Anti-Igbo sentiment

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Anti-Igbo sentiment (also known as Igbophobia) encompasses a range of negative attitudes and feelings towards the Igbo people. The Igbo people make up all of south-eastern Nigeria and a part of South-South and Middle Belt Nigeria's geopolitical zones. Igbophobia[1] is observable in critical and hostile behaviour such as political and religious discrimination and violence towards the Igbo.[2][3][4]

History

Pre-civil war sentiments

The emergence of Anti-Igbo sentiment was catalyzed by the introduction of

ethnic group with affluence and multi-regionalistic opportunities due to the employment of the Igbo within colonial Nigeria by the colonial authorities and the prominence of them in the public sector in regions throughout the country. This situation aroused the ire of others toward the Igbo.[8] Igbo peoples accustomation to travelling all over the country which helped in leading them to success in business and commerce also aroused anti-Igbo sentiments in southern Cameroon and played a part in southern Cameroon joining Cameroon:[9]

The natives competed with the immigrants from Nigeria, especially the Ibos, whose resilience and ingenuity in trade, combined with their lack of modesty in success, provoked envy. Cameroonian politicians contributed to ethnic stereotypes by inciting fanciful rumours. Of course, other rivalries also mattered, but in the elections of 1954, 1957 and 1959 discontent with connections in Nigeria was clearly associated with anti-Ibo sentiments.

— Victor Bong Amaazee, The 'Igbo Scare' in the British Cameroons, c. 1945-61[10]

While it is worth noting that igbophobia may have exerted certain influence on southern Cameroon's choice to join Cameroon, the animosity toward Igbos appeared not to have been a significant issue. This is seen in how, during the

Biafran War.[8]

Anti-Igbo pogrom

Main article: 1966 anti-Igbo pogrom

The 1966 anti-Igbo pogrom was a series of massacres that were directed at Igbo and other people of southern Nigerian origin who were living in northern Nigeria. The massacres started in May 1966, and they reached a peak on September 1966.

pogroms or genocide.[16][17]

The coup and the focal point of hatred

The frequent theme of hatred and the lack of trust towards the Igbos by certain Hausa-Fulani and Yoruba people has parts of its origins in the January 1966 coup d'état, led by a majority Igbo military, under the command of officers (Chukwuma Kaduna Nzeogwu and Emmanuel Ifeajuna).

Awolowo (a yoruba) in power it was seen by Hausa-Fulani and Yoruba people as an Igbo attempt to take control of Nigeria, and the violence and ethnic cleansing that followed was seen as a justification in relation for the coup which when accomplished the perceived Igbo influence was seen as eliminated.[22]
It is notable that Adewale Ademoyega a
Caribbean region, thus absent during the events of January 15, 1966.[24]
His absence held significant ramifications for Nigeria's political landscape and response to the unfolding events. However, this absence of Igbo casualties fueled further resentment toward the Igbo people. The coup triggered widespread anger and animosity, particularly in the northern region, where it was perceived as an Igbo-led endeavor to assert dominance over the nation. These sentiments ultimately fueled the violence that ensued in the aftermath of the coup.

The violence that followed the January 1966 coup led to the outbreak of the Nigerian Civil War in 1967. The war lasted for three years after which the Biafria region was rejoined into the federation. The Hausa-Fulani and Yoruba-led Nigerian governments regained control of the country, but the conflict left a legacy of bitterness and resentment (often either for Nigeria by Igbos or against Igbos by non-Igbos) that continues on to this day.

Nigerian Civil War

Main article: Nigerian Civil War
A starving Biafran girl during the Nigerian Civil War

The

Annang, Ejagham, Eket, Ibeno and the Ijaw
, among others.

Anti-Igbo sentiments also proliferated during the

New York Review on 21 December 1967 stating that "The Igbo must be considerably reduced in number".[26] The Nigerian federal government also announced the authorization of identity cards on people who have Igbo origin:[27]

They were to carry their identity cards on their persons whenever they were outside their homes. The announcement led to a rumor that the Nigerian government, through that medium, intended to find out the exact population of the Igbo in Lagos, with the plan of eventually exterminating them. Every Igbo man and woman was issued with an identity card.

— Egodi Uchendu, Women and Conflict in the Nigerian Civil War[27]

Ethnic profiling was also used in finding out who was Igbo in order for them to be killed. In Lagos for example public and private buses were often stopped and searched with passengers in a queue with the intention of collecting names and ethnic origins of the passengers.

Urhobo/Isoko rioters for the federal soldiers.[27] Workers of Igbo origins who were not aware of the situation in the outskirts of Benin City were stoned or clubbed to death by the local youths of Edo and Urhobo/Isoko origin.[27] Some Igbos who ran away were thrown into the river Ikpoba by these rioters who intercepted them as they made their escape.[27] When the federal soldiers came to the Midwest, there were joys of celebration which caused chaos, and violence.[27] The crowds, with the army's help, went to places like government institutes such as NIFOR and other places such as hospitals, prisons, and other places within the city killing the Igbo people there.[27] Place of origin within Igboland and gender or even job occupation (like in the case of the senior doctors who were killed in the hospitals) were also not considered during this rampage as anyone of Igbo origins were being looted, slaughtered, and or abused.[27] This prerogative aimed to wipe out Anioma/Ika people and other Igbos.[27] The people who died, in their state thought their good relationships with their non-Igbo friends would protect them.[27] In Lagos the igbos recounted one of their greatest discomforts stemmed from taunting by Yoruba individuals, urging them to leave Lagos and return to Igboland.[28] It was during this period that the Igbo word "Okoro" became derogatory with Instances of Yoruba individuals publicly addressing an Igbo acquaintance using the term "Okoro," an Igbo name meaning "young man" especially within earshot of authorities.[28] Such provocations often led to the harsh treatment of Igbos resulting in unjust brutality.[28] For example, Mr. Nzeribe the late husband to Flora Nwapa was a victim of this hostility, enduring not only physical assault but also imprisonment due to his Igbo identity during the tumultuous period.[27]

Outside Nigeria

In August 2019, a Yoruba

British police for making YouTube videos that contained violent hate speech towards the Igbo people, and in April 2022, he was sent to prison.[32]

Anti-Igbo Sentiments on the internet

Igbophobia on the

ad was taken down, and the site's founder Seun Osewa issued an apology.[40] Nonetheless, some social media users remained skeptical, questioning the timing, sincerity, or deliberate acceptance of ethnic bigotry as a recurring theme on the platform.[40][41]

Igbophobia and APC

Following the transition of power from the

marginalization and perceptions of inadequate representation of the Igbo people in specific political roles or significant decision-making capacities have amplified concerns about potential bias or discriminatory practices within the administration.[43]

Anti-Igbo Sentiments today

End SARS movement

The End SARS movement while mainly being a movement to call to end of police brutality in Nigeria was also used as an opportunity by people who showed negative attitudes and feelings against Igbo people to spread anti-Igbo sentiments. After it came out that there were some Igbos amongst the hoodlums that partook in the violence that occurred after the Lekki massacre, coupled with an Inciteful broadcast by Ipob which is a separatist organization strongly associated with Igbos were quickly blamed for the violence that occurred during End SARS.[44][45][46][47] Netizens who spread this theory often did not differentiate between Ipob the organization and Igbo people, as a result, anti-Igbo sentiments were mainly directed at Igbo people. This incident was also cited by people who did not want Igbo people in governmental positions outside of the southeast during the 2023 Nigerian general/gubernatorial elections.[48][49]

Anti-Igbo sentiments in Nigerian general and gubernatorial elections

2015 elections

During the lead-up to the gubernatorial elections of the year 2015 the Oba of Lagos stated that if Igbos do not vote for Akinwunmi Ambode will perish in the lagoon within seven days.[50] As the recording of the video of the Oba's statements circulated within all forms of media in Nigeria the controversy sparked by Oba Rilwan Akiolu's anti-Igbo statement led to numerous opinions being voiced by Nollywood actors, politicians, commentators, and celebrities.[51] Don Jazzy a popular music mogul was challenged by a fan over the statement Don Jazzy went on to state "I am a Nigerian first and an Igbo man second...As a wise/civilized/respectful Igbo man, I will not desecrate the stool of royalty, even tho I totally frown at that recording. But I will tell you for free that we all have the freedom to choose whom to vote for & no one can force you or me to vote as he/she pleases."[51]

2019 elections

The

Oluremi Tinubu, wife of Asiwaju Bola Ahmed Tinubu said, "We will invoke all the deities of Lagos to chase Igbo people out. Igbos who refuse to learn our language. Igbos who didn't marry Yoruba, we will inherit them."[52] During this same election cycle having an Igbo identity was almost a political suicide, for example Jimi agbaje who had no relations to Igbo people and does not speak Igbo was accused of being Igbo and correspondingly anti-Igbo sentiments was used against him during the election cycle. The most prominent word used against him was Jimichukwu which is a name blending of Jimi's name and an Igbo word Chukwu, which is a very common Igbo word often used in Igbo names.[53] This specific word which was used against him meant that he was not a true Yoruba but a foreigner from the east and as such should not be a governor in the west
.

2023 elections

ethnic nationalists who were often APC
supporters. After the elections months later on the second of August 2023 Brymo took his apology back in a tweet while replying to another tweet asking to explain the hateful tweet he made during the height of the elections he reiterated saying "Yes .. fuck-'em" considering the hype of the election had died down this time there were no repercussions for this.

Anti-Igbo sentiments during the 2023 Nigerian elections were common from the disenfranchisement of Igbo people during the PVC collections to an alleged bigoted statement against Igbo people in Lagos by the State Resident Electoral Commissioner, Olusegun Agbaje.[57][58] These sentiments became violent and resulted in blockades and threats against Igbo people from accessing the businesses they owned.[59][60] The violence stretched into the reoccurring burning and attacks of Igbo businesses in Lagos during elections.[61][62] The sentiments peaked during the gubernatorial elections within the state of Lagos. Anti-Igbo sentiments in the 2023 elections reached such an extent that there was a belief that often came from election discourse that marrying an Igbo person would result in a tainted bloodline. Weeks leading up to the 2023 gubernatorial elections a candidate by the name of Gbadebo Rhodes-Vivour who is part Yoruba (from his father's side) and part Igbo (from his mother's side) had anti-Igbo attacks directed at him. His identity came into question and these attacks were not just personal in terms of the fact that he was part Igbo and had an Igbo wife. These attacks were directed at the broader Igbo ethnicity within Lagos and ethnic nationalists questioned why anybody who is Igbo should become a governor within the western states in Nigeria. A few days before the election there was almost an expectation that Igbos were not supposed to vote for who they wanted like any other people except for APC candidates. A good example of this is the threats made against Igbos 3 days before the election by an APC loyalist and political thug MC Oluomo, he made threats against Igbo People telling Igbos to stay home if they would not vote for APC candidates.[63] He also went on to retort that the Yoruba people should get there first and should be the ones to vote first.[63] This rhetoric got a lot of social media attention with Labour party supporters calling on the Nigerian government to apprehend MC Oluomo while supporters who were APC ethnic nationalists gave it support.[64][65] After so many pressures put on the Nigerian government the Nigerian police eventually stepped in calling the anti-Igbo rhetoric made by MC Oluomo a mere joke effectively downplaying parts of the threats which helped to spread the anti-Igbo sentiments during the elections.[66] On the day of the election, Igbo people were threatened and beaten in order to prevent them from voting. These attacks were not just relegated to Igbo people but to anyone presumed to look like an Igbo person.[67] So as a result, Igbo people and anybody presumed to look like an Igbo person were being pointed at both by people who knew them and people who did not know them in order for them to be attacked or prevented from voting.[68]

I was told to go back to Anambra! How does Bolarinwa sound like an Igbo name? I was rough handled, beaten and sent out because I look Igbo? Because I was not going to vote APC?...[33]

Sisi Yemmie a popular Nigerian YouTuber and her husband both of Yoruba ethnic origin were also a victim of this ethnic profiling as they were prevented from voting as a result of their appearance which was deemed igbo.[69] During the presidential elections, the Igbos who successfully got to their polling unit were also threatened right at the polling unit and were told not to vote at all, while during the governorship elections, they were also attacked for speaking the Igbo language:[70]

On the day of the governorship election, they attacked Igbos here, threatening us if we come out to vote that they would kill us. One man was stabbed during the fight that happened on that day. Three days ago, we heard the man died and the hoodlums caused trouble by attacking anyone they saw on the road, especially when you are not Yoruba.

Lagos state.[73]

Justifications for Hatred

Individuals propagating these hateful sentiments in the 2023 elections offer various reasons behind their hatred towards the Igbo people, which fuels their animosity. This hatred varies but includes:

  • "Lagos is no man's land"

The emergence of hostility during the 2023 elections is linked to the idea that Lagos lacks ownership by any particular group, nurturing Igbophobia directed at the Igbo community.[74] Those justifying these claims frequently fail to cite a credible source from a notable Igbo figure within the community declaring Lagos as no man's land in the past five years before the 2023 elections. During the election period, this controversial statement "Lagos is a no man's land" ignited vicious debates over the identity of Lagos itself.[75] The dissemination of the phrase prompted an inquiry by netizens into its origins. Its initial attribution traces back to Jaja Wachuku in 1947 however, Wachuku's utilization of the phrase did not suggest an absence of ownership of Lagos rather he believed that since Lagos at the time was then the Federal Capital Territory it belonged to all Nigerians.[76] This perspective underscored Wachukwu's belief in Lagos as a symbol of national unity, emphasizing its role as a shared space for citizens from diverse backgrounds. Subsequently, the phrase found resonance in the inaugural address of Lateef Jakande, a Yoruba governor in 1979.[77] In this context, Jakande employed the phrase to underscore Lagos's status as a cosmopolitan federal territory, transcending regional boundaries and embodying a unique cultural and political significance.[78] Nevertheless, those expressing negative sentiments towards the Igbo people seized upon this phrase as a pretext to justify hate against Igbos.[79] Despite being a conspiracy, certain individuals including knowledgeable columnists, along with radio and television hosts and analysts, were taken in by the ploy and rallied behind this phrase, alleging that the Igbo were attempting to assert dominance over Lagos and Nigeria through the 2023 elections using the phrase as supposed evidence.[80] This widely circulated phrase, often utilized to justify apprehensions towards the Igbo, also influenced legislative actions in Lagos.[81] A few months after the 2023 elections Mudashiru Obasa, the Speaker of the Lagos State House of Assembly, emphasized the need for laws to safeguard the interests of Lagos indigines.[82] Obasa who was re-elected as a speaker for a third consecutive term hinted at some of the controversies in the build-up to the 2023 elections, including the conspiratorial belief that non-indigenes intended to take over the state.[83][80][84] Obasa went on to retort that Lagos is Yoruba land as against the assertions of some people that it is a no man’s land he said, "Therefore, part of our legislative agenda is to ensure the translation of laws passed by this House to the Yoruba language."[85] The legislative agenda also included new land/ property and business laws which seeks to only favour indigenes of the states.[82]Despite not being widely employed by Igbo individuals as a rallying cry during the elections, the extensive dissemination of the phrase, which was utilized as purported evidence of Igbo domination in Lagos, prompted various Igbo individuals, including prominent igbo figures and Igbo cultural organizations, to publicly disavow it.[86][87] However, their efforts did little to alter the perception of Igbo people.

  • Obident movement as
    IPOB
    or an Igbo agenda.

People who justify the attacks on Igbos during the elections also often try to link the political movement (Obi-dent movement) for the Labour Party candidate

IPOB. [88]
Due to this association, there emerged a prevailing belief among individuals propagating anti-Igbo sentiments within both ruling and opposition parties that
IPOB, other justifications against Igbo people includes the narrative that the Obidient movement is an Igbo-driven initiative, with non-Igbo supporters being urged to disassociate themselves.[94] Responding to these frequent accusations, Peter Obi, the presidential candidate of the Labour Party, emphasized that "... the movement is not about my tribe or my religion, and it is not an Igbo agenda or in any way, to Christianize Nigeria. No one should ascribe ethnic or religious colouration to the OBIdient Movement. Nigeria is one and my ambition is to become the President of a United and Indivisible Nigeria."[95][96]

After-effects and the aftermath of the 2023 elections

The aftermath of the 2023 elections worsened ethnic relations in Nigeria but most importantly it worsened Igbo inter-ethnic relations within the country:

Also recounting her experience, Ijeoma Uba, a nurse who resides in Ikotun, Alimosho Local Government Area, said the outcome of the general election had led to division between Igbos and some individuals in the locality, stressing that she now closes early from her shop because of fear of attack.[97]

There was no effort to improve ethnic relations and there were no repercussions by the Nigerian government on most people who expressed hateful sentiments which pushed the attacks and discriminations that Igbos faced during the elections. The aftermath of the 2023 elections resulted in the reclusiveness of different ethnic groups that were heavily involved in the elections. The Igbos called on their fellow Igbo men and women to move their properties to the east these calls persisted throughout the aftermath and came mostly after the destruction of properties that they owned in Lagos.[98] The Yorubas on the other hand through the Lagos government now publish information in the Yoruba language on its social media this act received pushback from people on social media who claimed that Lagos is a diverse and a cosmopolitan part of Nigeria as a result should consider others who live in it.[99] There were also Yoruba cultural groups who called on companies that have locations within the southwestern part of the country to allocate 90% of their job opportunities to Yoruba people.[100]

See also

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