Arab–Byzantine wars
The Arab–Byzantine wars were a series of wars between a number of
The emergence of Muslim Arabs from
During the first centuries, the Byzantines were usually on the defensive, and avoided open field battles, preferring to retreat to their fortified strongholds. Only after 740 did they begin to launch raids in an attempt to combat the Arabs and take back the lands they had lost, but the Abbasid Empire was able to retaliate with often massive and destructive invasions of Asia Minor. The Arabs also took to the sea, and from the 650s on, the entire Mediterranean Sea became a battleground, with raids and counter-raids being launched against islands and the coastal settlements. Arab raids reached a peak in the 9th and early 10th centuries, after the conquests of Crete, Malta and Sicily, with their fleets reaching the coasts of France, Dalmatia, and Constantinople.
With the decline and fragmentation of the Abbasid state
Background
The prolonged and escalating
Nevertheless, neither empire was given any chance to recover, as within a few years they found themselves in conflict with the Arabs (newly united by Islam), which, according to Howard-Johnston, "can only be likened to a human tsunami".[10] According to George Liska, the "unnecessarily prolonged Byzantine–Persian conflict opened the way for Islam".[11]
In the late 620s, the Islamic Prophet
Muslim conquests, 629–718
According to Muslim biographies, Muhammed, having received intelligence that Byzantine forces were concentrating in northern Arabia with intentions of invading Arabia, led a Muslim army north to
There is no contemporary Byzantine account of the Tabuk expedition, and many of the details come from much later Muslim sources. It has been argued that there is in one Byzantine source possibly referencing the
Arab conquest of Roman Syria: 634–638
In the Levant, the invading
The Roman Emperor
At the
In April 637 the Arabs, after a long siege,
At the expiration of this truce in 638–639, the Arabs overran Byzantine Mesopotamia and Byzantine Armenia, and terminated the conquest of Palestine by storming Caesarea Maritima and effecting their final capture of Ascalon. In December 639, the Muslims departed from Palestine to invade Egypt in early 640.[15]
Arab conquests of North Africa: 639–698
Conquest of Egypt and Cyrenaica
By the time Heraclius died, much of Egypt had been lost, and by 637–638 the whole of Syria was in the hands of the armies of Islam.[note 5] With 3,500–4,000 troops under his command, 'Amr ibn al-A'as first crossed into Egypt from Palestine at the end of 639 or the beginning of 640. He was progressively joined by further reinforcements, notably 12,000 soldiers by Zubayr ibn al-Awwam. 'Amr first besieged and conquered Babylon Fortress, and then attacked Alexandria. The Byzantines, divided and shocked by the sudden loss of so much territory, agreed to give up the city by September 642.[26] The fall of Alexandria extinguished Byzantine rule in Egypt, and allowed the Muslims to continue their military expansion into North Africa; between 643 and 644 'Amr completed the conquest of Cyrenaica.[27] Uthman succeeded Caliph Umar after his death.[28]
According to Arab historians, the local Christian Copts welcomed the Arabs just as the Monophysites did in Jerusalem.[29] The loss of this lucrative province deprived the Byzantines of their valuable wheat supply, thereby causing food shortages throughout the Byzantine Empire and weakening its armies in the following decades.[30]
The Byzantine navy briefly won back Alexandria in 645, but lost it again in 646 shortly after the Battle of Nikiou.[31] The Islamic forces raided Sicily in 652, while Cyprus and Crete were captured in 653.
Conquest of the Exarchate of Africa
"The people of Homs replied [to the Muslims], "We like your rule and justice far better than the state of oppression and tyranny in which we were. The army of Heraclius we shall indeed, with your 'amil's' help, repulse from the city." The Jews rose and said, "We swear by the Torah, no governor of Heraclius shall enter the city of Homs unless we are first vanquished and exhausted!" [...] The inhabitants of the other cities—Christian and Jews—that had capitulated to the Muslims, did the same [...] When by Allah's help the "unbelievers" were defeated and the Muslims won, they opened the gates of their cities, went out with the singers and music players who began to play, and paid the kharaj." |
Al-Baladhuri[32] – According to the Muslim historians of the 9th century, local populations regarded Byzantine rule as oppressive, and preferred Muslim conquest instead.[a] |
In 647, a Rashidun-Arab army led by
Following a
Muawiyah began consolidating the Arab territory from the Aral Sea to the western border of Egypt. He put a governor in place in Egypt at al-Fustat, and launched raids into Anatolia in 663. Then from 665 to 689 a new North African campaign was launched to protect Egypt "from flank attack by Byzantine Cyrene". An Arab army of 40,000 took Barca, defeating 30,000 Byzantines.[37]
A vanguard of 10,000 Arabs under
In his conquest of the
In their struggle against the Byzantines and the Berbers, the Arab chieftains had greatly extended their African dominions, and as early as the year 682 Uqba had reached the shores of the Atlantic, but he was unable to occupy Tangier, for he was forced to turn back toward the
Count Julian.— Luis Garcia de Valdeavellano
Arab attacks on Anatolia and sieges of Constantinople
As the first tide of the Muslim conquests in the Near East ebbed off, and a semi-permanent border between the two powers was established, a wide zone, unclaimed by either Byzantines or Arabs and virtually deserted (known in Arabic as al-Ḍawāḥī, "the outer lands" and in
Nevertheless, the Umayyads still considered the complete subjugation of Byzantium as their ultimate objective. Their thinking was dominated by Islamic teaching, which placed the infidel Byzantines in the
Both as governor of Syria and later as caliph,
Trade between the Muslim eastern and southern shores and the Christian northern shores almost ceased during this period, isolating Western Europe from developments in the Muslim world: "In antiquity, and again in the high Middle Ages, the voyage from Italy to Alexandria was commonplace; in early Islamic times the two countries were so remote that even the most basic information was unknown" (Kennedy).[51] Muawiyah also initiated the first large-scale raids into Anatolia from 641 on. These expeditions, aiming both at plunder and at weakening and keeping the Byzantines at bay, as well as the corresponding retaliatory Byzantine raids, eventually became established as a fixture of Byzantine–Arab warfare for the next three centuries.[52][53]
The outbreak of the
Attacks against Byzantine holdings in Africa, Sicily and the East
After his victory in the civil war, Muawiyah launched a series of attacks against Byzantine holdings in Africa, Sicily and the East.[55] By 670, the Muslim fleet had penetrated into the Sea of Marmara and stayed at Cyzicus during the winter. Four years later, a massive Muslim fleet reappeared in the Marmara and re-established a base at Cyzicus, from there they raided the Byzantine coasts almost at will. Finally in 676, Muawiyah sent an army to invest Constantinople from land as well, beginning the First Arab Siege of the city. Constantine IV (r. 661–685) however used a devastating new weapon that came to be known as "Greek fire", invented by a Christian refugee from Syria named Kallinikos of Heliopolis, to decisively defeat the attacking Umayyad navy in the Sea of Marmara, resulting in the lifting of the siege in 678. The returning Muslim fleet suffered further losses due to storms, while the army lost many men to the thematic armies who attacked them on their route back.[56] Among those killed in the siege was Eyup, the standard bearer of Muhammed and the last of his companions; to Muslims today, his tomb is considered one of the holiest sites in Istanbul.[57]
The setback at Constantinople was followed by further reverses across the vast Muslim empire. As Gibbon writes, "this Mahometan Alexander, who sighed for new worlds, was unable to preserve his recent conquests. By the universal defection of the Greeks and Africans he was recalled from the shores of the Atlantic." His forces were directed at putting down rebellions, and in one such battle he was surrounded by insurgents and killed. Then, the third governor of Africa, Zuheir, was overthrown by a powerful army, sent from Constantinople by
The Saracen Wars of
Justinian's first and second depositions were followed by internal disorder, with successive revolts and emperors lacking legitimacy or support. In this climate, the Umayyads consolidated their control of Armenia and Cilicia, and began preparing a renewed offensive against Constantinople. In Byzantium, the general
From July 717 to August 718, the city was
In spring, new reinforcements were sent by the new caliph,
Stabilization of the frontier, 718–863
The first wave of the Muslim conquests ended with the siege of Constantinople in 718, and the border between the two empires became stabilized along the mountains of eastern Anatolia. Raids and counter-raids continued on both sides and became almost ritualized, but the prospect of outright conquest of Byzantium by the Caliphate receded. This led to far more regular, and often friendly, diplomatic contacts, as well as a reciprocal recognition of the two empires.
In response to the Muslim threat, which reached its peak in the first half of the 8th century, the
Raids under the last Umayyads and the rise of Iconoclasm
Following the failure to capture Constantinople in 717–718, the Umayyads for a time diverted their attention elsewhere, allowing the Byzantines to take to the offensive, making some gains in Armenia. From 720/721 however the Arab armies resumed their expeditions against Byzantine Anatolia, although now they were no longer aimed at conquest, but rather large-scale raids, plundering and devastating the countryside and only occasionally attacking forts or major settlements.[64][65]
Under the late Umayyad and early Abbasid caliphs, the frontier between Byzantium and the Caliphate became stabilized along the line of the Taurus-Antitaurus mountain ranges. On the Arab side,
Both the Umayyads and later the Abbasids continued to regard the annual expeditions against the Caliphate's "traditional enemy" as an integral part of the continuing
Under the more aggressive Caliph
In response to the renewal of Arab invasions, and to a sequence of natural disasters such as the eruptions of the volcanic island of
This decision provoked major opposition both from the people and the church, especially the
The Umayyad Caliphate however was increasingly distracted by conflicts elsewhere, especially its
Early Abbasids
Unlike their Umayyad predecessors, the Abbasid caliphs did not pursue active expansion: in general terms, they were content with the territorial limits achieved, and whatever external campaigns they waged were retaliatory or preemptive, meant to preserve their frontier and impress Abbasid might upon their neighbours.[76] At the same time, the campaigns against Byzantium in particular remained important for domestic consumption. The annual raids, which had almost lapsed in the turmoil following the Abbasid Revolution, were undertaken with renewed vigour from ca. 780 on, and were the only expeditions where the Caliph or his sons participated in person.[77][78]
As a symbol of the Caliph's ritual role as the leader of the Muslim community, they were closely paralleled in official propaganda by the leadership by Abbasid family members of the annual pilgrimage (hajj) to Mecca.[77][78] In addition, the constant warfare on the Syrian marches was useful to the Abbasids as it provided employment for the Syrian and Iraqi military elites and the various volunteers (muṭṭawi‘a) who flocked to participate in the jihad.[79][80]
"The thughūr are blocked by Hārūn, and through him
the ropes of the Muslim state are firmly plaited
His banner is forever tied with victory;
he has an army before which armies scatter.
All the kings of theRūm give him jizya
unwillingly, perforce, out of hand in humiliation."
Poem in praise of Harun al-Rashid's 806 campaign against Byzantium[81]
Wishing to emphasize his piety and role as the leader of the Muslim community, Caliph
Continuing a trend started by his immediate predecessors, his reign also saw the development of far more regular contacts between the Abbasid court and Byzantium, with the exchange of embassies and letters being far more common than under the Umayyad rulers. Despite Harun's hostility, "the existence of embassies is a sign that the Abbasids accepted that the Byzantine empire was a power with which they had to deal on equal terms" (Kennedy).[84][85]
Civil war occurred in the Byzantine Empire, often with Arab support. With the support of Caliph
The Arabs did not relinquish their designs on Asia Minor and in 838 began another invasion,
Sicily, Italy and Crete
While a relative equilibrium reigned in the East, the situation in the western Mediterranean was irretrievably altered when the
Byzantine resurgence, 863–11th century
In 863 during the reign of
Religious peace came with the emergence of the
With Byzantine help, Louis II
Sicily would remain under Arab control until the Norman invasion in 1071.Although Sicily was lost, the general Nikephoros Phokas the Elder succeeded in taking Taranto and much of Calabria in 880, forming the nucleus for the later Catepanate of Italy. The successes in the Italian Peninsula opened a new period of Byzantine domination there. Above all, the Byzantines were beginning to establish a strong presence in the Mediterranean Sea, and especially the Adriatic.
Under
After putting an end to the internal strife,
No Byzantine emperor since
Under Basil II, the Byzantines established a swath of new
Conclusion
The wars drew near to a closure when the
After the defeat at the
.Effects
As with any war of such length, the drawn-out Byzantine–Arab Wars had long-lasting effects for both the Byzantine Empire and the Arab world. The Byzantines experienced extensive territorial loss. However, while the invading Arabs gained strong control in the Middle East and Africa, further conquests in Western Asia were halted. The focus of the Byzantine Empire shifted from the western reconquests of Justinian to a primarily defensive position, against the Islamic armies on its eastern borders. Without Byzantine interference in the emerging Christian states of western Europe, the situation gave a huge stimulus to feudalism and economic self-sufficiency.[98]
The view of modern historians is that one of the most important effects was the strain it put on the relationship between Rome and Byzantium. While fighting for survival against the Islamic armies, the Empire was no longer able to provide the protection it had once offered to the Papacy; worse still, according to
- "The Frankish Empire would probably never have existed without Islam, and Charlemagne without Mahomet would be inconceivable."[100]
The Holy Roman Empire of Charlemagne's successors would later come to the aid of the Byzantines under Louis II and during the Crusades, but relations between the two empires would be strained; based on the Salerno Chronicle, we know the Emperor Basil had sent an angry letter to his western counterpart, reprimanding him for usurping the title of emperor.[101]
Historiography and other sources
Walter Emil Kaegi states that extant Arabic sources have been given much scholarly attention for issues of obscurities and contradictions. However, he points out that Byzantine sources are also problematic, such as the chronicles of Theophanes and Nicephorus and those written in Syriac, which are short and terse while the important question of their sources and their use of sources remains unresolved. Kaegi concludes that scholars must also subject the Byzantine tradition to critical scrutiny, as it "contains bias and cannot serve as an objective standard against which all Muslim sources may be confidently checked".[102]
Among the few Latin sources of interest are the 7th-century history of
The range of non-historical Byzantine sources is vast: they range from papyri to sermons (most notable those of Sophronius and Anastasius Sinaita), poetry (especially that of Sophronius and George of Pisidia) including the Acritic songs, correspondence often of a patristic provenance, apologetical treatises, apocalypses, hagiography, military manuals (in particular the Strategikon of Maurice from the beginning of the 7th century), and other non-literary sources, such as epigraphy, archeology, and numismatics. None of these sources contains a coherent account of any of the campaigns and conquests of the Muslim armies, but some do contain invaluable details that survive nowhere else.[105]
See also
- Aegyptus (Roman province)
- Battle of Tours
- Byzantine–Ottoman Wars
- Byzantine–Seljuk wars
- Early Muslim conquests
- Spread of Islam
Notes
- Rus'.
- Chalcedonians) had sharpened the differences between the Byzantines and the Syrians. Also the high taxes, the power of the landowners over the peasants and the participation in the long and exhaustive wars with the Persians were some of the reasons why the Syrians welcomed the change.[16]
- ^ As recorded by Al-Baladhuri. Michael the Syrian records only the phrase "Peace unto thee, O Syria".[21] George Ostrogorsky describes the impact that the loss of Syria had on Heraclius with the following words: "His life's work collapsed before his eyes. The heroic struggle against Persia seemed to be utterly wasted, for his victories here had only prepared the way for the Arab conquest [...] This cruel turn of fortune broke the aged Emperor both in spirit and in body.[22]
- ^ Hugh N. Kennedy notes that "the Muslim conquest of Syria does not seem to have been actively opposed by the towns, but it is striking that Antioch put up so little resistance.[25]
- ^ The Arab leadership realized early that to extend their conquests they would need a fleet. The Byzantine navy was first decisively defeated by the Arabs at a battle in 655 off the Lycian coast, when it was still the most powerful in the Mediterranean. Theophanes the Confessor reported the loss of Rhodes while recounting the sale of the centuries-old remains of the Colossus for scrap in 655.[34]
References
Citations
- ^ a b Edward Gibbon (1788). The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, vol. 5.
- ^ a b Akram 2004, p. 425
- ^ Crawford 2013, p. 149.
- ^ Akram 2004 Chapter 36
- ISBN 0-521-41172-6. Al-Tabari, p. 108. al-Baladhuri, pp. 167–68. Theophanes, p. 37.
- ISBN 978-1610695176. Retrieved 27 August 2019.
- ^ a b Treadgold (1997), pp. 346–347
- ^ A. Palmer (with contributions from S. Brock and R. G. Hoyland), The Seventh Century in the West-Syrian Chronicles Including Two Seventh-Century Syriac Apocalyptic Texts, 1993, op. cit., pp. 18–19; Also see R. G. Hoyland, Seeing Islam As Others Saw It: A Survey And Evaluation of Christian, Jewish And Zoroastrian Writings on Early Islam, 1997, op. cit., pp. 119, 120:
"On Friday, 4 February, at the ninth hour, there was a battle between the Romans and the Arabs of Mụhmet (Muhammad) in Palestine twelve miles east of Gaza. The Romans fled, leaving behind the patrician Yarden, whom the Arabs killed. Some 4000 poor villagers of Palestine were killed there, Christians, Jews and Samaritans. The Arabs ravaged the whole region." - ^ Theophanes, Chronicle, 317–327
* Greatrex–Lieu (2002), II, 217–227; Haldon (1997), 46; Baynes (1912), passim; Speck (1984), 178 - ^ Foss (1975), 746–747; Howard-Johnston (2006), xv
- ^ Liska (1998), 170
- ^ Kaegi (1995), 66
- ^ Nicolle (1994), 14
- ^ "Muhammad", Late Antiquity; Butler (2007), 145
- ^ a b c Kaegi (1995), 67
- ^ Read (2001), 50–51; Sahas (1972), 23
- ^ Nicolle (1994), 47–49
- ^ a b Kaegi (1995), 112
- ^ Nicolle (1994), 45
- ^ "Internet History Sourcebooks Project". Archived from the original on 11 October 2013. Retrieved 7 February 2016.
- ^ Al-Baladhuri, The Battle of the Yarmuk (636) and after Archived 11 October 2013 at the Wayback Machine; Michael the Syrian, Chronicle, II, 424
* Sahas (1972), 19–20 - ^ Quoted by Sahas (1972), 20 (note 1)
- ^ Zonaras, Annales, CXXXIV, 1288
* Sahas (1972), 20 - ^ Runciman (1953), i, 3
- ^ Kennedy (2001b), 611; Kennedy (2006), 87
- ^ Kennedy (1998), 62
- ^ Butler (2007), 427–428
- ^ Davies (1996), 245, 252
- ^ a b Read (2001), 51
- ^ Haldon (1999), 167; Stathakopoulos (2004), 318
- ^ Butler (2007), 465–483
- ^ Al-Baladhuri, The Battle of the Yarmuk (636) and after Archived 11 October 2013 at the Wayback Machine
* Sahas (1972), 23 - ^ Treadgold (1997), 312
- ^ Theophanes, Chronicle, 645–646
* Haldon (1990), 55 - ^ Fage–Tordoff, 153–154
- ^ Norwich (1990), 334
- ISBN 0-671-01200-2
- ^ The Islamic World to 1600: Umayyad Territorial Expansion.
- ISBN 0-521-21592-7.
- ^ a b Edward Gibbon, History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Chapter 51. Archived 21 July 2005 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Luis Garcia de Valdeavellano, Historia de España. 1968. Madrid: Alianza.
- Quotes translated from the Spanish by Helen R. Lane in Count Julian by ISBN 0-670-24407-4
- Quotes translated from the Spanish by Helen R. Lane in Count Julian by
- ^ Kaegi (1995), pp. 236–244
- ^ a b Kennedy (2004) p. 120
- ^ European Naval and Maritime History, 300–1500 By Archibald Ross Lewis, Timothy J. Runyan Page 24 [1]
- ISBN 978-1463457303– via Google Books.
- ISBN 978-1444359978– via Google Books.
- ^ Prophets and Princes: Saudi Arabia from Muhammad to the Present By Mark Weston Page 61 [2]
- ISBN 978-0851153575– via Google Books.
- ^ Pryor & Jeffreys (2006), p. 25
- ^ Treadgold (1997), pp. 313–314
- ^ Kennedy (2004) pp. 120, 122
- ^ Kaegi (1995), pp. 246–247
- ^ a b El-Cheikh (2004), pp. 83–84
- ^ Treadgold (1997), pp. 314–318
- ^ Treadgold (1997), pp. 318–324
- ^ Treadgold (1997), pp. 325–327
- ISBN 1-84176-759-X.
- ISBN 0-8129-6618-X
- ^ a b c Davies (1996), 245
- ^ a b Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). . Encyclopædia Britannica. Vol. 15 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 602.
- ^ Treadgold (1997), pp. 337–345
- ^ Treadgold (1997), p. 347
- ^ Treadgold (1997), pp. 347–349
- ^ a b Blankinship (1994), pp. 117–119
- ^ Treadgold (1997), pp. 349ff.
- ^ Kennedy (2004), pp. 143, 275
- ^ El-Cheikh (2004), p. 83
- ^ Blankinship (1994), pp. 119–121, 162–163
- ^ "Geology of Santorini: volcanism". www.decadevolcano.net.
- ^ a b Treadgold (1997), pp. 350–353
- ^ a b Whittow (1996), pp. 139–142
- ISBN 0-19-820171-0
- ^ ISBN 0-19-820171-0
- ^ Blankinship (1994), pp. 20, 168–169, 200
- ^ Treadgold (1997), pp. 354–355
- ^ El Hibri (2011), p. 302
- ^ a b El Hibri (2011), pp. 278–279
- ^ a b Kennedy (2001), pp. 105–106
- ^ El Hibri (2011), p. 279
- ^ Kennedy (2001), p. 106
- ^ El-Cheikh (2004), p. 90
- ^ El-Cheikh (2004), pp. 89–90
- ^ Kennedy (2004), pp. 143–144
- ^ cf. El-Cheikh (2004), pp. 90ff.
- ^ Kennedy (2004), p. 146
- ^ ISBN 0-14-025960-0.
- ISBN 978-0-429-74925-4.
- ^ a b Canard 1971, p. 1083.
- ^ Makrypoulias 2000, p. 349–350.
- ISBN 978-1-4654-0373-5.
- ^ ISBN 978-1-00-038999-9.
- ^ ISBN 978-0-520-20496-6.
- ISBN 978-0-8047-2630-6.
- ISBN 0-19-820171-0
- ^ a b Rački, Odlomci iz državnoga práva hrvatskoga za narodne dynastie:, p. 15
- ^ a b Read (2001), 65–66
- ISBN 0-19-820171-0
- ISBN 0-19-820171-0
- ISBN 0-89526-038-7
- ^ Pirenne, Henri
- Mediaeval Cities: Their Origins and the Revival of Trade (Princeton, NJ, 1925). ISBN 0-691-00760-8
- See also Mohammed and Charlemagne (London 1939) Dover Publications (2001). ISBN 0-486-42011-6.
- Mediaeval Cities: Their Origins and the Revival of Trade (Princeton, NJ, 1925).
- ^ Dolger F., Regesten der Kaiserurkunden des ostromischen Reiches. I, p. 59, no. 487. Berlin, 1924.
- ^ Kaegi (1995), 2–3
- ^ Kaegi (1995), 2
- ^ Kaegi (1995), 4–5
- ^ Kaegi (1995), 5–6
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- Michael the Syrian (1899). Chronique de Michel le Syrien Patriarche Jacobite d'Antioche (in French and Syriac). Translated by J.–B. Chabot. Paris.
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link) - Theophanes the Confessor. Chronicle. See original text in Documenta Catholica Omnia (PDF).
- Zonaras, Joannes, Annales. See the original text in Patrologia Graeca.
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- ISBN 978-0-7914-1827-7.
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- Butler, Alfred J. (2007). The Arab Conquest of Egypt – And the Last Thirty Years of the Roman. Read Books. ISBN 978-1-4067-5238-0.
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- Rački, Franjo (1861). Odlomci iz državnoga práva hrvatskoga za narodne dynastie (in Croatian). F. Klemma.
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- Sahas, Daniel J. (1972). "Historical Considerations". John of Damascus on Islam. Brill. ISBN 90-04-03495-1.
- Speck, Paul (1984). "Ikonoklasmus und die Anfänge der Makedonischen Renaissance". Varia 1 (Poikila Byzantina 4). Rudolf Halbelt. pp. 175–210.
- Stathakopoulos, Dionysios (2004). Famine and Pestilence in the Late Roman and Early Byzantine Empire. Ashgate Publishing. ISBN 0-7546-3021-8.
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- Vasiliev, A.A. (1923), "Chapter V. (B) The Struggle with the Saracens (867–1057)", The Cambridge Medieval History, Vol. IV: The Eastern Roman Empire (717–1453), Cambridge University Press, pp. 138–150
- Vasiliev, A.A. (1935), Byzance et les Arabes, Tome I: La Dynastie d'Amorium (820–867) (in French), French ed.: Henri Grégoire, Marius Canard, Brussels: Éditions de l'Institut de Philologie et d'Histoire Orientales
- Vasiliev, A.A. (1968), Byzance et les Arabes, Tome II, 1ére partie: Les relations politiques de Byzance et des Arabes à L'époque de la dynastie macédonienne (867–959) (in French), French ed.: Henri Grégoire, Marius Canard, Brussels: Éditions de l'Institut de Philologie et d'Histoire Orientales
Further reading
- Kennedy, Hugh N. (2006). The Byzantine And Early Islamic Near East. Ashgate Publishing. ISBN 0-7546-5909-7.
External links
- Media related to Arab–Byzantine wars at Wikimedia Commons