Anu
Anu 𒀭𒀭 | |
---|---|
Sky Father, King of the Gods | |
of Ritti-Marduk, from Sippar, Iraq, 1125–1104 BCE | |
Abode | heaven |
Symbol | horned crown on a pedestal |
Number | 60 |
Personal information | |
Parents | |
Consort | |
Children | |
Equivalents | |
Greek equivalent | Zeus (disputed),[5] Uranus[6] |
Elamite equivalent | Jabru[7] |
Hurrian equivalent | Hamurnu[8] |
Achaemenid equivalent | Ahura Mazda[5] (disputed)[9] |
Anu (Akkadian: 𒀭𒀭 ANU, from 𒀭 an "Sky", "Heaven") or Anum, originally An (Sumerian: 𒀭 An),[10] was the divine personification of the sky, king of the gods, and ancestor of many of the deities in ancient Mesopotamian religion. He was regarded as a source of both divine and human kingship, and opens the enumerations of deities in many Mesopotamian texts. At the same time, his role was largely passive, and he was not commonly worshipped. It is sometimes proposed that the Eanna temple located in Uruk originally belonged to him, rather than Inanna, but while he is well attested as one of its divine inhabitants, there is no evidence that the main deity of the temple ever changed, and Inanna was already associated with it in the earliest sources. After it declined, a new theological system developed in the same city under Seleucid rule, resulting in Anu being redefined as an active deity. As a result he was actively worshipped by inhabitants of the city in the final centuries of the history of ancient Mesopotamia.
Multiple traditions regarding the identity of Anu's spouse existed, though three of them—
Anu briefly appears in the Akkadian
Character
Anu was a divine representation of the sky,[11] as indicated by his name, which simply means "sky" in Sumerian.[12] In Akkadian, it was spelled as Anu, and was written either logographically (dAN) or syllabically (da-nu(m)).[10] In Sumerian texts, unlike the names of other deities, his was never prefaced by the dingir sign, referred to as the "divine determinative" in modern literature, since it would result in unnecessary repetition, as the same sign was also read as an.[13] In addition to referring to sky and heaven and to Anu, the same sign could also be read as dingir or ilu, the generic term "god" in, respectively, Sumerian and Akkadian.[10] As the number 60 was associated with him,[14] the corresponding numeral could represent his name,[10] and in esoteric texts by extension also the other readings of the sign DINGIR.[15]
Anu was regarded as the supreme god,
Although Anu was a very important deity, his nature was often ambiguous and ill-defined.
Astral role
In
In Seleucid Uruk, Anu's astral role was extended further, and in a text composed in year 71 of the Seleucid era (216/215 BCE) he is described as responsible for the entire firmament.[31] Furthermore, two circumpolar stars started to be called the "Great Anu and Antu of Heaven," and received offerings as if they were deities.[31] They typically appear alongside the other seven major celestial bodies which were known to Mesopotamian astronomers in the late first millennium BCE: the sun, the moon, and the planets Nebēru (Jupiter), Dilbat (Venus), Šiḫṭu (Mercury), Kayamānu (Saturn), and Ṣalbatānu (Mars).[32]
Iconography
Anu almost never appears in Mesopotamian artwork and has no known recognizable anthropomorphic iconography.[16] References to him holding typical symbols of divine kingship, such as a scepter and a ring-shaped object, are known from textual sources.[33]
A text from the
Associations with other deities
Spouses
The goddess
An inscription on a votive figurine of king Lugal-kisalsi (or Lugal-giparesi), who ruled over Uruk and Ur in the twenty-fourth century BCE, refers to Nammu as the wife of Anu.[39] Julia Krul proposes that this was a traditional pairing in Early Dynastic Uruk,[52] but according to Frans Wiggermann no other direct references to Nammu as Anu's wife are known.[4] A possible exception is an Old Babylonian incantation which might refer to her as "pure one of An," but this attestation is uncertain.[4]
In older literature, an epithet of
A goddess named Ninursala is described as Anu's dam-bànda, possibly to be translated as "concubine," in the god list An = Anum.[56] According to Antoine Cavigneaux and Manfred Krebernik, she is also attested in an Old Babylonian god list from Mari.[56]
Children
Many deities were regarded as Anu's descendants,
Amurru (Martu) was universally regarded as a son of Anu.[73] Dietz-Otto Edzard argued that the fact he was not regarded as a son of Enlil instead might stem from his secondary role in Mesopotamian religion.[73] It is also possible that the comparisons between him and Ishkur contributed to the development of this genealogy.[73] It has additionally been argued that a variant writing of Amurru's name, AN.dMARTU (AN.AN.MAR.TU[74]) represents a conjoined deity consisting of Amurru and Anu.[75] However, according to Paul-Alain Beaulieu it most likely should simply be read as the Akkadian phrase dIl Amurrim, "the god of Amurru," as indicated by a Hurrian translation known from a bilingual text from Emar, de-ni a-mu-ri-we, which has the same meaning.[74]
Texts from the reign of Rim-Sîn I and Samsu-iluna identify the love goddess Nanaya as a daughter of Anu.[76] This notion is also present in an inscription of Esarhaddon.[77] Paul-Alain Beaulieu speculates that Nanaya developed in the context of a local theological system in which Anu and Inanna were viewed as a couple, and that she was initially regarded as their daughter.[78] However, as noted by Olga Drewnowska-Rymarz, direct references to Nanaya as the daughter of Inanna are not common, and it is possible this epithet was not treated literally, but rather as an indication of closeness between them.[76] Furthermore, Nanaya could also be regarded as a daughter of the male Urash, and was sometimes specifically called his firstborn daughter.[79]
In late sources, Nisaba could be called a daughter of Anu.[1] However, as noted by Wilfred G. Lambert at least one text "seems to imply a desire not to have Anu as Nisaba's father,"[80] and instead makes her the daughter of Irḫan, in this context identified with Ea and understood as a cosmic river, "father of the gods of the universe."[81]
While
Further deities attested as children of Anu include the medicine goddesses
Anu could also be regarded as the father of various demons.
Ancestors
The earliest texts do not discuss Anu's origin, and his preeminence is simply assumed.[10] In later traditions, his father was usually Anshar,[103] whose spouse was Kishar.[104] Another tradition most likely regarded Alala and Belili as his parents.[105] A larger group of his ancestors, arranged into multiple generations, is known from mythological and scholarly sources.[48] Wilfred G. Lambert coined the term "Theogony of Anu" to refer to arrangements of these deities collectively.[70] At least five versions are known from incantations, though in three out of five the first pair are Duri and Dari, and the last – Alala and Belili.[70] A slightly different version is known from the god list An = Anum, though there are differences between individual copies as well.[106] Lambert proposes that initially at least two different traditions existed, but they were later combined into a list patterned on those associated with Enlil.[107] At least in some cases, long lists of divine ancestors were meant to help avoid the implications of divine incest, which were hard to reconcile with strong incest taboos attested from various periods of Mesopotamian history.[108]
Duri and Dari likely represented time understood as a primary force in creation, and their names are derived from an Akkadian phrase meaning "ever and ever."
The god list An = Anum refers to Nammu as the "mother who gave birth to Heaven and Earth," dama-tu-an-ki, but as noted by Frans Wiggermann, the terms an and ki were most likely understood collectively in this case.[112] A similar reference is known from an exorcism formula assumed to predate the Middle Babylonian period.[113] There is no indication that this act of creation involved a second deity acting as Nammu's spouse.[112] She appears in a variant of Anu's genealogy in An = Anum, though as remarked by Lambert, she was "pushed out (...) into a kind of appendix."[114] Due to the sparse attestations of Nammu it is assumed today that she "was not generally acknowledged outside Eridu."[114]
A single prayer to Papsukkal might allude to a tradition in which Anu was a son of Enmesharra.[91] In another text, Anu and Enlil receive their positions from this deity, not necessarily peacefully.[91]
Due to his connection with various ancestral deities, Anu could be occasionally associated with the underworld.[115] One Assyrian explanatory text mentions Antu making funerary offerings for him.[116] However, according to Julia Krul, it is impossible to tell how widespread the recognition of this aspect of his character was, and broad statements about Anu being outright identified with deities of the underworld in the theology of Seleucid Uruk should be generally avoided.[31]
In Hurrian tradition
While it is often assumed that
Attendants
Ninshubur, the "archetypal vizier of the gods,"[123] was primarily associated with Inanna, but she could also be described as the sukkal (divine vizier, attendant deity) of Anu.[124] The association between her and Anu is attested from the reign of Third Dynasty of Ur onward.[124] Her role as a popular intercessory deity in Sumerian religion was derived from her position as a servant of major deities, which resulted in the belief that she was capable of mediating with her masters, both with Inanna and with Anu, on behalf of human petitioners.[125] Another deity who could be placed in the same role was Ilabrat.[10] In texts from the second millennium BCE, Ninshubur and Ilabrat coexisted[123] and in at least some cases Ninshubur's name, treated as masculine, was a logographic spelling of Ilabrat's, for example in Mari in personal names.[126] It has been proposed that the variance in Ninshubur's gender is related to syncretism with him.[127] The goddess Amasagnudi could be regarded as Anu's sukkal too, as attested in a single Old Babylonian lexical text.[128] Kakka is also attested in this role in a few cases,[129] though in the Enūma Eliš he is the sukkal of Anshar instead.[130]
In later periods, other sukkals of Anu were eclipsed by Papsukkal, originally associated with the god
Foreign equivalents
According to a Šurpu commentary, Anu's Elamite counterpart was Jabru.[7] However, according to the god list An = Anum, a god bearing the name Yabnu (dia-ab-na) was the "Enlil of Elam."[135] Wilfred G. Lambert concluded that Jabru and Yabnu should be considered two spellings of the same name.[7] While Jabru is described as an Elamite god in Mesopotamian sources, no known Elamite texts mention him.[7]
In the god list Anšar = Anum, one of the names of Anu is Hamurnu, derived from the Hurrian word referring to heaven.[8] However, while Hurrians did worship earth and heaven, they did not regard them as personified deities.[136] Furthermore, Anu appears under his own name in Hurrian mythology.[137]
While Robert Monti argues that the Canaanites seem to have ascribed Anu's attributes to
It is sometimes proposed that in the Hellenistic period Anu was identified with the Greek god Zeus, but most Assyriologists consider this possibility to be uncertain, one exception being Eleanor Robson.[5] Julia Krul points out authors who propose it do not clarify whether they mean if "the Seleucids made such an equation themselves (...), or that the Urukean priest-scholars convinced their new kings of the similarity between the two gods (...), or even that they genuinely believed that Anu and Zeus were the same."[5] No direct evidence of any of these possibilities is available.[142] According to Walter Burkert, a researcher of ancient Greek religion, direct literary parallels exist between Anu and the Zeus.[143] According to him, the scene from Tablet VI of the Epic of Gilgamesh in which Ishtar comes before Anu after being rejected by Gilgamesh and complains to her mother Antu, but is mildly rebuked by Anu, is directly paralleled by a scene from Book V of the Iliad.[144] In this scene, Aphrodite, who Burkert regards as the later Greek development of Ishtar, is wounded by the Greek hero Diomedes while trying to save her son Aeneas.[145] She flees to Mount Olympus, where she cries to her mother Dione, is mocked by her sister Athena, and is mildly rebuked by her father Zeus.[145] Not only is the narrative parallel significant,[145] but so is the fact that Dione's name is a feminization of Zeus's own, just as Antu is a feminine form of Anu.[145] Dione does not appear throughout the rest of the Iliad, in which Zeus's consort is instead the goddess Hera.[145] Burkert therefore concludes that Dione is clearly a calque of Antu.[145]
An equivalence between Anu and Ahura Mazda has been proposed based on the assumption that non-Persian subjects of the Achaemenid Empire might have viewed the latter simply as a sky god.[5]
Worship
Anu was chiefly associated with the city of
There is also no indication that Eanna, "House of Heaven" (Sumerian: e2-anna; Cuneiform: 𒂍𒀭 E2.AN[a]), the main temple of Uruk in historical times, was originally the abode of Anu alone, as sometimes proposed in the past.[148] It was already associated with Inanna in the fourth millennium BCE, and her role as the tutelary goddess of Uruk most likely dates at least to this period as well.[148] Julia Krul proposes that even if Anu was already worshiped in the Uruk period, he likely had to share the Eanna temple with Inanna.[52] The oldest texts do not mention the Eanna yet, and it is not certain if a sanctuary most likely called "Ean" attested in them was a temple of Anu and if it corresponded to any later structure.[151] Through the Early Dynastic, Sargonic and Ur III periods, Inanna was the main deity of the city, and Eanna was regarded as her temple first and foremost.[151] The Bassetki inscription of Naram-Sin in particular supports the view that Inanna was the goddess of Uruk and that she was perceived as more significant than Anu.[153] No references to Anu are known from inscriptions of the Ur III rulers mentioning the Eanna, even though he does appear in offering lists.[153] However, royal inscriptions from the Old Babylonian period indicate that Anu was believed to dwell in the Eanna.[52] In the Old Babylonian version of the Epic of Gilgamesh, Eanna is described only as the dwelling of Anu, but the later "Standard Babylonian" version associates it both with Ishtar and Anu.[52] It has been proposed that similar to the Bull of Heaven episode, the former tradition might simply indicate the existence of anti-Ishtar sentiment among compilers of this work.[154] Simultaneously Anu does not play any major role and Inanna is the sole owner of Eanna in the myths about Enmerkar and Lugalbanda, other legendary kings of Uruk commonly referenced in Mesopotamian literature.[155] A mythological tradition in which the Eanna originally belonged to Anu, but was later usurped by Inanna is known from multiple literary compositions,[156] but it might have only been a founding myth explaining how the first temples were established.[148]
Starting in the Ur III period, Anu came to be seen as a member of a triad of foremost deities invoked in royal inscriptions, which also included
In Assyria, Anu appears for the first time in an inscription of Shamshi-Adad I, who described him as one of the gods who bestowed kingship upon him.[10] A temple of Adad which he built in Assur later came to be dedicated to both the weather god and Anu.[165][166] It was accompanied by a ziggurat, Emelamanna ("house of the radiance of heaven").[167] Daniel Schwemer suggests that the pairing of those two gods was based on the common view that they were father and son.[166]
No direct references to the worship of Anu are known from the part of the Old Babylonian period during which the cults of Uruk were temporarily relocated to
In documents from the reign of the First Sealand dynasty, the dyad of Enlil and Ea (Enki) replaced the triad containing Anu.[172] The only god list known from the Sealand archives does not mention Anu at all, and simply begins with Enlil.[173] He is nonetheless attested in a few offering lists.[174] Furthermore, it is possible the name of the king Akurduana might be theophoric and should be translated as "raging flood of Anu," though this remains uncertain and the ordinary word "heaven" might be the correct translation of the sign AN in this case instead.[175]
The so-called Babylonian Temple List most likely composed in the first millennium BCE mentions no temples of Anu, though with the exception of Larsa, Ur and Eridu the southernmost cities are generally poorly represented in it.[176] A single liturgical text indicates that a temple of Anu called Ekinamma possibly existed in Kesh.[177] The hymn BRM IV 8 lists ten names of temples associated with him,[178] including the Eanki[179] and the Egalankia, possibly located in Uruk.[180]
In the Neo-Babylonian period, Anu only had a small sanctuary in Uruk.[181] He has been described as a comparatively minor deity in the religious practice of this period.[181][182] While multiple Neo-Babylonian archives from Uruk have been excavated and published, so far research revealed only a small number of people bearing theophoric names invoking Anu before the reign of Nabonidus, with a total of five being mentioned in known documents according to the highest estimate.[183] The most historically notable example is Anu-aḫu-iddin, who was the governor of Uruk during the reign of Nabopolassar.[184] The number of such names started to rise during the reign of Nabonidus.[185] Documents from the reign of Darius I show further growth, though names invoking chiefly northern Babylonian deities, as well as Nanaya, Ishtar and Shamash (from Larsa) remain numerous.[186] It has been proposed that the changed in favor of Anu accelerated during the reign of Xerxes I.[186] After a rebellion of the northern Babylonian cities against Persian rule in 484 BCE, this king seemingly reorganized the traditional structure of Mesopotamian clergy, and while Uruk did not rebel, it was not exempt from changes.[187] It has been proposed that the older priests, who were often connected to the northern cities and were predominantly involved in the cult of Ishtar, were replaced by a number of powerful local families dedicated to Anu.[187] Julia Krul suggests that their members likely planned to expand the scope of Anu's cult in the Neo-Babylonian period already, but were unable to do so due to the interests of the kings, who favored Marduk as the head of the pantheon.[188]
Theological reforms in Achaemenid and Seleucid Uruk
Xerxes' retaliation against the clergy of Uruk resulted in the collapse of Eanna as the center of Uruk's religious life and economy, and made the creation of a new system centered on the worship of Anu and his spouse of Antu, rather than Ishtar and Nanaya, possible.[188] The details of its early development are not well understood, as Mesopotamian texts from the later years of Achaemenid rule pertaining to temple administration and other religious affairs are scarce.[188] The city as a whole did not decline, and it served various administrative and military purposes, as attested for example in documents from the reign of Darius II.[188] It has even been described as the biggest and most prosperous city in Mesopotamia in the final centuries of the first millennium BCE.[189] It is assumed that Anu's ascent to the top of the official pantheon was complete by the year 420 BCE.[190] In theophoric names, he already predominates in economic documents from the reigns of Artaxerxes I and Darius II.[190] In sources from the following Seleucid period, the cult of Anu appears to be flourishing.[188] A new temple, dedicated jointly to him and Antu, the Bīt Rēš (head temple)[191] was constructed at some point and became the new center of the city s religious life.[190] Oldest dated attestation of this structure comes from a text which was apparently originally compiled during "the reign of Seleukos and Antiochos," presumably either Seleucus I Nicator and Antiochus I Soter (292/1 – 281/0 BCE) or of Antiochus I and his son Seleucus (280/79 – 267/6 BCE).[192] The Bīt Rēš complex also included a new ziggurat, the Ešarra (Sumerian: "house of the universe"),[193] the biggest such structure known from Mesopotamia and second biggest overall after the Elamite complex at Chogha Zanbil.[194] Its name was likely borrowed from a similar structure in Nippur dedicated to Enlil.[195]
Multiple explanations have been proposed for the elevation of Anu, though they must remain speculative due to lack of direct evidence.
Uruk in late Seleucid and Parthian periods
While it is assumed that religious activity in Uruk continued through the late Seleucid and early Parthian periods, a large part of the Bīt Rēš complex was eventually destroyed by a fire.[202] It was rebuilt as a fortress, and while a small temple was built next to it in the Parthian period, most likely Mesopotamian deities were no longer worshipped there.[202] According to a Greek inscription dated to 111 CE, the deity worshipped in Uruk in the early first millennium was apparently otherwise unknown Gareus, whose temple was built during the reign of Vologases I of Parthia in a foreign style resembling Roman buildings.[203] The final cuneiform text from the site is an astronomical tablet dated to 79 or 80 CE, possibly the last cuneiform text written in antiquity.[204] It is assumed that the last remnants of the local religion and culture of Uruk disappeared by the time of the Sasanian conquest of Mesopotamia, even though the worship of individual deities might have outlasted cuneiform writing.[204]
Mythology
Sumerian
Sumerian creation myth
The main source of information about the Sumerian creation myth is the prologue to the epic poem
In Sumerian, the designation "An" was used interchangeably with "the heavens" so that in some cases it is doubtful whether, under the term, the god An or the heavens is being denoted.[209][210] In Sumerian cosmogony, heaven was envisioned as a series of three domes covering the flat earth;[211][10] Each of these domes of heaven was believed to be made of a different precious stone.[211] An was believed to be the highest and outermost of these domes, which was thought to be made of reddish stone.[10]
Inanna myths
Inanna and
The poem Inanna Takes Command of Heaven is an extremely fragmentary, but important, account of Inanna's conquest of the
Akkadian
Epic of Gilgamesh
In a scene from the Akkadian
Adapa myth
In the myth of Adapa, which is first attested during the Kassite Period, Anu notices that the
Erra and Išum
In the epic poem Erra and Išum, which was written in Akkadian in the eighth century BC, Anu gives Erra, the god of destruction, the Sebettu, which are described as personified weapons.[10] Anu instructs Erra to use them to massacre humans when they become overpopulated and start making too much noise (Tablet I, 38ff).[10]
Hurrian
One of the myths belonging to the so-called "Kumarbi Cycle" features Anu among the deities involved.
Wilfred G. Lambert proposed that a hitherto unknown Mesopotamian myth about a confrontation between Alala and Anu existed and inspired the Hurro-Hittite tradition regarding their conflict.[231]
Later relevance
A reference to a genealogy of deities similar to Enūma Eliš, and by extension to Anu, is known from the writings of Eudemus of Rhodes, a student of Aristotle, whose work is only preserved as quotations given by Damascius, a neoplatonist writer who lived in the sixth century CE:
Of the barbarians the Babylonians seem to pass over in silence the one first principle and allow for two: Tauthē and Apasōn. They make Apasōn the husband of Tauthē, whom they call "mother of the gods." Of these was born a single child, Mōymis, which is, I understand, the rational world, which descended from the two principles. From them another generation arose, Dachē and Dachos [emend: Lachē and Lachos], then a third one arose from the same pair, Kissarē and Assōros, of whom were born the three: Anos, Illinos [emend: Illilos] and Aos. From Aos and Daukē a son was born, Bēlos, whom they say is the demiurge.[104]
It is not known what source Eudemos relied on, though Berossus can be ruled out with certainty as it is implausible that the former lived long enough to read the works of the latter.[104] Furthermore, the inclusion of Enlil (Illilos) as an equal of Ea (Aos) and Anu (Anos) indicates that while similar to the Enūma Eliš, the source used was not identical to it.[232] A further difference in Eudemus' account is the fact that the origin of Mummu (Mōymis) is clear, while the Babylonian work in mention does not directly explain it.[232]
It has been argued series of divine coups described in the Kumarbi myth later became the basis for the Greek creation story described in the long poem Theogony, written by the Boeotian poet Hesiod in the seventh century BC.[6] However, Gary Beckman points out that it is not impossible that the two myths simply developed from similar motifs present in the ancient Mediterranean shared cultural milieu ("koine") and Hesiod did not necessarily directly depend on the Kumarbi tradition.[225] In Hesiod's poem, the primeval sky-god Ouranos is overthrown and castrated by his son Kronos in much the same manner that Anu is overthrown and castrated by Kumarbi in the Hurrian story.[233][6] Kronos is then, in turn, overthrown by his own son Zeus.[6] In one Orphic myth, Kronos bites off Ouranos's genitals in exactly the same manner that Kumarbi does to Anu.[6] Nonetheless, Robert Mondi notes that Ouranos never held mythological significance to the Greeks comparable with Anu's significance to the Mesopotamians.[234] Instead, Mondi calls Ouranos "a pale reflection of Anu",[138] noting that "apart from the castration myth, he has very little significance as a cosmic personality at all and is not associated with kingship in any systematic way."[138]
In late antiquity, writers such as Philo of Byblos attempted to impose the dynastic succession framework of the Hittite and Hesiodic stories onto Canaanite mythology,[235] but these efforts are forced and contradict what most Canaanites seem to have actually believed.[235] Most Canaanites seem to have regarded El and Baal as ruling concurrently.[236]
Notes
References
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- ^ a b Wang 2011, p. 152.
- ^ a b c Lambert 2013, p. 405.
- ^ a b c d e f Wiggermann 1998, p. 138.
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- ^ a b Wiggermann 1998, p. 137.
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- ^ a b Krul 2018, pp. 41–42.
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- ^ Boivin 2018, p. 190.
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- ^ Beaulieu 2003, p. 110.
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- ^ George 1993, p. 143.
- ^ a b Schwemer 2007, p. 141.
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- ^ a b c Krul 2018, p. 13.
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- ^ Krebernik 2014a, p. 419.
- ^ Asher-Greve & Westenholz 2013, p. 91.
- ^ Boivin 2018, p. 67.
- ^ Boivin 2018, pp. 198–199.
- ^ Boivin 2018, p. 213.
- ^ Boivin 2018, p. 41.
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- ^ George 1993, p. 8.
- ^ George 1993, p. 67.
- ^ George 1993, p. 87.
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- ^ Krul 2018, p. 32.
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- ^ Krul 2018, p. 29.
- ^ Beaulieu 1997, pp. 69–70.
- ^ Krul 2018, pp. 261–262.
- ^ Beaulieu 2018, p. 205.
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- ^ Beaulieu 1997, pp. 68–69.
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- ^ Kramer 1961, pp. 30–33.
- ^ a b c Kramer 1961, pp. 37–40.
- ^ Kramer 1961, pp. 37–41.
- ^ Levine 2000, p. 4.
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- ^ Enheduanna. Inanna and Ebiḫ (alt: Goddess of the Fearsome Divine Powers). ETCSL. Oxford, UK: Oriental Institute, Oxford University. 1.3.2.
- ^ a b c d e Karahashi 2004, p. 111.
- ^ Dalley 1989, pp. 80–82.
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- ^ Wyatt 1999, p. 244.
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- ^ Sanders 2017, pp. 38–39.
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- ^ a b Beckman 2011, p. 25.
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Further reading
- Vv.Aa. (1951), University of California Publications in Semitic Philology, vol. 11–12, University of California Press, OCLC 977787419
- Horry, Ruth (2016), "Enki/Ea (god)", Ancient Mesopotamian Gods and Goddesses, Open Richly Annotated Cuneiform Corpus, UK Higher Education Academy
- Kramer, Samuel Noah (1963), The Sumerians: Their History, Culture, and Character, Chicago, Illinois: University of Chicago Press, ISBN 0-226-45238-7
- Leick, Gwendolyn (1998) [1991], A Dictionary of Ancient Near Eastern Mythology, New York City, New York: Routledge, ISBN 0-415-19811-9
- Pope, Marvin H. (1955), "El in the Ugaritic Texts", Supplements to Vetus Testamentum, 2, Leiden, The Netherlands: E. J. Brill, ISSN 0083-5889
- Stone, Adam (2016), "Enlil/Ellil (god)", Ancient Mesopotamian Gods and Goddesses, Open Richly Annotated Cuneiform Corpus, UK Higher Education Academy
External links