Anti-Quebec sentiment
Part of a series on |
Discrimination |
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Anti-Quebec sentiment (
Québec bashing
The
Themes
French-speaking Quebecers have been criticized by English-speaking Quebecers, who argue they are discriminated against because the law requires French to be the only work language in large companies since 1977. The expression pure laine ("pure wool") to denote Quebecers of French descent has also often been cited as a manifestation of discriminatory attitudes.[20] Pure laine has been characterized as an expression of racial exclusion in Quebec, but countercritics claim the term is obsolete and seldom used.[19][21]
Critics note the low percentage of minority participation in any level of the Quebec public services.
Language laws in Quebec that promote the use of French and restrict the use of English are believed to preserve and to strengthen the French language within the province. They are criticized as excluding non-French speakers. The Commission de la protection de la langue française (CPLF) and the Office québécois de la langue française (OQLF) merged into in 2002 and enforce the Charter of the French Language; it has been derided as the "language police." It has been criticized for enforcing the sign laws, requiring that French wording dominate English and other languages on commercial signs. English-speaking Quebecers strongly oppose the sign laws.[24] The public servants of the OQLF have sometimes been compared to the Gestapo or "brown shirts."[6][25]
Context
Quebec context
Quebec is a province within Canada. It has a French-speaking majority. According to the 2016 census, 77.1% of Quebec residents cite French alone as their mother tongue and 84.5% use French as their primary first official language of Canada. In contrast, the rest of Canada has a majority of English-speakers; 70.6% cite English alone as their mother tongue. While 86.2% of Canada's population report being able to "conduct a conversation in English," only 29.8% of Canadians report being able to hold a conversation in French, according to Statistics Canada.[26]
Before 1763, most of the land that is now in the Province of Quebec was part of
19th century
An early Quebec nationalist movement emerged in the 1820s under the
Religious, language and ethnic differences worsened decade by decade. European Canadians were highly religious, but the Protestants and Catholics hated each other. The Francophones saw their traditional culture under siege by the Anglophones, who controlled business and finance across Canada, including Quebec's, and systematically blocked the expansion of French language schools outside Quebec. The hanging of Louis Riel for treason in 1885 convinced Francophones they were under attack, and permanently undermined the Conservative base in Quebec. French nationalism emerged as a powerful force that is still a dominant factor in Quebec's history. Inside the Irish community, the longstanding bitterness between the Protestant Orange and the Catholic green continued unabated. The Orange boasted of the supremacy of their Anglo-Saxon civilization and Protestant culture over the backward, medieval, priest-ridden Catholicism. They ridiculed the French and Irish races as backwards and ultimately doomed.[a][29]
20th century
The conscription crisis of 1917
In 1917, after three years of a war that was supposed to have been over in three months, Casualties had been very high and there was a severe shortage of volunteers. Prime Minister Robert Borden had originally promised not to introduce conscription, but now believed it was necessary to win the war. The Military Service Act was passed in July, but there was fierce opposition, mostly from French Canadians (led not only by firebrand Henri Bourassa, but also by moderate Wilfrid Laurier). Borden's government almost collapsed, but he was able to form a Union government with the Liberal opposition (although Laurier did not join the new government). In the 1917 election, the Union government was re-elected, but with no support from Quebec. Over the next year, the war finally ended, with very few Canadian conscripts actually sent to France.[30][31]
Conscription Crisis of 1944
The Conscription Crisis of 1944 was a political and military crisis following the introduction of forced military service for men during World War II. It was similar to the Conscription Crisis of 1917, but not as politically damaging.[32]
From the beginning, acceptance of French-speaking units was greater in Canada during World War Two than World War One. In 1914, the drive to create the
Since 1950s
In the late 1950s and the 1960s, a massive social transformation in Quebec that was known as the Quiet Revolution took place. Quebec's society became rapidly more secular as the Catholic Church and local clergy lost much of their power over the people. The economically marginalized French-speaking majority slowly and peacefully took control of Quebec's economy from the long-ruling English minority. A new independence movement developed, along with a reassertion of Quebec's French language, culture, and unique identity. A terrorist organization, the Front de libération du Québec (FLQ), arose, as well as the peaceful Parti Québécois, a provincial political party with the stated aims of independence and social democracy. Over time, the FLQ vanished, but the PQ flourished.[34]
Historian and sociologist
According to a Léger Marketing survey of January 2007, 86% of Quebecers of ethnic origins other than English have a good opinion of the ethnically French majority. At the same time, English-speaking Quebecers and some ethnic minorities and English Canadians outside Quebec have criticized the Francophones because of the implementation of Bill 101. The law has been challenged in courts, which sometimes call for the use of both of Canada's official languages in Quebec.[36]
English-Canadian context
Added to the limited
Alleged examples
Robert Guy Scully
On April 17, 1977, five months after the first accession of the
This provocative article was featured in a collection of essays, In the Eye of the Eagle (1990), compiled by Jean-François Lisée. In the chapter "A Voiceless Quebec", Lisée posits if such prominence were given to such "singular and unrepresentative a view of Quebec society," it was partly caused by "the perfect absence of a Quebec voice in North America's news services, and the frightening degree of ignorance in the American press on the subject of Quebec."[45]
Esther Delisle
Esther Delisle, a French-Canadian PhD student at Université Laval, wrote a thesis that discussed the "fascist" and anti-Semitic published writings by intellectuals and leading newspapers in Quebec in the decade before World War II. She published a book, The Traitor and the Jew (1992), which was based on that work and examined the articles and beliefs of Lionel Groulx, an important intellectual in the history of French-Canadian Catholicism and nationalism. Groulx is a revered figure to many French Quebecers, who consider him a father of Quebec nationalism, but his works are seldom read today. To separate his political and literary activities from his academic work, Groulx was known to write journalism and novels under numerous pseudonyms. In her book, Delisle claimed that Groulx, under the pseudonym Jacques Brassier, had written in 1933 in L'Action nationale:
Within six months or a year, the Jewish problem could be resolved, not only in Montreal but from one end of the province of Quebec to the other. There would be no more Jews here other than those who could survive by living off one another.
Quebec Premier Jacques Parizeau and numerous other commentators labelled her book as "Quebec bashing."[47] Her work received more coverage from other Quebec journalists.[48] Critics challenged both her conclusions and her methodology. Issues of methodology had been raised initially by some of the professors of her thesis committee, two of whom thought the identified problems had not been corrected.[49] Gérard Bouchard of the Université du Québec à Chicoutimi identified several dozen errors, including incorrect citations and references that could not be found in cited source material.[50] He claims that the text of her book revealed that Delisle had not consulted some of the sources directly.[49]
In a March 1, 1997 cover story titled Le Mythe du Québec fasciste (The Myth of a Fascist Quebec),
However, the same magazine made a claim, which has never been substantiated, that Delisle had been subsidized by Jewish organizations. The claim was repeated on television by a former Parti québécois cabinet minister,
Referring to Groulx and to the Le Devoir newspaper, Francine Dubé wrote in the
Mordecai Richler
The well-known Montreal author
He notably compared some Quebec nationalist writers in the newspaper Le Devoir in the 1930s to
Some commentators, both inside and outside Quebec, thought that the reaction to Richler was excessive and sometimes racist.[59] For example, a Quebecer misinterpreted his passage saying that the Catholic Church treated French Canadian women like "sows" and said that Richler had called Quebec women "sows."[60] Other Quebecers acclaimed Richler for his courage and for attacking the orthodoxies of Quebec society;[59] he was described as "the most prominent defender of the rights of Quebec's anglophones."[61]
Don Cherry
Left-leaning politicians, French advocacy groups, and media commentators from Quebec criticized Cherry and CBC Television on numerous occasions after the statements. In 2004 the CBC put Cherry's segment, Coach's Corner, on a seven-second tape delay to review his comments and prevent future incidents.[64]
Appointment of David Levine
In 1998 David Levine, a former candidate for the Parti Québécois, was appointed as head of the newly amalgamated
Barbara Kay
On August 6, 2006, leaders of the Parti québécois and
Jan Wong
On September 13, 2006,
A number of Quebec journalists denounced Wong's article. Michel Vastel, a native Frenchman, wrote in his blog for the newsmagazine L'actualité, that the article was "deceitful racism" with a "repugnant" interpretation.[13] André Pratte (federalist) of La Presse also condemned Wong's article.[70] and a La Presse editorial,[71] journalists Michel C. Auger[72] of Le Journal de Montréal, Michel David[73] and Michel Venne[74] (sovereigntist) of Le Devoir, Alain Dubuc[75] (federalist), Vincent Marissal,[76] Yves Boisvert[77] and Stéphane Laporte[78] of La Presse, Josée Legault[79] (sovereigntist) of The Gazette, Jean-Jacques Samson[80] of Le Soleil, sovereigntist militant and author Patrick Bourgeois[81] of Le Québécois, Gérald Leblanc,[82] retired journalist of La Presse and Joseph Facal,[83] Journal de Montréal columnist and former Parti Québécois minister.
On September 21, 2006, The Globe and Mail published an editorial about the affair. Calling the controversy a "small uproar," it defended the right of the journalist to question such phenomena, the "need to ask hard questions and explore uncomfortable avenues" and stated that he had "merely wondered" whether the marginalization and alienation of the three shooters could be associated with the murders.[84][85]
Disunited States of Canada documentary
In 2012, the documentary film "Disunited States of Canada" (Les États-Désunis du Canada) created quite a stir in the Quebec media by recording anti-Quebec sentiments expressed by Western Canadians and by English-speaking media at large. The movie's trailer, "No More Quebec," was viewed 100,000 times in only 24 hours and was then taken up by traditional and social media. In the documentary, Quebeckers are referred to as "thieves," "whiners," and "vermin."[86]
2021 federal election debate
In an English language debate during the
Reactions
By English Canadian media and public figures
Just as the francophone media respond to tenuous allegations of Quebec-bashing, the mainstream media in English Canada have taken issue with virulent attacks on Quebec and the Québécois.[91] Canadian Prime Minister Stephen Harper was particularly critical about the Jan Wong article that linked the Dawson College shooting incident to allegations of racist attitudes on the part of Quebecers.[92][93][94] Critics of "Quebec bashing" argue that Quebec is essentially a tolerant and inclusive society. When Harper's comments about the unsuitability of the Bloc Québécois involvement in the proposed Liberal-NDP coalition in late 2008 were characterized by Professor C.E.S. Franks of Queen's University, Kingston, as "inflammatory and tendentious rhetoric' in a Globe and Mail article in March 2009,[95] The Montreal Gazette responded to the allegation pointing out that immediately after Harper's remarks the Montreal newspaper La Presse had dismissed accusations that the remarks were anti-Quebec.[96] The English Canadian journalist Ray Conlogue has denounced the anti-Quebec press.[97]
Allegations of English Canadian racism
The journalist
Complaints to international forums by Quebecers
Organizations such as the
Petition against Francophobia
The
Debate
Examples of anti-Quebec coverage in English Canada are recognized by a number of French-speaking people in Quebec, but whether or not that coverage is a wide phenomenon which is reflective of an opinion which is held by many people in English Canada is subject to debate.
Graham Fraser, an English Canadian journalist who is noted for his sympathy for Quebec, has tempered both sides. He wrote, "This phenomenon (of English Canadian Francophobia) exists, I do not doubt it; I have read enough of Alberta Report to know that there are people that think bilingualism is a conspiracy against English Canadians to guarantee jobs for Quebecers — who are all bilingual, anyway.... I have heard enough call-in radio shows to know that these sentiments of fear and rage are not confined to the Canadian west. But I do not think these anti-francophone prejudices dominate the Canadian culture."[104] Fraser, in fact, was himself named as Canada's new Official Languages Commissioner in September 2006.
Maryse Potvin has attributed the debate about Quebec-bashing to "the obsession with national identity which, on the one side, is articulated around the reinforcement of the federal state, the Charter, and a mythified version of the Canadian multicultural project, and which, on the other side, is based on a logic of ideological victimization and crystallization of the political project."[105] She called on intellectuals, politicians, and the media to emphasize the common values of the two national visions.
See also
- Anti-Catholicism
- Anti-French sentiment, worldwide
- Linguistic discrimination
- Orange Order in Canada, anti-French group
- "I Am Not Canadian"
- Racism in Canada
- Speak White
- Le Livre noir du Canada anglais
- Quebec federalist ideology
- Quebec sovereignty movement
- English-speaking Quebecers
- 2012 Montreal shooting
- French immersion in Canada
- French language in Canada
- Franco-Albertans
- Franco-Columbian
- Franco-Newfoundlander
- Franco-Ontarian
- Franco-Quebecer
- Fransaskois, in Saskatchewan
- Franco-Yukonnais
- Official bilingualism in Canada
Notes
- ethnic group. The ethnic-religious-language lines were sharply drawn. Intermarriage was rare and indeed friendships and casual communication were not sought after. The Catholic Irish, however, joined with Protestants to block the expansion of French schools outside Quebec, thereby causing severe tensions inside the Catholic community.[28]
References
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- ^ "No, debate organizers need not apologize for question about Quebec laws". The Toronto Star. 16 September 2021. Retrieved 18 August 2022.
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- ^ Stephen Kenny, Review essay: blackening English Canada, American Review of Canadian Studies, Autumn, 2002, on BNET, retrieved 2009-05-09 [12]
- ^ Guy Bouthillier. "Le droit à la bonne réputation, un droit universel". Saint-Jean-Baptiste Society bulletin, October 1999.
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- ^ Maryse Potvin (2000). Some Racist Slips about Quebec in English Canada Between 1995 and 1998. Canadian Ethnic Studies, 32 (2), p. 24
Further reading
In English
- Linteau, Paul-André, René Durocher, and Jean-Claude Robert. Quebec: a history 1867-1929 (1983).
- Potvin, Maryse (2000). "Some Racist Slips about Quebec in English Canada Between 1995 and 1998" (PDF). Canadian Ethnic Studies. XXXII (2): 1–26. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2011-07-25.
- Wade, Mason. French Canadians, 1760-1967 (1968) chapters 8, 10, 11, 12, 16.
- Waite, P.B. Canada 1874-1896 (1996).
In French
- Guy Bouthillier. L'obsession ethnique. Outremont: Lanctôt Éditeur, 1997, 240 pages ISBN 2-89485-027-1(The Ethnic Obsession)
- Réal Brisson. Oka par la caricature: Deux visions distinctes d'une même crise by Réal Brisson, Septentrion, 2000, ISBN 2-89448-160-8(Oka Through Caricatures: Two Distinct Vision of the Same Crisis)
- Daniel S.-Legault, "Bashing anti-Québec; uppercut de la droite", in VO: Vie ouvrière, summer 1997, pages 4–7. (Anti-Quebec Bashing; an uppercut from the right)
- Sylvie Lacombe, "Le couteau sous la gorge ou la perception du souverainisme québécois dans la presse canadienne-anglaise", in Recherches sociographiques, December 1998 (The knife under the throat or the perception of Quebec sovereigntism in the English-Canadian Press)
- Michel Sarra-Bourret, Le Canada anglais et la souveraineté du Québec, VLB Éditeur, 1995 (English Canada and the Sovereignty of Quebec)
- Serge Denis, "Le long malentendu. Le Québec vu par les intellectuels progressistes au Canada anglais 1970-1991", Montréal, Boréal, 1992 (The long misunderstanding. Quebec seen by progressive intellectuals in English Canada 1970–1991)
- Serge Denis, "L'analyse politique critique au Canada anglais et la question du Québec", 1970–1993, in Revue québécoise de science politique, volume 23, 1993, p. 171-209 (Critical Political Analysis in English Canada and the Question of Quebec)
- P. Frisko et J.S. Gagné, "La haine. Le Québec vu par le Canada anglais", in Voir, 18-24 juin, 1998 (Hatred. Quebec Seen by English Canada)