Anti-fascist Assembly for the National Liberation of Macedonia
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The Anti-fascist Assembly for the National Liberation of Macedonia (Macedonian: Антифашистичко собрание за народно ослободување на Македонија (АСНОМ), Antifašističko sobranie za narodno osloboduvanje na Makedonija; Serbo-Croatian: Antifašističko sobranje narodnog oslobođenja Makedonije; abbr. ASNOM) was the supreme legislative and executive people's representative body of the communist Macedonian state from August 1944 until the end of World War II. The body was set up by the Macedonian Partisans during the final stages of the World War II in Yugoslav Macedonia. That occurred clandestinely in August 1944, in the Bulgarian occupation zone of Yugoslavia. Simultaneously another state was declared by pro-Nazi Germany Macedonian right-wing nationalists.
History
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First session (under occupation)
Significance
The first plenary session of ASNOM was convened underground on the symbolic date of August 2 (Ilinden uprising day) 1944 in the St. Prohor Pčinjski Monastery, now in Serbia.[1][a] The most important assembly decisions were:[3][4]
- The proclamation of a Macedonian nation-state of ethnic Macedonians
- The decision to make Macedonian the official language of the Macedonian state
- The guarantee that the citizens of Macedonia, regardless of their ethnic affiliation, would be granted all civil rights, as well as the right to their mother tongue and confession of faith
- The proclamation of Ilinden as a national holiday
The first session was opened with the anthem of the Internal Macedonian Revolutionary Organization (IMRO) - "Rise up dayspring of the freedom" and the unofficial Yugoslav anthem - "Hey, Slavs".[5] The Assembly issued a Manifesto which described Vardar Macedonia's position under the old Yugoslavia as that of a colony and declared 'brotherhood and unity' with the other Yugoslav people.[1] It also stated its support for the equality of all nationalities in Macedonia and called on Albanians, Turks and Vlachs to join the national liberation struggle.[3] A call for the "unification of the whole Macedonian people", i.e., in the whole of the geographical region of Macedonia, was also made. Panko Brashnarov, a former member of IMRO and oldest member, chaired the inaugural meeting, and Metodija Andonov-Čento was elected as president. Both wanted greater independence for the future republic. They saw joining Yugoslavia as a form of second Serbian dominance over Macedonia and preferred membership in a Balkan Federation or else complete independence. Čento and partly Brashnarov clashed with Svetozar Vukmanović-Tempo, Josip Broz Tito's envoy to Macedonia. One of the contributors in the Assembly was Kiro Gligorov, the future first President of the Republic of Macedonia.[4][6] According to some researchers the first session was manipulated by pro-Yugoslav representatives, and the number of present delegates is disputed.[7]
Developments
In early September, Nazi Germany briefly sought to establish a puppet state called independent Macedonia. However, the state was de facto not established due to the lack of any military support. Despite this, it was declared by Macedonian right nationalists on 8 September. After Bulgaria switched sides in the war on September 9, the Bulgarian 5th. The army stationed in Macedonia moved back to the old borders of Bulgaria. In early October the newly formed Bulgarian People's Army together with the Red Army reentered occupied Yugoslavia. The Germans were driven off from Vardar Macedonia in late November by the Bulgarian Army[8][9][10][11][12] with the help of the Macedonian Partisans.[13][14]
Second session
ASNOM became officially operational in December, shortly after the German retreat from Skopje.[15] During this session, Lazar Koliševski, the new leader of the Communist Party of Macedonia, was declared the first deputy of Čento in the ASNOM presidency during the second session of this assembly on 28–31 December. In September 1944, Koliševski, who was a prisoner, was freed by the new Bulgarian pro-communist government. At the same session, a decision was taken a tribunal to be created, that will judge "the collaborators of the occupiers who have panned the Macedonian name and the Macedonian national honor".[16]
Third session
On the third session held in April 1945, the body transformed itself into a republican parliament.[15] Čento was replaced by Koliševski, who started fully implementing the pro-Yugoslav line. He strongly supported the promotion of a distinct ethnic Macedonian identity and language in SR Macedonia.[17] ASNOM formed a committee to standardize Macedonian and its alphabet. In December 1944, ASNOM rejected the first committee's recommendations as pro-Bulgarian. It formed a second committee, whose recommendations were accepted in April 1945. The (second) committees' recommendations were strongly influenced by the Serbian Cyrillic alphabet.
Legacy
At the end of 1944, the
Gallery
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Some of the delegates on the First Assembly of ASNOM.
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The declaration of ASNOM on the fundamental rights of the citizens of Federal Macedonia (August 2, 1944)
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The formal part of the opening of the 1st Session of the Antifascist Assembly of the National Liberation of Macedonia (ASNOM) with the welcoming speech of Panko Brashnarov
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The Manifesto of ASNOM about the struggle of the Macedonian people for national freedom and the establishment of the Macedonian state. (August 2, 1944), First page
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Minutes of the 11th Session of the Presidium of ASNOM suggesting the creation of People's Government of Macedonia and assigning mandate to Lazar Kolishevski (April 14, 1945)
See also
Notes
References
- ^ ISBN 9781850656630.
- ISBN 9781501720833.
- ^ ISBN 9781850655343.
- ^ ISBN 9780817948832.
- ISBN 9781784531263.
- ^ Interview, "Utrinski vesnik" daily newspaper, issue 1497, August 31, 2006 Skopje, Republic of Macedonia Archived May 30, 2011, at the Wayback Machine
- ISBN 9781443888493, p. 210.
- ISBN 1351244892.
- ISBN 9780199237685, p. 134.
- ISBN 0804779244, pp. 751-752.
- ^ "Soviet arrogance was evident at all levels of the Red Army, beginning with its commander in chief. Stalin told Tito at a meeting that the Bulgarian army (which switched sides in the war in September 1944) was superior to Partisans, praising the professionalism of its officers. This was a pure provocation from the Soviet leader. The Bulgarians were Partisan wartime foes, and regardless of whether it was true, Stalin meant to put the assertive Yugoslav leadership in its place by insulting Tito's proudest achievement: his army. Furthermore, the Red Army's operational maps often excluded Partisan units, indicating the command's failure to even acknowledge that Yugoslavs played any role in the defeat of the Germans in the country. Further below in the chain of command, Partisan commanders had to appeal to the Red Army's political departments to include in their public statements the fact that Belgrade was liberated jointly by the Red Army and Partisans and not just by the Soviets, as well as to cease treating the Partisans as unknowledgeable and as a second-rate army." For more see: Majstorović, Vojin. “The Red Army in Yugoslavia, 1944–1945.” p. 414 in Slavic Review, vol. 75, no. 2, 2016, pp. 396–421. JSTOR.
- ISBN 0814755984.
- ISBN 954-621-235-0, p. 567.
- ^ Bulgarian-Yugoslavian political relations, 1944–1945, Georgi Daskalov, Kliment Ohridski University, 1989, p. 113.
- ^ ISBN 9781538119624.
- ^ Кочанковски, Јован, Битола и Битолско во Народноослободителната и антифашистичка воjна на Македонија (1941–1945), том 2: 1944–1945, с. 427
- ISBN 0815340575, p. 808.
- ISBN 9783034301961.
- ^ Управување со Дигиталната Безбедност и Анонимност, Жарко Ѓуров и Лилјана Ацковска. Закон за Македонската национална чест - UDBAMK
- ISBN 0-8108-5565-8, pp. 15–16.
- ISBN 9781351863438.