Anselm of Canterbury

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

Kingdom of Burgundy, Holy Roman Empire
Died21 April 1109
Canterbury, England
BuriedCanterbury Cathedral
ParentsGundulph
Ermenberge
OccupationMonk, prior, abbot, archbishop
Sainthood
Feast day21 April
Venerated inCatholic Church
Anglican Communion[1]
Lutheranism[2]
Title as SaintBishop, Confessor, Doctor of the Church
(Doctor Magnificus)
Canonized4 October 1494
Rome, Papal States
by Pope Alexander VI
AttributesHis mitre, pallium, and crozier
His books
A ship, representing the spiritual independence of the Church.

Philosophy career
Notable workProslogion
Cur Deus Homo
EraMedieval philosophy
RegionWestern philosophy
SchoolScholasticism
Neoplatonism[3]
Augustinianism
Main interests
Metaphysics, theology
Notable ideas
Argument from Degree Ontological argument
Satisfaction theory of atonement

Anselm of Canterbury

feast day is 21 April. He was proclaimed a Doctor of the Church by a papal bull of Pope Clement XI
in 1720.

As Archbishop of Canterbury, he defended the church's interests in England amid the

Wales but, though at his death he appeared to have been successful, Pope Paschal II
later reversed papal decisions on the matter and restored York's earlier status.

Beginning at

atonement
.

Biography

A French plaque commemorating the supposed birthplace of Anselm in Aosta, St Anselm street. (The identification may be spurious.)[8]

Family

Monument to St Anselm in Aosta, Xavier de Maistre street.

Anselm was born in or

Kingdom of Italy under William V, Duke of Aquitaine. Otto and Adelaide's unified lands[12] then controlled the most important passes in the Western Alps and formed the county of Savoy whose dynasty would later rule the kingdoms of Sardinia and Italy.[13][14]

Records during this period are scanty, but both sides of Anselm's immediate family appear to have been dispossessed by these decisions

diocese of Lyon.) Ermenberge appears to have been the wealthier partner in the marriage. Gundulph moved to his wife's town,[10] where she held a palace, most likely near the cathedral, along with a villa in the valley.[24] Anselm's father is sometimes described as having a harsh and violent temper[17] but contemporary accounts merely portray him as having been overgenerous or careless with his wealth;[25] Meanwhile, Anselm's mother Ermenberge, patient and devoutly religious,[17] made up for her husband's faults by her prudent management of the family estates.[25] In later life, there are records of three relations who visited Bec: Folceraldus, Haimo, and Rainaldus. The first repeatedly attempted to exploit Anselm's renown, but was rebuffed since he already had his ties to another monastery, whereas Anselm's attempts to persuade the other two to join the Bec community were unsuccessful.[26]

Early life

Becca di Nona south of Aosta, the site of a supposed mystical vision during Anselm's childhood[27]

At the age of fifteen, Anselm felt the call to enter a monastery but, failing to obtain his father's consent, he was refused by the abbot.

psychosomatic effect of his disappointment,[17] but upon his recovery he gave up his studies and for a time lived a carefree life.[17]

Following the death of his mother, probably at the birth of his sister Richera,

novice at the age of 27.[28] Probably in his first year, he wrote his first work on philosophy, a treatment of Latin paradoxes called the Grammarian.[34] Over the next decade, the Rule of Saint Benedict reshaped his thought.[35]

Abbot of Bec

Early years

Bec Abbey in Normandy

Three years later, in 1063,

Gilbert d'Arques, Bishop of Évreux, on 22 February 1079.[40]

Under Anselm's direction, Bec became the foremost seat of learning in Europe,

universals.[43] The fame of the monastery grew not only from his intellectual achievements, however, but also from his good example[33] and his loving, kindly method of discipline,[17] particularly with the younger monks.[28] There was also admiration for his spirited defence of the abbey's independence from lay and archiepiscopal control, especially in the face of Robert de Beaumont, Earl of Leicester and the new Archbishop of Rouen, William Bona Anima.[44]

In England

.

Following the

St Werburgh's.[28] Hugh was recovered by the time of Anselm's arrival,[28] but he was occupied four[17] or five months by his assistance.[28] He then travelled to his former pupil Gilbert Crispin, abbot of Westminster, and waited, apparently delayed by the need to assemble the donors of Bec's new lands in order to obtain royal approval of the grants.[49]

A 19th-century portrayal of Anselm being dragged to the cathedral by the English bishops

At Christmas, William II pledged by the

dispensation from his duties in Normandy,[17] did homage to William, and—on 25 September 1093—was enthroned at Canterbury Cathedral.[58] The same day, William II finally returned the lands of the see.[56]

From the mid-8th century, it had become the custom that

consecrate Anselm as archbishop on 4 December, without the pallium.[56]

Archbishop of Canterbury

As archbishop, Anselm maintained his monastic ideals, including stewardship, prudence, and proper instruction, prayer and contemplation.[62] Anselm advocated for reform and interests of Canterbury.[63] As such, he repeatedly pressed the English monarchy for support of the reform agenda.[64] His principled opposition to royal prerogatives over the Catholic Church, meanwhile, twice led to his exile from England.[65]

The traditional view of historians has been to see Anselm as aligned with the papacy against lay authority and Anselm's term in office as the English theatre of the

York[67] and the Welsh bishops, and gained strong authority over the Irish bishops.[68] He died before the Canterbury–York dispute was definitively settled, however, and Pope Honorius II finally found in favour of York instead.[69]

Conrad's expansions[70]

Although the work was largely handled by

Conflicts with William Rufus

Anselm's vision was of a Catholic Church with its own internal authority, which clashed with William II's desire for royal control over both church and State.

given the money to the poor and "that he disdained to purchase his master's favour as he would a horse or ass".[42] The king being told this, he replied Anselm's blessing for his invasion would not be needed as "I hated him before, I hate him now, and shall hate him still more hereafter".[75] Withdrawing to Canterbury, Anselm began work on the Cur Deus Homo.[42]

"Anselm Assuming the Pallium in Canterbury Cathedral" from E. M. Wilmot-Buxton's 1915 Anselm[76]

Upon William's return, Anselm insisted that he travel to the court of Urban II to secure the pallium that legitimized his office.[42] On 25 February 1095, the Lords Spiritual and Temporal of England met in a council at Rockingham to discuss the issue. The next day, William ordered the bishops not to treat Anselm as their primate or as Canterbury's archbishop, as he openly adhered to Urban. The bishops sided with the king, the Bishop of Durham presenting his case[77] and even advising William to depose and exile Anselm.[78] The nobles siding with Anselm, the conference ended in deadlock and the matter was postponed. Immediately following this, William secretly sent William Warelwast and Gerard to Italy,[63] prevailing on Urban to send a legate bearing Canterbury's pallium.[79] Walter, bishop of Albano, was chosen and negotiated in secret with William's representative, the Bishop of Durham.[80] The king agreed to publicly support Urban's cause in exchange for acknowledgement of his rights to accept no legates without invitation and to block clerics from receiving or obeying papal letters without his approval. William's greatest desire was for Anselm to be removed from office. Walter said that "there was good reason to expect a successful issue in accordance with the king's wishes" but, upon William's open acknowledgement of Urban as pope, Walter refused to depose the archbishop.[81] William then tried to sell the pallium to others, failed,[82] tried to extract a payment from Anselm for the pallium, but was again refused. William then tried to personally bestow the pallium to Anselm, an act connoting the church's subservience to the throne, and was again refused.[83] In the end, the pallium was laid on the altar at Canterbury, whence Anselm took it on 10 June 1095.[83]

The

Marcher Lords and William's 1095 invasion had accomplished little; two larger forays were made in 1097 against Cadwgan in Powys and Gruffudd in Gwynedd. These were also unsuccessful and William was compelled to erect a series of border fortresses.[88] He charged Anselm with having given him insufficient knights for the campaign and tried to fine him.[89] In the face of William's refusal to fulfill his promise of church reform, Anselm resolved to proceed to Rome—where an army of French crusaders had finally installed Urban—in order to seek the counsel of the pope.[64] William again denied him permission. The negotiations ended with Anselm being "given the choice of exile or total submission": if he left, William declared he would seize Canterbury and never again receive Anselm as archbishop; if he were to stay, William would impose his fine and force him to swear never again to appeal to the papacy.[90]

First exile

Countess Matilda and Anselm of Canterbury in the Presence of Pope Urban II

Anselm chose to depart in October 1097.

Saracen troops supposedly offered him food and other gifts but the count actively resisted the clerics' attempts to convert them to Catholicism.[93]

At the

Norman lords, the Italian Greeks seem to have accepted papal supremacy and Anselm's theology.[95] The council also condemned William II. Eadmer credited Anselm with restraining the pope from excommunicating him,[92] although others attribute Urban's politic nature.[96]

Anselm was present in a

Schiavi—where he completed his work Cur Deus Homo—and then for Lyon.[96][99]

Conflicts with Henry I

, in France

William Rufus

ring and crozier anew.[103] Despite having done so under William, the bishop now refused to violate canon law. Henry for his part refused to relinquish a right possessed by his predecessors and even sent an embassy to Pope Paschal II to present his case.[96] Paschal reaffirmed Urban's bans to that mission and the one that followed it.[96]

Meanwhile, Anselm publicly supported Henry against the claims and threatened invasion of his brother Robert Curthose. Anselm wooed wavering barons to the king's cause, emphasizing the religious nature of their oaths and duty of loyalty;[104] he supported the deposition of Ranulf Flambard, the disloyal new bishop of Durham;[105] and he threatened Robert with excommunication.[106] The lack of popular support greeting his invasion near Portsmouth compelled Robert to accept the Treaty of Alton instead, renouncing his claims for an annual payment of 3000 marks.

Anselm held a council at

British slave trade.[110] Henry supported Anselm's reforms and his authority over the English Church but continued to assert his own authority over Anselm. Upon their return, the three bishops he had dispatched on his second delegation to the pope claimed—in defiance of Paschal's sealed letter to Anselm, his public acts, and the testimony of the two monks who had accompanied them—that the pontiff had been receptive to Henry's counsel and secretly approved of Anselm's submission to the crown.[111] In 1103, then, Anselm consented to journey himself to Rome, along with the king's envoy William Warelwast.[112] Anselm supposedly travelled in order to argue the king's case for a dispensation[113] but, in response to this third mission, Paschal fully excommunicated the bishops who had accepted investment from Henry, though sparing the king himself.[96]

Second exile

After this ruling, Anselm received a letter forbidding his return and withdrew to Lyon to await Paschal's response.[96] On 26 March 1105, Paschal again excommunicated prelates who had accepted investment from Henry and the advisors responsible, this time including Robert de Beaumont, Henry's chief advisor.[114] He further finally threatened Henry with the same;[115] in April, Anselm sent messages to the king directly[116] and through his sister Adela expressing his own willingness to excommunicate Henry.[96] This was probably a negotiation tactic[117] but it came at a critical period in Henry's reign[96] and it worked: a meeting was arranged and a compromise concluded at L'Aigle on 22 July 1105. Henry would forsake lay investiture if Anselm obtained Paschal's permission for clerics to do homage for their lands;[118][119] Henry's bishops'[96] and counsellors' excommunications were to be lifted provided they advise him to obey the papacy (Anselm performed this act on his own authority and later had to answer for it to Paschal);[118] the revenues of Canterbury would be returned to the archbishop; and priests would no longer be permitted to marry.[119] Anselm insisted on the agreement's ratification by the pope before he would consent to return to England, but wrote to Paschal in favour of the deal, arguing that Henry's forsaking of lay investiture was a greater victory than the matter of homage.[120] On 23 March 1106, Paschal wrote Anselm accepting the terms established at L'Aigle, although both clerics saw this as a temporary compromise and intended to continue pressing for reforms,[121] including the ending of homage to lay authorities.[122]

Even after this, Anselm refused to return to England.[123] Henry travelled to Bec and met with him on 15 August 1106. Henry was forced to make further concessions. He restored to Canterbury all the churches that had been seized by William or during Anselm's exile, promising that nothing more would be taken from them and even providing Anselm with a security payment.[citation needed] Henry had initially taxed married clergy and, when their situation had been outlawed, had made up the lost revenue by controversially extending the tax over all Churchmen.[124] He now agreed that any prelate who had paid this would be exempt from taxation for three years.[citation needed] These compromises on Henry's part strengthened the rights of the church against the king. Anselm returned to England before the new year.[96]

Abbot of Bec.[126]
The location of Anselm's relics, however, remains uncertain.

Final years

In 1107, the

York's independence. From his deathbed, Anselm anathematized all who failed to recognize Canterbury's primacy over all the English Church. This ultimately forced Henry to order Thomas to confess his obedience to Anselm's successor.[68] On his deathbed, he announced himself content, except that he had a treatise in mind on the origin of the soul and did not know, once he was gone, if another was likely to compose it.[127]

He died on

Holy Trinity (now St Thomas's Chapel).[131] During the church's reconstruction after the disastrous fire of the 1170s, his remains were relocated,[131]
although it is now uncertain where.

On 23 December 1752,

Virgin Mary,[138] but in the uncertainty nothing further seems to have been done then or when inquiries were renewed in 1841.[140]

Writings

A late 16th-century engraving of Anselm, archbishop of Canterbury

Anselm has been called "the most luminous and penetrating intellect between

Gilbert of Poitiers—inaugurated "one of the most brilliant periods of Western philosophy", innovating logic, semantics, ethics, metaphysics, and other areas of philosophical theology.[146]

Anselm held that faith necessarily precedes reason, but that reason can expand upon faith:[147] "And I do not seek to understand that I may believe but believe that I might understand. For this too I believe since, unless I first believe, I shall not understand".[d][148] This is possibly drawn from Tractate XXIX of St Augustine's Ten Homilies on the First Epistle of John: regarding John 7:14–18, Augustine counseled "Do not seek to understand in order to believe but believe that thou may understand".[149] Anselm rephrased the idea repeatedly[e] and Thomas Williams(SEP 2007) considered that his aptest motto was the original title of the Proslogion, "faith seeking understanding", which intended "an active love of God seeking a deeper knowledge of God".[150] Once the faith is held fast, however, he argued an attempt must be made to demonstrate its truth by means of reason: "To me, it seems to be negligence if, after confirmation in the faith, we do not study to understand that which we believe".[f][148] Merely rational proofs are always, however, to be tested by scripture[151][152] and he employs Biblical passages and "what we believe" (quod credimus) at times to raise problems or to present erroneous understandings, whose inconsistencies are then resolved by reason.[153]

Stylistically, Anselm's treatises take two basic forms, dialogues and sustained meditations.

Roscelin, but he intended for his books to form a unity, with his letters and latter works advising the reader to consult his other books for the arguments supporting various points in his reasoning.[154] It seems to have been a recurring problem that early drafts of his works were copied and circulated without his permission.[153]

A mid-17th century engraving of Anselm

While at Bec, Anselm composed:[34]

While archbishop of Canterbury, he composed:[34]

illuminated
beginning of an 11th-century manuscript of the Monologion

Monologion

The Monologion (

De Trinitate;[159] Anselm even acknowledges his debt to that work in the Monologion's prologue.[160] However, he takes pains to present his reasons for belief in God without appeal to scriptural or patristic authority,[161] using new and bold arguments.[162] He attributes this style—and the book's existence—to the requests of his fellow monks that "nothing whatsoever in these matters should be made convincing by the authority of Scripture, but whatsoever... the necessity of reason would concisely prove".[163]

In the first chapter, Anselm begins with a statement that anyone should be able to convince themselves of the existence of God through reason alone "if he is even moderately intelligent".

false dichotomy.[167] God is taken to neither conform to nor invent the moral order but to embody it:[167] in each case of his attributes, "God having that attribute is precisely that attribute itself".[168]

A letter survives of Anselm responding to Lanfranc's criticism of the work. The elder cleric took exception to its lack of appeals to scripture and authority.[160] The preface of the Proslogion records his own dissatisfaction with the Monologion's arguments, since they are rooted in a posteriori evidence and inductive reasoning.[162]

Proslogion

The

Latin: Proslogium, "Discourse"), originally entitled Faith Seeking Understanding (Fides Quaerens Intellectum) and then An Address on God's Existence (Alloquium de Dei Existentia),[155][169][i] was written over the next two years (1077–1078).[34] It is written in the form of an extended direct address to God.[153] It grew out of his dissatisfaction with the Monologion's interlinking and contingent arguments.[153] His "single argument that needed nothing but itself alone for proof, that would by itself be enough to show that God really exists"[170] is commonly[j] taken to be merely the second chapter of the work. In it, Anselm reasoned that even atheists can imagine the greatest being, having such attributes that nothing greater could exist (id quo nihil maius cogitari possit).[113] However, if such a being's attributes did not include existence, a still greater being could be imagined: one with all of the attributes of the first and existence. Therefore, the truly greatest possible being must necessarily exist. Further, this necessarily-existing greatest being must be God, who therefore necessarily exists.[162] This reasoning was known to the Scholastics as "Anselm's argument" (ratio Anselmi) but it became known as the ontological argument for the existence of God following Kant's treatment of it.[170][k]

A 12th-century illumination from the Meditations of St. Anselm

More probably, Anselm intended his "single argument" to include most of the rest of the work as well,

triune nature of the God, Jesus, and "the one love common to [God] and [his] Son, that is, the Holy Spirit who proceeds from both".[177] The last three chapters are a digression on what God's goodness might entail.[153] Extracts from the work were later compiled under the name Meditations or The Manual of St Austin.[28]

Responsio

The argument presented in the Proslogion has rarely seemed satisfactory

Gaunilo, a monk from the abbey of Marmoutier in Tours.[181] His book "for the fool" (Liber pro Insipiente)[m] argues that we cannot arbitrarily pass from idea to reality[162] (de posse ad esse not fit illatio).[43] The most famous of Gaunilo's objections is a parody of Anselm's argument involving an island greater than which nothing can be conceived.[170]
Since we can conceive of such an island, it exists in our understanding and so must exist in reality. This is, however, absurd, since its shore might arbitrarily be increased and in any case varies with the tide.

Anselm's reply (Responsio) or apology (Liber Apologeticus)[162] does not address this argument directly, which has led Klima,[184] Grzesik,[43] and others to construct replies for him and led Wolterstorff[185] and others to conclude that Gaunilo's attack is definitive.[170] Anselm, however, considered that Gaunilo had misunderstood his argument.[170][181] In each of Gaunilo's four arguments, he takes Anselm's description of "that than which nothing greater can be thought" to be equivalent to "that which is greater than everything else that can be thought".[181] Anselm countered that anything which does not actually exist is necessarily excluded from his reasoning and anything which might or probably does not exist is likewise aside the point. The Proslogion had already stated "anything else whatsoever other than [God] can be thought not to exist".[186] The Proslogion's argument concerns and can only concern the single greatest entity out of all existing things. That entity both must exist and must be God.[170]

Dialogues

MS Auct. D2. 6
An illuminated archbishop—presumably Anselm—from a 12th-century edition of his Meditations

All of Anselm's dialogues take the form of a lesson between a gifted and inquisitive student and a knowledgeable teacher. Except for in Cur Deus Homo, the student is not identified but the teacher is always recognizably Anselm himself.[153]

Anselm's De Grammatico ("On the Grammarian"), of uncertain date,[n] deals with eliminating various paradoxes arising from the grammar of Latin nouns and adjectives[157] by examining the syllogisms involved to ensure the terms in the premises agree in meaning and not merely expression.[188] The treatment shows a clear debt to Boethius's treatment of Aristotle.[144]

Between 1080 and 1086, while still at Bec, Anselm composed the dialogues De Veritate ("On Truth"), De Libertate Arbitrii ("On the Freedom of Choice"), and De Casu Diaboli ("On the Devil's Fall").

the Fall, they are incapable of doing so in practice except by divine grace.[194]

The beginning of the Cur Deus Homo's prologue, from a 12th-century manuscript held at Lambeth Palace

Cur Deus Homo

Protestant theology.[201]

The first page of a 12th-century manuscript of the De Concordia

Other works

Anselm's De Fide Trinitatis et de Incarnatione Verbi Contra Blasphemias Ruzelini ("On Faith in the Trinity and on the Incarnation of the Word Against the Blasphemies of Roscelin"),

universals
.

De Conceptu Virginali et de Originali Peccato ("On the Virgin Conception and Original Sin") was written in 1099.

Mary's Immaculate Conception,[202] his thinking laid two principles which formed the groundwork for that dogma's development. The first is that it was proper that Mary should be so pure that—apart from God—no purer being could be imagined. The second was his treatment of original sin. Earlier theologians had held that it was transmitted from generation to generation by the sinful nature of sex. As in his earlier works, Anselm instead held that Adam's sin was borne by his descendants through the change in human nature which occurred during the Fall. Parents were unable to establish a just nature in their children which they had never had themselves.[203]
This would subsequently be addressed in Mary's case by dogma surrounding the circumstances of her own birth.

De Processione Spiritus Sancti Contra Graecos ("On the Procession of the Holy Spirit Against the Greeks"),[169] written in 1102,[34] is a recapitulation of Anselm's treatment of the subject at the Council of Bari.[95] He discussed the Trinity first by stating that human beings could not know God from Himself but only from analogy. The analogy that he used was the self-consciousness of man. The peculiar double nature of consciousness, memory, and intelligence represents the relation of the Father to the Son. The mutual love of these two (memory and intelligence), proceeding from the relation they hold to one another, symbolizes the Holy Spirit.[162]

De Concordia Praescientiae et Praedestinationis et Gratiae Dei cum Libero Arbitrio ("On the Harmony of Foreknowledge and Predestination and the Grace of God with Free Choice") was written from 1107 to 1108.[34] Like the De Conceptu Virginali, it takes the form of a single narrator in a dialogue, offering presumable objections from the other side.[153] Its treatment of free will relies on Anselm's earlier works, but goes into greater detail as to the ways in which there is no actual incompatibility or paradox created by the divine attributes.[154] In its 5th chapter, Anselm reprises his consideration of eternity from the Monologion. "Although nothing is there except what is present, it is not the temporal present, like ours, but rather the eternal, within which all times altogether are contained. If in a certain way, the present time contains every place and all the things that are in any place, likewise, every time is encompassed in the eternal present, and everything that is in any time."[205] It is an overarching present, all beheld at once by God, thus permitting both his "foreknowledge" and genuine free choice on the part of mankind.[206]

Fragments survive of the work Anselm left unfinished at his death, which would have been a dialogue concerning certain pairs of opposites, including ability/inability, possibility/impossibility, and necessity/freedom.[207] It is thus sometimes cited under the name De Potestate et Impotentia, Possibilitate et Impossibilitate, Necessitate et Libertate.[43] Another work, probably left unfinished by Anselm and subsequently revised and expanded, was De Humanis Moribus per Similitudines ("On Mankind's Morals, Told Through Likenesses") or De Similitudinibus ("On Likenesses").[208] A collection of his sayings (Dicta Anselmi) was compiled, probably by the monk Alexander.[209] He also composed prayers to various saints.[20]

Anselm wrote nearly 500 surviving letters (Epistolae) to clerics, monks, relatives, and others,

Naumberg in Germany (Epistolae ad Walerannum) De Sacrificio Azymi et Fermentati ("On Unleavened and Leavened Sacrifice") and De Sacramentis Ecclesiae ("On the Church's Sacraments") were both written between 1106 and 1107 and are sometimes bound as separate books.[34] Although he seldom asked others to pray for him, two of his letters to hermits do so, "evidence of his belief in their spiritual prowess".[212] His letters of guidance—one to Hugh, a hermit near Caen, and two to a community of lay nuns—endorse their lives as a refuge from the difficulties of the political world with which Anselm had to contend.[212]

A 12th-century illumination of Eadmer composing Anselm's biography

Many of Anselm's letters contain passionate expressions of attachment and affection, often addressed "to the beloved lover" (dilecto dilectori). While there is wide agreement that Anselm was personally committed to the monastic ideal of

Southern, sees the expressions as representing a "wholly spiritual" affection "nourished by an incorporeal ideal".[217]

Legacy

Two biographies of Anselm were written shortly after his death by his chaplain and secretary Eadmer (Vita et Conversatione Anselmi Cantuariensis) and the monk Alexander (Ex Dictis Beati Anselmi).[33] Eadmer also detailed Anselm's struggles with the English monarchs in his history (Historia Novorum). Another was compiled about fifty years later by John of Salisbury at the behest of Thomas Becket.[210] The historians William of Malmesbury, Orderic Vitalis, and Matthew Paris all left full accounts of his struggles against the second and third Norman kings.[210]

Anselm's students included

atonement. His work also anticipates much of the later controversies over free will and predestination.[61] An extensive debate occurred—primarily among French scholars—in the early 1930s about "nature and possibility" of Christian philosophy, which drew strongly on Anselm's work.[145]

Modern scholarship remains sharply divided over the nature of Anselm's episcopal leadership. Some, including

A 19th-century stained-glass window depicting Anselm as archbishop, with his pallium and crozier

Veneration

Sant'Anselmo in Rome, the seat of the Abbot Primate of the Benedictine Confederation

Anselm's hagiography records that, when a child, he had a miraculous vision of God on the summit of the Becca di Nona near his home, with God asking his name, his home, and his quest before sharing bread with him. Anselm then slept, awoke, returned to Aosta, and then retraced his steps before returning to speak to his mother.[27]

Anselm's

feast day is commemorated on the day of his death, 21 April, by the Catholic Church, much of the Anglican Communion,[33] and some forms of High Church Lutheranism.[citation needed] The location of his relics is uncertain. His most common attribute is a ship, representing the spiritual independence of the church.[citation needed
]

Anselm was proclaimed a

Saint Anselm Abbey and its associated college are located in New Hampshire; they held a celebration in 2009 commemorating the 900th anniversary of Anselm's death. In 2015, the Archbishop of Canterbury, Justin Welby, created the Community of Saint Anselm, an Anglican religious order that resides at Lambeth Palace and is devoted to "prayer and service to the poor".[226]

Anselm is

Editions of Anselm's works

See also

Notes

  1. ^ An entry concerning Anselm's parents in the records of Christ Church in Canterbury leaves open the possibility of a later reconciliation.[18]
  2. earthly Jerusalem in this world, which under whatever name was nothing but a vision of destruction".[84]
  3. ^ Direct knowledge of Plato's works was still quite limited. Calcidius's incomplete Latin translation of Plato's Timaeus was available and a staple of 12th-century philosophy but "seems not to have interested" Anselm.[143]
  4. Latin: Neque enim quaero intelligere ut credam, sed credo ut intelligam
    . Nam et hoc credo, quia, nisi credidero, non intelligam.
  5. ^ Other examples include "The Christian ought to go forth to understanding through faith, not journey to faith through understanding" (Christianus per fidem debet ad intellectum proficere, non per intellectum ad fidem accedere) and "The correct order demands that we believe the depths of the Christian faith before we presume to discuss it with reason" (Rectus ordo exigit, ut profunda Christianae fidei credamus, priusquam ea praesumamus ratione discutere).[96]
  6. Latin
    : Negligentise mihi esse videtur, si, postquam confirmatius in fide, non studemus quod credimus, intelligere.
  7. Hugh, Archbishop of Lyon,[156] but didn't explain why he chose to use the Greek forms. Logan conjectures it may have derived from Anselm's secondhand acquaintance with Stoic terms used by St Augustine and by Martianus Capella.[155]
  8. term of art which described the more active process of silently "reaching out into the unknown".[158]
  9. ^ See note above on the renaming of Anselm's works.
  10. ^ As by Thomas Williams.[170]
  11. ^ Various scholars have disputed the use of the term "ontological" in reference to Anselm's argument. A list up to his own time is provided by McEvoy.[171]
  12. Duns Scotus, Descartes, Leibniz, Gödel, Plantinga, and Malcolm. In addition to Gaunilo, other notable objectors to its reasoning include Thomas Aquinas and Immanuel Kant, with the most thorough analysis having been done by Zalta and Oppenheimer.[178][179][180]
  13. ^ The title is a reference to Anselm's invocation of the Psalms' "The fool has said in his heart, 'There is no God'".[182][183] Gaunilo offers that, if Anselm's argument were all that supported the existence of God, the fool would be correct in rejecting his reasoning.[170]
  14. Southern[187] and Thomas Williams[34] date it to 1059–60, while Marenbon places it "probably... shortly after" 1087.[143]

Citations

  1. ^ "Holy Men and Holy Women" (PDF). Churchofengland.org.
  2. ^ "Notable Lutheran Saints". Resurrectionpeople.org. Archived from the original on 16 May 2019. Retrieved 16 July 2019.
  3. ^ a b Charlesworth (2003), pp. 23–24.
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References

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Catholic Church titles
Preceded by
Herluin
Abbot of Bec
1078–1093
Succeeded by
Guillaume de Montfort-sur-Risle
Preceded by Archbishop of Canterbury
1093–1109
Succeeded by