Antoninus Pius
Antoninus Pius | |||||||||
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Roman emperor | |||||||||
Reign | 11 July 138 – 7 March 161 | ||||||||
Predecessor | Hadrian | ||||||||
Successor | Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus | ||||||||
Born | 19 September 86 Lanuvium, Italy | ||||||||
Died | 7 March 161 (aged 74) Lorium, Italy | ||||||||
Burial | |||||||||
Spouse | Annia Galeria Faustina | ||||||||
Issue Detail |
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Dynasty | Nerva–Antonine | ||||||||
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Mother |
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Roman imperial dynasties | ||||||||||||||
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Nerva–Antonine dynasty (AD 96–192) | ||||||||||||||
Chronology | ||||||||||||||
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Succession | ||||||||||||||
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Titus Aelius Hadrianus Antoninus Pius (19 September AD 86 – 7 March 161) was
Born into a senatorial family, Antoninus held various offices during the reign of Emperor Hadrian. He married Hadrian's niece Faustina, and Hadrian adopted him as his son and successor shortly before his death. Antoninus acquired the cognomen Pius after his accession to the throne, either because he compelled the Senate to deify his adoptive father,[4] or because he had saved senators sentenced to death by Hadrian in his later years.[5] His reign is notable for the peaceful state of the Empire, with no major revolts or military incursions during this time. A successful military campaign in southern Scotland early in his reign resulted in the construction of the Antonine Wall.
Antoninus was an effective administrator, leaving his successors a large surplus in the treasury, expanding free access to drinking water throughout the Empire, encouraging legal conformity, and facilitating the enfranchisement of freed slaves. He died of illness in AD 161 and was succeeded by his adopted sons Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus as co-emperors.
Early life
Childhood and family
Antoninus Pius was born Aurelius Fulvus Boionius Antoninus near
Antoninus' father had no other children and died shortly after his 89 ordinary consulship. Antoninus was raised by his maternal grandfather Gnaeus Arrius Antoninus,[3] reputed by contemporaries to be a man of integrity and culture and a friend of Pliny the Younger.[10] The Arrii Antonini were an older senatorial family from Italy, very influential during Nerva's reign. Arria Fadilla, Antoninus' mother, married afterwards Publius Julius Lupus, suffect consul in 98; from that marriage came two daughters, Arria Lupula and Julia Fadilla.[11]
Marriage and children
Some time between 110 and 115, Antoninus married Annia Galeria
Faustina bore Antoninus four children, two sons and two daughters.[16] They were:
- Marcus Aurelius Fulvus Antoninus (died before 138); his sepulchral inscription has been found at the Mausoleum of Hadrian in Rome.[17][18]
- Marcus Galerius Aurelius Antoninus (died before 138); his sepulchral inscription has been found at the Mausoleum of Hadrian in Rome.[17][19] His name appears on a Greek Imperial coin.
- Aurelia Fadilla (died in 135); she married Lucius Plautius Lamia Silvanus, consul 145. She appeared to have no children with her husband; and her sepulchral inscription has been found in Italy.[20]
- Annia Galeria Faustina Minor or Faustina the Younger (between 125 and 130–175), a future Roman Empress, married her maternal cousin Marcus Aurelius in 146.[7]
When Faustina died in 141, Antoninus was greatly distressed.
The emperor never remarried. Instead, he lived with Galeria Lysistrate,[24] one of Faustina's freed women. Concubinage was a form of female companionship sometimes chosen by powerful men in Ancient Rome, especially widowers like Vespasian, and Marcus Aurelius. Their union could not produce any legitimate offspring who could threaten any heirs, such as those of Antoninus. Also, as one could not have a wife and an official concubine (or two concubines) at the same time, Antoninus avoided being pressed into a marriage with a noblewoman from another family. (Later, Marcus Aurelius would also reject the advances of his former fiancée Ceionia Fabia, Lucius Verus's sister, on the grounds of protecting his children from a stepmother, and took a concubine instead.)[25][26][27]
Favour with Hadrian
Having filled the offices of
He acquired much favor with Hadrian, who adopted him as his son and successor on 25 February 138,
Emperor
On his accession, Antoninus' name and style became
Immediately after Hadrian's death, Antoninus approached Marcus and requested that his marriage arrangements be amended: Marcus' betrothal to Ceionia Fabia would be annulled, and he would be betrothed to Faustina, Antoninus' daughter, instead. Faustina's betrothal to Ceionia's brother Lucius Commodus, Marcus' future co-Emperor, would also have to be annulled. Marcus consented to Antoninus' proposal.[38][39]
Antoninus built temples, theaters, and mausoleums, promoted the arts and sciences, and bestowed honours and financial rewards upon the teachers of
He owned palatial villas at Lorium (Etruria) and Villa Magna (Latium).
Lack of warfare
There are no records of any military related acts in his time in which he participated. One modern scholar has written "It is almost certain not only that at no time in his life did he ever see, let alone command, a Roman army, but that, throughout the twenty-three years of his reign, he never went within five hundred miles of a legion."[41]
His reign was the most peaceful in the entire history of the
Under instructions from the emperor, Lollius undertook an invasion of southern
Although Antonine's Wall was, in principle, much shorter (37 miles in length as opposed to 73), and at first sight more defensible than Hadrian's Wall, the additional area that it enclosed within the Empire was barren, with land use for grazing already in decay.[52] This meant that supply lines to the wall were strained enough such as the costs for maintaining the additional territory outweighed the benefits of doing so.[53] Also, in the absence of urban development and the ensuing Romanization process, the rear of the wall could not be lastingly pacified.[54]
It has been therefore speculated that the invasion of Lowland Scotland and the building of the wall had to do mostly with internal politics, that is, offering Antoninus an opportunity to gain some modicum of necessary military prestige at the start of his reign. Actually, the campaign in Britannia was followed by an Imperial salutation, that is, by Antoninus formally taking for the second (and last) time the title of Imperator in 142.[55] The fact that around the same time coins were struck announcing a victory in Britain points to Antoninus' need to publicise his achievements.[56] The orator Fronto was later to say that, although Antoninus bestowed the direction of the British campaign to others, he should be regarded as the helmsman who directed the voyage, whose glory, therefore, belonged to him.[57]
That this quest for some military achievement responded to an actual need is proved by the fact that, although generally peaceful, Antoninus' reign was not free from attempts at usurpation: Historia Augusta mentions two, made by the senators Cornelius Priscianus ("for disturbing the peace of Spain";[58] Priscianus had also been Lollius Urbicus' successor as governor of Britain) and Atilius Rufius Titianus (possibly a troublemaker already exiled under Hadrian[59]). Both attempts are confirmed by the Fasti Ostienses as well as by the erasing of Priscianus' name from an inscription.[60] In both cases, Antoninus was not in formal charge of the ensuing repression: Priscianus committed suicide and Titianus was found guilty by the Senate, with Antoninus abstaining from sequestering their families' properties.[61]
There were also some troubles in
Nevertheless, Antoninus was virtually unique among emperors in that he dealt with these crises without leaving Italy once during his reign,[66] but instead dealt with provincial matters of war and peace through their governors or through imperial letters to the cities such as Ephesus (of which some were publicly displayed). This style of government was highly praised by his contemporaries and by later generations.[67]
Antoninus was the last Roman Emperor recognised by the Indian Kingdoms, especially the Kushan Empire.[68] Raoul McLaughlin quotes Aurelius Victor as saying "The Indians, the Bactrians, and the Hyrcanians all sent ambassadors to Antoninus. They had all heard about the spirit of justice held by this great emperor, justice that was heightened by his handsome and grave countenance, and his slim and vigorous figure." Due to the outbreak of the Antonine epidemic and wars against northern Germanic tribes, the reign of Marcus Aurelius was forced to alter the focus of foreign policies, and matters relating to the Far East were increasingly abandoned in favour of those directly concerning the Empire's survival.[68]
Economy and administration
Antoninus was regarded as a skilled administrator and as a builder. In spite of an extensive building directive—the free access of the people of Rome to drinking water was expanded with the construction of aqueducts, not only in Rome but throughout the Empire, as well as bridges and roads—the emperor still managed to leave behind a sizable public treasury of around 2.7 billion sesterces. Rome would not witness another Emperor leaving his successor with a surplus for a long time, but this treasury was depleted almost immediately after Antoninus's reign due to the Antonine Plague brought back by soldiers after the Parthian victory.[69]
The Emperor also famously suspended the collection of taxes from multiple cities affected by natural disasters, such as when fires struck Rome and Narbona, and earthquakes affected
In his dealings with Greek-speaking cities, Antoninus followed the policy adopted by Hadrian of ingratiating himself with local elites, especially with local intellectuals: philosophers, teachers of literature, rhetoricians and physicians were explicitly exempted from any duties involving private spending for civic purposes, a privilege granted by Hadrian that Antoninus confirmed by means of an edict preserved in the Digest (27.1.6.8).[74] Antoninus also created a chair for the teaching of rhetoric in Athens.[75]
Antoninus was known as an avid observer of rites of religion and of formal celebrations, both Roman and foreign. He is known for having increasingly formalized the official cult offered to the Great Mother, which from his reign onwards included a bull sacrifice, a taurobolium, formerly only a private ritual, now being also performed for the sake of the Emperor's welfare.[76] Antoninus also offered patronage to the worship of Mithras, to whom he erected a temple in Ostia.[77] In 148, he presided over the celebrations of the 900th anniversary of the founding of Rome.
Legal reforms
Antoninus tried to portray himself as a magistrate of the res publica, no matter how extended and ill-defined his competencies were. He is credited with the splitting of the imperial treasury, the fiscus. This splitting had to do with the division of imperial properties into two parts. Firstly, the fiscus itself, or patrimonium, meaning the properties of the "Crown", the hereditary properties of each succeeding person that sat on the throne, transmitted to his successors in office,[78] regardless of their previous membership in the imperial family.[79] Secondly, the res privata, the "private" properties tied to the personal maintenance of the Emperor and his family,[80] something like a Privy Purse. An anecdote in the Historia Augusta biography, where Antoninus replies to Faustina (who complained about his stinginess) that "we have gained an empire [and] lost even what we had before" possibly relates to Antoninus' actual concerns at the creation of the res privata.[81] While still a private citizen, Antoninus had increased his personal fortune greatly by means of various legacies, the consequence of his caring scrupulously for his relatives.[82] Also, Antoninus left behind him a reputation for stinginess and was probably determined not to leave his personal property to be "swallowed up by the demands of the imperial throne".[83]
The res privata lands could be sold and/or given away, while the patrimonium properties were regarded as public.[84] It was a way of pretending that the Imperial function—and most properties attached to it—was a public one, formally subject to the authority of the Senate and the Roman people.[85] That the distinction played no part in subsequent political history—that the personal power of the princeps absorbed his role as office-holder—proves that the autocratic logic of the imperial order had already subsumed the old republican institutions.[86]
Of the public transactions of this period there is only the scantiest of information, but, to judge by what is extant, those twenty-two years were not remarkably eventful in comparison to those before and after the reign.[10] However, Antoninus did take a great interest in the revision and practice of the law throughout the empire.[87] One of his chief concerns was to having local communities conform their legal procedures to existing Roman norms: in a case concerning repression of banditry by local police officers ("irenarchs", Greek for "peace keepers") in Asia Minor, Antoninus ordered that these officers should not treat suspects as already condemned, and also keep a detailed copy of their interrogations, to be used in the possibility of an appeal to the Roman governor.[88] Also, although Antoninus was not an innovator, he would not always follow the absolute letter of the law; rather he was driven by concerns over humanity and equality, and introduced into Roman law many important new principles based upon this notion.[87]
In this, the emperor was assisted by five chief lawyers:
Antoninus passed measures to facilitate the
One highlight during his reign occurred in 148, with the nine-hundredth anniversary of the foundation of Rome being celebrated by the hosting of magnificent games in Rome.[100] It lasted a number of days, and a host of exotic animals were killed, including elephants, giraffes, tigers, rhinoceroses, crocodiles and hippopotamuses. While this increased Antoninus's popularity, the frugal emperor had to debase the Roman currency. He decreased the silver purity of the denarius from 89% to 83.5, the actual silver weight dropping from 2.88 grams to 2.68 grams.[49][101]
Scholars name Antoninus Pius as the leading candidate for an individual identified as a friend of Rabbi
Diplomatic mission to China
The first group of people claiming to be an ambassadorial mission of Romans to China was recorded in 166 AD by the
Furthermore, a piece of
Death and legacy
In 156, Antoninus Pius turned 70. He found it difficult to keep himself upright without stays. He started nibbling on dry bread to give him the strength to stay awake through his morning receptions.
Marcus Aurelius had already been created consul with Antoninus in 140, receiving the title of Caesar, i.e., heir apparent.[115] As Antoninus aged, Marcus took on more administrative duties. Marcus's administrative duties increased again after the death, in 156 or 157, of one of Antoninus' most trusted advisers, Marcus Gavius Maximus.
For twenty years, Gavius Maximus had been praetorian prefect, an office that was as much secretarial as military.[116][117] Gavius Maximus had been awarded with the consular insignia and the honours due a senator.[118] He had a reputation as a most strict disciplinarian (vir severissimus, according to Historia Augusta) and some fellow equestrian procurators held lasting grudges against him. A procurator named Gaius Censorius Niger died while Gavius Maximus was alive. In his will, Censorius Niger vilified Maximus, creating serious embarrassment for one of the heirs, the orator Fronto.[119]
Gavius Maximus' death initiated a change in the ruling team. It has been speculated that it was the legal adviser Lucius Volusius Maecianus who assumed the role of grey eminence. Maecianus was briefly Praefect of Egypt, and subsequently Praefectus annonae in Rome. If it was Maecianus who rose to prominence, he may have risen precisely in order to prepare the incoming—and unprecedented—joint succession.[120] In 160, Marcus and Lucius were designated joint consuls for the following year. Perhaps Antoninus was already ill; in any case, he died before the year was out, probably on 7 March.[125]
Two days before his death, the biographer reports, Antoninus was at his ancestral estate at
Antoninus Pius' funeral ceremonies were, in the words of the biographer, "elaborate".[131] If his funeral followed the pattern of past funerals, his body would have been incinerated on a pyre at the Campus Martius, while his spirit would rise to the gods' home in the heavens. However, it seems that this was not the case: according to his Historia Augusta biography (which seems to reproduce an earlier, detailed report) Antoninus' body (and not his ashes) was buried in Hadrian's mausoleum. After a seven-day interval (justitium), Marcus and Lucius nominated their father for deification.[132] In contrast to their behaviour during Antoninus' campaign to deify Hadrian, the senate did not oppose the emperors' wishes. A flamen, or cultic priest, was appointed to minister the cult of the deified Antoninus, now Divus Antoninus.
A column was dedicated to Antoninus on the Campus Martius,[12] and the temple he had built in the Forum in 141 to his deified wife Faustina was rededicated to the deified Faustina and the deified Antoninus.[128] It survives as the church of San Lorenzo in Miranda.[133]
Historiography
The only intact account of his life handed down to us is that of the
Antoninus in many ways was the ideal of the landed gentleman praised not only by ancient Romans, but also by later scholars of classical history, such as Edward Gibbon[135] or the author of the article on Antoninus Pius in the Encyclopædia Britannica Eleventh Edition.[10]
A few months afterwards, on Hadrian's death, he was enthusiastically welcomed to the throne by the Roman people, who, for once, were not disappointed in their anticipation of a happy reign. For Antoninus came to his new office with simple tastes, kindly disposition, extensive experience, a well-trained intelligence and the sincerest desire for the welfare of his subjects. Instead of plundering to support his prodigality, he emptied his private treasury to assist distressed provinces and cities, and everywhere exercised rigid economy (hence the nickname κυμινοπριστης "cummin-splitter"). Instead of exaggerating into treason whatever was susceptible of unfavorable interpretation, he turned the very conspiracies that were formed against him into opportunities for demonstrating his clemency. Instead of stirring up persecution against the Christians, he extended to them the strong hand of his protection throughout the empire. Rather than give occasion to that oppression which he regarded as inseparable from an emperor's progress through his dominions, he was content to spend all the years of his reign in Rome, or its neighbourhood.[10]
Some historians have a less positive view of his reign. According to the historian J. B. Bury,
however estimable the man, Antoninus was hardly a great statesman. The rest which the Empire enjoyed under his auspices had been rendered possible through Hadrian's activity, and was not due to his own exertions; on the other hand, he carried the policy of peace at any price too far, and so entailed calamities on the state after his death. He not only had no originality or power of initiative, but he had not even the insight or boldness to work further on the new lines marked out by Hadrian.[136]
German historian Ernst Kornemann has had it in his Römische Geschichte [2 vols., ed. by H. Bengtson, Stuttgart 1954] that the reign of Antoninus comprised "a succession of grossly wasted opportunities", given the upheavals that were to come. There is more to this argument, given that the Parthians in the East were themselves soon to make no small amount of mischief after Antoninus' death. Kornemann's brief is that Antoninus might have waged preventive wars to head off these outsiders. Michael Grant agrees that it is possible that had Antoninus acted decisively sooner (it appears that, on his death bed, he was preparing a large-scale action against the Parthians), the Parthians might have been unable to choose their own time, but current evidence is not conclusive. Grant opines that Antoninus and his officers did act in a resolute manner dealing with frontier disturbances of his time, although conditions for long-lasting peace were not created. On the whole, according to Grant, Marcus Aurelius' eulogistic picture of Antoninus seems deserved, and Antoninus appears to have been a conservative and nationalistic (although he respected and followed Hadrian's example of Philhellenism moderately) Emperor who was not tainted by the blood of either citizen or foe, combined and maintained Numa Pompilius' good fortune, pacific dutifulness and religious scrupulousness, and whose laws removed anomalies and softened harshnesses.[137]
Krzysztof Ulanowski argues that the claims of military inability are exaggerated, considering that although the sources praise Antoninus' love for peace and his efforts "rather to defend, than enlarge the provinces", he could hardly be considered a pacifist, as shown by the conquest of the Lowlands, the building of the Antonine Wall and the expansion of Germania Superior. Ulanowski also praises Antoninus for being successful in deterrence by diplomatic means.[138]
Descendants
Although only one of his four children survived to adulthood, Antoninus came to be ancestor to four generations of prominent Romans, including the Emperor Commodus. Hans-Georg Pflaum has identified five direct descendants of Antoninus and Faustina who were consuls in the first half of the third century.[139]
- Marcus Aurelius Fulvus Antoninus (died before 138), died young without issue
- Marcus Galerius Aurelius Antoninus (died before 138), died young without issue
- Aurelia Fadilla (died in 135), who married Lucius Plautius Lamia Silvanus, suffect consul in 145;[140] no children known for certain.
- Annia Galeria Faustina the Younger (21 September between 125 and 130–175), had several children; those who had children were:[141]
- Annia Aurelia Galeria Lucilla (7 March 150–182?), whose children included:
- Annia Galeria Aurelia Faustina (151–?), whose children included:
- Tiberius Claudius Severus Proculus
- Empress Annia Faustina, Elagabalus' third wife
- Tiberius Claudius Severus Proculus
- Annia Aurelia Fadilla (159–after 211)
- Annia Cornificia Faustina Minor (160–213)
Nerva–Antonine family tree
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Notes:
Except where otherwise noted, the notes below indicate that an individual's parentage is as shown in the above family tree.
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References:
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References
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- ISBN 9004109579, p. 389
- ^ Champlin, Final Judgments, 16
- ^ Michel Christol, "Préfecture du prétoire et haute administration équestre à la fin du règne d'Antonin le Pieux et au début du règne de Marc Aurèle". In: Cahiers du Centre Gustave Glotz, 18, 2007. pp. 115–140. Available at [6] Archived 2 June 2018 at the Wayback Machine. Accessed 27 January 2016
- ISBN 9781107092112.
- ^ Hammond, M. (1938). The Tribunician Day during the Early Empire. Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome, 15, p. 46.
- ^ Istituto Italiano d'Arti Grafiche (1956). Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome, Vol. 24–25. p. 101.
- ISBN 9783110018851.
- ^ IGRR I, 1509. The date is found in an inscription dedicated to Titus Flavius Xenion.[121] The Feriale Duranum 1.21., written half a century later, implies that his successors took power the day before: "Prid(ie) Non[is Ma]r[tis". However, and for some reason, most historians who cite the passage indicate that it occurred on 7 March (nones martis).[122][123][124] It's not clear whether the error comes from the authors or the digitized version. Either way, this is the universally accepted date.[10]
- ^ a b Bowman 2000, p. 156.
- ^ a b Victor, 15:7
- ^ a b Bury 1893, p. 532.
- ^ HA Antoninus Pius 12.4–8
- ^ Birley 2000, p. 114.
- ^ HA Marcus 7.10, tr. David Magie, cited in Birley 2000, pp. 118, 278 n.6.
- ^ Robert Turcan, "Origines et sens de l'inhumation à l'époque impériale". In: Revue des Études Anciennes. Tome 60, 1958, n°3–4. pp. 323–347. Available at [7] Archived 3 June 2018 at the Wayback Machine. Accessed 14 January 2016
- ^ Birley 2000, p. 118.
- ^ Historia Augusta, Life of Antoninus Pius 5:4
- ISBN 9781910630761.
- ^ Bury 1893, p. 524.
- ISBN 9781317972112.
- ISBN 9789004324763.
- ^ Pflaum, "Les gendres de Marc-Aurèle" Archived 5 June 2018 at the Wayback Machine, Journal des savants (1961), pp. 28–41
- ^ Ronald Syme, "Antonine Relatives: Ceionii and Vettuleni", Athenaeum, 35 (1957), p. 309
- ^ Based on Table F, "The Children of Faustina II" in Birley 2000
Sources
- Primary sources
- Cassius Dio, Roman History, Book 70, English translation
- Aurelius Victor, Epitome de Caesaribu", English translation
- Historia Augusta, The Life of Antoninus Pius, English translation. Note that the Historia Augusta includes pseudohistorical elements.
- Secondary sources
- Weigel, Richard D. (2 August 2023). "Antoninus Pius (A.D. 138–161) De Imperatoribus Romanis".
- Bowman, Alan K. (2000). The Cambridge Ancient History: The High Empire, A.D. 70–192. Cambridge University Press.
- Birley, Anthony (2000). Marcus Aurelius. Routledge.
- Bury, J. B. (1893). A History of the Roman Empire from its Foundation to the Death of Marcus Aurelius. Harper.
- ISBN 978-0-521-84026-2.
- Hill, John E. (2009). Through the Jade Gate to Rome: A Study of the Silk Routes during the Later Han Dynasty, First to Second Centuries CE. BookSurge. ISBN 978-1-4392-2134-1.
- Hüttl, W. (1936) [1933]. Antoninus Pius. Vol. I & II, Prag.
- public domain: Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "Antoninus Pius". Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 2 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. pp. 148–149. This source lists:
- Bossart-Mueller, Zur Geschichte des Kaisers A. (1868)
- Bryant, The Reign of Antonine (Cambridge Historical Essays, 1895)
- Lacour-Gayet, A. le Pieux et son Temps (1888)
- Watson, P. B. (1884). "ii". Marcus Aurelius Antoninus. London: New York, Harper. ISBN 9780836956672.
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