Environment. (Westview Press, 1994).
• McFaul, Michael. "Rethinking the 'Reagan Doctrine' in Angola." International Security 14.3 (1989): 99–135. online
• Minter, William. Apartheid's Contras: An Inquiry into the Roots of War in Angola and Mozambique, Johannesburg: Witwatersrand Press, 1994
• Niederstrasser, R. O. "The Cuban Legacy in Africa." Washington Report on the Hemisphere, (30 November 2017) .
• Onslow, Sue. “The battle of Cuito Cuanavale: Media space and the end of the Cold War in Southern Africa" in Artemy M. Kalinovsky, Sergey Radchenko. eds., The End of the Cold War and the Third World: New Perspectives on Regional Conflict (2011) pp 277–96.
• Pazzanita, Anthony G, "The Conflict Resolution Process in Angola." The Journal of Modern African Studies, Vol. 29 No 1(March 1991): pp. 83–114.
• Saney, Isaac, "African Stalingrad: The Cuban Revolution, Internationalism and the End of Apartheid," Latin American Perspectives 33#5 (2006): pp. 81–117.
• Saunders, Chris. "The ending of the Cold War and Southern Africa" in Artemy M. Kalinovsky, Sergey Radchenko. eds., The End of the Cold War and the Third World: New Perspectives on Regional Conflict (2011) pp 264–77.
• Sellström, Tor, ed. Liberation in Southern Africa: Regional and Swedish Voices : Interviews from Angola, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Zimbabwe, the Frontline and Sweden (Uppsala: Nordic Africa Institute, 2002). *
  W.W. Norton
  , 1978. by CVIA official
• Thornton, Richard. Nixon Kissinger Years: Reshaping America's Foreign Policy (2md ed. 2001) pp 356–92.
• Tvedten, Inge. Angola: Struggle for Peace and Reconstruction (Westview Press, 1997) a major scholarly history.
• UN. "Security Council Again Condemns South Africa for 'Unprovoked Aggression' against Angola." UN Chronicle, November–December 1985, 12+.
• Windrich, Elaine. The Cold War Guerrilla: Jonas Savimbi, the U. S. Media, and the Angolan War (Greenwood Press, 1992).
• Wolfers, Michael, & Bergerol, Jane. Angola in the Front Line (London: Zed Books, 1983)
• Wright, George The Destruction of a Nation: United States Policy Towards Angola Since 1945, (London: Pluto Press, 1997).

External links

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Angolan Civil War.

• All Peace Agreements for Angola – UN Peacemaker
• Armed Conflict Events Data: Angolan Civil War 1975–1991
• "Savimbi's Elusive Victory in Angola" Archived 27 July 2013 at the Wayback Machine – Michael Johns, U.S. Congressional Record, 26 October 1989.
• Arte TV: Fidel, der Che und die afrikanische Odyssee
• Departement Sozialwissenschaften der Universität Hamburg über den Krieg in Angola – Hamburg University
• Afrika-Bulletin Nr. 123, August/September 2006 mit Schwerpunktthema Angola
• Deutsches Auswärtiges Amt zur Geschichte Angolas – German foreign ministry
• Welt Online: Wie Castro die Revolution exportierte
• Christine Hatzky: Kuba in Afrika – Duisburg University
• The National Security Archive: Secret Cuban Documents on Africa Involvement
• U.S. Involvement in Angolan Conflict from the Dean Peter Krogh Foreign Affairs Digital Archive