August Meyszner
August von Meyszner | |
---|---|
FPR Yugoslavia
| |
Cause of death | Execution by hanging |
Allegiance | Austria-Hungary Austria Germany |
Service/ | Austrian Gendarmerie Ordnungspolizei Allgemeine SS |
Years of service | 1906–1945 |
Rank | SS-Gruppenführer and Generalleutnant of the Police |
Commands held | Higher SS and Police Leader, German-occupied territory of Serbia (1942–44) |
Awards | Iron Cross 1st Class War Merit Cross 1st Class with Swords |
Spouse(s) | Pia (née Gostischa) |
August Edler von Meyszner (3 August 1886 – 24 January 1947) was an Austrian Gendarmerie officer, right-wing politician, and senior Ordnungspolizei (order police) officer who held the post of Higher SS and Police Leader in the German-occupied territory of Serbia from January 1942 to March 1944, during World War II. He has been described as one of Reichsführer-SS Heinrich Himmler's most brutal subordinates.
Meyszner began his career as an officer in the Gendarmerie, served on the
Meyszner's time in Belgrade was characterised by friction and competition with German military, economic and foreign affairs officials, and by his visceral hatred and distrust of Serbs. During his tenure, he oversaw regular reprisal killings and sent tens of thousands of forced labourers to the Reich and occupied Norway. His Gestapo detachment used a gas van to kill 8,000 Jewish women and children who had been detained at the Sajmište concentration camp. In April 1944, his outspoken complaints about a reduction in reprisals against civilians allowed his enemies within the German occupation regime in Serbia to have him removed. Himmler transferred him to Berlin with the task of establishing a Europe-wide Gendarmerie. After the war, he fell into the hands of the Allies and was interrogated by the United States Chief Counsel for the Prosecution of Axis Criminality. Extradited to Yugoslavia, he was tried for war crimes, along with many of his staff from his time in Serbia. He was found guilty by a Yugoslav military court and executed by hanging in January 1947.
Early life and World War I service
August Edler von Meyszner was born in Graz, Austria-Hungary on 3 August 1886, the son of Rudolf Edler von Meyszner, an Oberstleutnant (lieutenant colonel) in the Imperial-Royal Landwehr who had been knighted two years earlier,[1][2] and his wife Therese (née Tuschner).[3] His uncle was Feldmarschalleutnant (Major general) Ferdinand von Meyszner.[4] He completed primary and secondary schooling in Graz, before attending a cadet school in Vienna. In 1908, he was posted to the 3rd Imperial-Royal Landwehr Infantry Regiment in Graz as an officer candidate and on 1 May 1908 was commissioned as a Leutnant (lieutenant) in the Leoben Battalion.[5] Until 30 April 1913 he was a company officer with the signals and telephone detachment, and was also responsible for the ski training of the battalion. On 1 May 1913, he was transferred to the provincial Gendarmerie at his own request, initially stationed at Triest. In 1914 he underwent an examination for his new duties as a gendarmerie officer, and on 1 May 1914 he was formally accepted into the Austrian Gendarmerie Service.[6]
He was initially appointed to command the 5th Gendarmerie Detachment in
Interwar period
Police and political career in Austria
In December 1919,[6] Meyszner was placed in charge of the border gendarmerie at the Styrian town of Judenburg, on the frontier with the newly created Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes (later Yugoslavia),[5] and was involved in fighting there.[8] That year, he had become involved with the German-nationalist sporting association Deutsch-Völkischen Turnvereins and was made a leader in the right-wing paramilitary Steirischen Heimatschutz (Styrian Home Guard). He later used his senior position in the gendarmerie to funnel arms to the Home Guard.[9]
Meyszner remained stationed at Judenburg for the next nine years, although he was sent on several detachments. In 1921, he was promoted to
In 1930, Meyszner became a right-wing
Meyszner continued his Home Guard activities and together with Rauter supported Kammerhofer's push for closer links with the Austrian Nazi Party,[12][14] holding several meetings with Hitler's delegate in Austria, Theodor Habicht. In late 1933 the negotiations would culminate in the so-called Venice Agreement (German: Venediger Abkommen), by which Home Guard was transferred into the Nazi Party. The fact that Meyszner had completely adopted Nazi ideology was demonstrated by his anti-Jewish diatribe in the Landtag in April 1933,[12] which reinforced his speeches advancing the anti-semitic policy of the Home Guard under Kammerhofer.[14] From March 1933, the authoritarian Fatherland Front government of Engelbert Dollfuss prorogued parliamentary government and in June they banned the Austrian Nazi Party and the Home Guard. A few days before this, public servants who were members of the Austrian Nazi Party were classified as subversive. Based on these decrees, Meyszner was also denied his seat in parliament and forcibly retired from the gendarmerie in September 1933 at the age of 47.[15]
As a result of his meetings with Habicht, Meyszner was appointed deputy leader of the Central Styria
In Yugoslavia, Meyszner was no longer able to access his pension and had few assets,[19] and worked as the cultural policy chief of the centre for Nazi fugitives.[6] He travelled to Germany by sea in November 1934.[20] He first went to the camp for Nazi fugitives at Rummelsburg in Pomerania, before transferring to a similar facility in Berlin.[6] Once in Germany, he submitted his résumé to the Allgemeine SS. At the time, the Allgemeine SS was a relatively new paramilitary arm of the German Nazi Party that was overtaking the SA in importance. In his résumé, he emphasised his experience as a political organiser and speaker and suggested that a purely military task would not make best use of his knowledge and skills.[20]
Germany
Meyszner was briefly given a job coordinating support for Nazi fugitives from Austria on behalf of the SA. On 14 February 1935, he joined the Allgemeine SS and received the membership number 263,406 and the rank of SS-
Soon after he had taken office Meyszner clashed with Kaltenbrunner, requiring the intervention of the Chief of the Orpo,
World War II
1940–42
After war broke out, Meyszner was appointed to more senior positions, beginning in early 1940 when he was named a representative of the Higher SS and Police Leader (German: Höherer SS- und Polizeiführer, HSSPF) for Fulda-Werra, SS-Obergruppenführer Josias Waldeck-Pyrmont. On 10 September 1940,[21] Himmler appointed Meyszner to command the Orpo in newly occupied Norway, working with HSSPF Nord, SS-Obergruppenführer Wilhelm Rediess. During 1941, Meyszner was awarded the War Merit Cross 2nd Class with Swords.[27] In mid-January 1942, he was recalled to Germany and, despite his low rank, attended a conference of senior SS leaders at Hegewald, Himmler's field headquarters near Hitler's Wolf's Lair in East Prussia. The conference discussed the use of forced labour, the coming Final Solution and Generalplan Ost, a plan for the colonisation of Central and Eastern Europe by ethnic Germans. According to Moll, Meyszner's suitability for working in the German-occupied territory of Serbia was discussed at the conference.[28] On 1 January 1942, Meyszner was promoted to SS-Gruppenführer, and on 20 January, he was promoted to Generalleutnant der Polizei, backdated to 1 January 1942.[21]
Higher SS and Police Leader in Serbia
1942
The German-occupied territory of Serbia, an area of Yugoslavia roughly corresponding to the borders of the pre-1912 Kingdom of Serbia, had been retained under military administration following the April 1941 German-led Axis invasion of Yugoslavia. The German military administration supervised a Serbian puppet regime known as the Government of National Salvation, led by the former Yugoslav Minister of War, Milan Nedić. The appointment of a HSSPF had not been planned and this initially accorded with the preferences of the Wehrmacht commander in the territory. A communist-led uprising had erupted in mid-1941 and while it had been brutally suppressed during Operation Uzice in December, it was expected to return in early 1942. To address this, Himmler decided to appoint a HSSPF for the occupied territory,[29][30] as he considered the existing occupation regime was not being sufficiently harsh with the Serbs.[31] Meyszner was chosen for the new position, despite the fact that few HSSPF were selected from the Orpo.[32] At 55 years old, Meyszner was also the oldest HSSPF appointed.[33]
Meyszner arrived in
Bader's staff was split into a military command staff led by Oberst (Colonel) Erich Kewisch and an administrative staff under the control of SS-Gruppenführer Harald Turner. Kewisch's staff had direct control of the regional defence battalions and worked with the military forces of occupation in the territory. Turner's staff supervised the Serbian puppet regime, the German commandants of the four military districts and the police and security forces.[37][38]
Overlapping the military chain of command, there was a plenipotentiary of the
Meyszner took control of the police organs that had formerly been under the control of Turner, grouped as Einsatzgruppe Serbia, consisting of Sicherheitsdienst (Security Service, or SD) and Sicherheitspolizei (Security Police, or SiPo), as well as the 64th Reserve Police Battalion.[37] These had been commanded by SS-Standartenführer (SS-Colonel) Wilhelm Fuchs, who had overseen the shooting of many Serbian and Jewish males and others, mainly by Wehrmacht units, between August 1941 and the end of that year. Meyszner's deputy was SS-Standartenführer Emanuel Schäfer and the head of the Belgrade Gestapo was SS-Sturmbannführer (SS-Major) Bruno Sattler. The head of the Gestapo Jewish Section was SS-Untersturmführer (SS-Lieutenant) Fritz Stracke.[40]
As soon as he took office, Meyszner embarked on a thorough re-organisation of all police operations in the occupied territory. He created four police area commands, aligned to the four military area commands, and ten police districts, corresponding to the military district commands.[41] He took under his command the forces of the Serbian puppet government, known as the Serbian State Guard,[42] and also established a number of auxiliary and volunteer police units across the whole territory.[41] One of the units controlled by Meyszner was the Auxiliary Police Troop, recruited from Russian Volksdeutsche from the occupied territory but also from Croatia, Bulgaria, Greece and Romania and trained by the Orpo. It was planned to reach a strength of 400 men but little is known about its activities.[43]
As HSSPF, Meyszner was not restricted to police matters. His subordination to Bader was "personal and direct" but this did not mean the police and security apparatus he commanded was subject to day-to-day direction from Bader's headquarters staff. Military jurisdiction over Meyszner and his organisation was restricted to matters involving the military security of the territory and military operations. Meyszner's duties also extended to any matter related to the "strengthening" of the German minority in Serbia, which included authority over the security forces of the puppet regime and collection of revenue and the consolidation and utilisation of existing Volksdeutsche volunteer units in the Waffen-SS. Almost as soon as he arrived in Belgrade, Meyszner met with SS-Obergruppenführer
As soon as he took up his role, Meyszner immediately ran into difficulties with Turner, who was responsible for internal affairs and co-operation with the puppet regime. Turner was a proponent of strengthening the puppet regime and making use of all Serbs that were willing to collaborate with the occupiers. Meyszner had a diametrically opposed personal view and throughout his time in Belgrade refused to support or work with the Serb authorities, except at a purely tactical level.[45] He considered Serbian collaborators as a "potential danger".[46] His dislike of Serbs was so great that he is said to have remarked, "I like a dead Serb better than a live one".[47] Meyszner was also reported to have referred to Serbs as "a people of rats" (German: ein Rattenvolk).[48] The historian Jonathan Steinberg describes Meyszner as one of Himmler's most brutal subordinates.[49]
In April, Turner wrote in a self-congratulatory tone to Himmler's personal staff officer, SS-Obergruppenführer
Schäfer delegated the task of killing the Jewish women and children to Sattler. In turn, Sattler tasked the camp commandant, SS-Untersturmfuhrer Herbert Andorfer, to accompany the van, which would be operated by two SS-Scharführers (non-commissioned officers) sent with the van from Berlin. Except for Sundays and public holidays, the van collected groups of about 100 women and children from the camp on a daily basis and drove them to a shooting range outside Belgrade. During the trip, the exhaust would be redirected into the cargo area, killing the occupants. On arrival at the range, a four-man detachment from the German 64th Reserve Police Battalion would be waiting with a group of seven Serbian prisoners from the Belgrade prison. The prisoners would unload the van and put the corpses in a pre-dug mass grave. By 10 May 1942, the camp was empty and as many as 8,000 Jewish women and children had been killed by Meyszner's Gestapo. On 8 June, Schäfer declared to a group of Wehrmacht officers, including Bader and Kuntze, that there was "no longer a Jewish question in Serbia".[53]
Turner and Meyszner clashed continually throughout 1942, as Meyszner sought to remove all police matters from Turner's remit, including the supervision of the security forces of the Serbian collaborationist regime. In response, Turner fought hard to maintain control over these areas. Meyszner believed the only way to maintain peace and security was the use of brutal police methods; Turner wanted to empower the Nedić regime and then replace the military administration with a civil one, akin to the Reichskommissariat Niederlande, with himself as Reichskommissar (governor).[54] Meysner considered Turner a "friend of Serbs"[55] because of his support of Nedić, despite Turner's rigorous approach when dealing with the Serbs in the occupied territory.[55] Meyszner attempted to have Turner's staff downgraded and incorporated into Bader's staff but Wolff intervened to prevent this. Turner's approach was also seriously out-of-step with the Wehrmacht, which considered the territory a combat zone and wanted to eliminate inefficiencies and overlapping jurisdictions.[56]
Despite their initial misgivings, the Wehrmacht established a good working relationship with Meyszner during 1942. Bader and Meyszner met regularly and supported each other where their interests coincided.[57] By contrast, the conflict between Meyszner and Turner soon became intractable – they sent long letters of complaint to each other which they copied to Himmler. Himmler stuck to his general approach, which was that SS officers should resolve their differences face-to-face.[58] Meyszner fundamentally opposed any attempts by Turner to expand the remit of the Serbian puppet regime, including the creation of sporting organisations and the re-opening of the University of Belgrade, asserting that it could not be in Germany's interests to "breed hostile Slavic intelligence".[59] He was also opposed to any organization that might include "Serbian" in the name.[46]
Meyszner's reports to Himmler fuelled distrust of the Serbian security forces, stating that it was "insane" to arm the 16,000-strong Serbian State Guard, as he believed that their loyalties lay with the
On 17 October, Himmler met with Meyszner at Kraljevo while inspecting the newly created 7th SS Division. While mildly rebuking Meyszner over the vendetta and warning him that if such behaviour recurred, Himmler would have to dismiss him, Himmler was impressed with the new division. According to Moll, an important factor in Himmler's final decision was undoubtedly the fact that the dismissal of Turner, part of the Wehrmacht command structure, would be much less embarrassing for him than the dismissal of his personal representative, Meyszner.[65] Despite the fact that Turner was "strict and unyielding", he was far more considerate of the concerns of Nedić, his regime and the Serbian population than any other senior member of the government of occupation. It was not just Meyszner's machinations that eventually unseated Turner, because he had been joined in his call for Turner's replacement by Kuntze. On 7 or 8 November 1942, Turner and his deputy Georg Kiessel were forced out and Turner was succeeded by his legal department chief, Walter Uppenkamp.[65][66] In November, Meysner ordered the execution of 13 suspected members of Mihailović's Chetniks, and the following month the occupation forces executed at least 170 people in Belgrade – members of both the Partisan and Chetnik movements.[67] Löhr was redesignated as Commander-in-Chief South-East Europe and Commander Army Group E in December, but the local command situation did not change.[34] During 1942, Meyszner was awarded the War Merit Cross 1st Class with Swords.[27]
1943
In January 1943, Nedić proposed a basic law for Serbia, in effect a constitution creating an authoritarian corporative state similar to that long advocated by Dimitrije Ljotić and his pre-war fascist Yugoslav National Movement. Bader asked the various agency heads for their views, and despite some specialists recommending its adoption, Meyszner strongly opposed it, seeing it as a threat to German interests. Passed to Löhr then to Hitler, a response was received in March. Hitler considered it "untimely".[68] Meyszner wrote that even through the occupied territory had borders and was a clearly defined administrative unit, its ongoing existence was uncertain so it could not be referred to as a state. He also thought that the Serb population of the occupied territory were not ready to join in the "building of new Europe".[69]
In March 1943, Meyszner complained to Himmler that Benzler had adopted a "soft" policy towards the Serbs, allowing them to take charge of the supervision of crops. He considered those that granted additional powers and freedoms to the Serbian puppet regime were irresponsible, because they did not understand the real motives of the various Serb groups. One of many matters of concern to Meyszner was the formation of the Serbian Volunteer Corps, which was an extension of Ljotić's movement. Meyszner thought that Turner and Benzler had erred in allowing its formation and observed that it was spreading royalist propaganda. According to Moll, Meyszner's perspective was very narrow and did not take into account foreign policy objectives associated with giving some power to the Nedić regime.[70] By the end of 1942, Meyszner had extracted all the usable military manpower from the Volksdeutsche of the Banat and the economy and administration of that territory was suffering. As a consequence, he requested the release of all men aged 40 and over from service in the 7th SS Division. As an alternative, he turned his attention to the minority groups that also lived in the Banat, including Hungarians, Romanians and Slovaks. His recommendation that these people be subjected to conscription was not accepted by Himmler.[71]
From the time he had fled to Germany, Meyszner had been engaged in a dispute regarding his membership in the Nazi Party. He had maintained that the Venice Agreement meant that he and other members of the Styrian Home Guard had been accepted into the Nazi Party with prestigious low membership numbers corresponding to the dates of their entry into the Home Guard. The treasurer of the Nazi Party,
Using his responsibility for the Volksdeutsche of the Banat as a pretext, Meyszner constantly interfered with operational orders issued to the 7th SS Division. In September 1943, the total police forces at his disposal comprised the 5th SS-Polizei Regiment,[a] minus one company detached to occupied Greece and seven battalions of Hilfspolizei (auxiliary police) of various ethnicities, which had only received 4–5 weeks training due to constant employment.[75]
The good relationship between Bader and Meyszner continued until early 1943, when Bader became aware Meyszner had been undermining him in his reports to Himmler, blaming the Wehrmacht for the failure to combat the Partisan threat.
In September 1943, a new plenipotentiary of the Foreign Ministry was appointed for the Balkans. This made Benzler's position redundant and he was recalled to Berlin.[82] Special Envoy Hermann Neubacher arrived in Belgrade armed with orders from Hitler, directing him to undertake a range of tasks aimed at unifying the fight against communist forces in south-east Europe. These orders specifically directed Neubacher to make best use of the local anti-communist forces and to negotiate with them to achieve that goal. He was also empowered to streamline the German occupation administration and transfer more power to local proxies, like the Nedić regime. The orders also placed Neubacher in charge of all decisions regarding the carrying out of reprisals against the local population.[83] But like Meyszner, Neubacher found that the local conditions meant his ability to carry out his mandate was limited. Neuhausen, having recently been appointed as the chief of the military administration, had far more real power than Neubacher and was doing too good a job of exploiting the Serbian economy to hand any of it over to the Serbian puppet regime.[84] Meyszner himself was strictly opposed to the transfer of any power to the Nedić administration and also resisted attempts to conclude agreements with the Chetniks to fight the Partisans,[85] seeing the former as an attempt to return to Turner's failed policies.[86] According to the historian Jozo Tomasevich, the main success Neubacher was able to achieve was a significant reduction in reprisals,[84] although Moll disputes this conclusion.[87] Neubacher was contemptuous of Meyszner and what Neubacher called his "totally primitive extermination thesis".[88]
In November, Meyszner's area of responsibility was expanded to include the German-occupied territory of Montenegro.[78] The following month, SS-Standartenführer Paul Blobel's Kommando 1005 arrived in Belgrade to dig up and burn the bodies of the Jewish women and children killed by Meyszner's Gestapo.[89] At the end of 1943, Meyszner was awarded the Iron Cross 2nd Class.[27]
1944
In February 1944, Meyszner's campaign against the German-Chetnik agreements escalated sharply. He had unusual allies in this, as Nedić and Ljotić also opposed them, in their case because the agreements tended to sideline them in favour of the Chetniks. In particular, Meyszner strongly opposed the further arming of the Chetniks led by Đurišić and Lukačević, on the grounds that they had not upheld their previous agreements and that the Croats, as well as Muslims in Albania, Kosovo and the Sandžak, had expressed concerns about any strengthening of the Chetniks. The commander of the Bulgarian 1st Occupation Corps, General Asen Nikolov, also opposed the agreements. Meyszner's increasing objections to the agreements coincided with growing Partisan pressure from the west and the advance of the Red Army from the east.[85]
In April, Neubacher and the Wehrmacht managed to get rid of Meyszner. The catalyst for his recall was Meyszner's public criticism of Neubacher over reprisals, which Neubacher characterised as "undermining official discipline". Neubacher was assisted in this by Meyszner's old nemesis, Kaltenbrunner, who was now the chief of the RSHA.[90] Even Schäfer was no longer able to work with Meyszner and supported Neubacher's campaign against his superior.[91] Meyszner was replaced by SS-Gruppenführer und Generalleutnant der Polizei Hermann Behrends,[47] a protégé of the assassinated head of the SD, SS-Obergruppenführer und General der Polizei Reinhard Heydrich. Immediately before his appointment, Behrends had been serving as an SS-Sturmbannführer der Reserve commanding a mountain artillery battalion in the 13th Waffen Mountain Division of the SS Handschar (1st Croatian).[92] In mid-May 1944, Meyszner was awarded the Iron Cross 1st Class for his efforts fighting the Partisans in Serbia.[27]
Fate
While Himmler agreed to relieve Meyszner as HSSPF for Serbia and Montenegro, he did this by transferring him to Berlin and appointing him as Generalinspekteur der Gendarmerie und Schutzpolizei der Gemeinden (General Inspector of the Gendarmerie and Schutzpolizei in the Reich) with the intention of establishing a Europe-wide gendarmerie.[91] Nothing is known about Meyszner's activities in this role. At the end of the war, he fell into the hands of the Western Allies and his high SS rank ensured attention from investigators. He was interrogated by the United States Chief Counsel for the Prosecution of Axis Criminality, Robert H. Jackson, in June 1945 and was placed into Yugoslav custody soon after. His involvement in the carrying out of reprisal executions both on his own account and on behalf of the Wehrmacht, and the publication of his name along with lists of those executed, meant that his fate was certain.[93]
As far as the killing of Jewish women and children is concerned, Meyszner's direct involvement is less clear. According to Moll, Schäfer claimed that he had received the orders and gas van directly from Berlin and had carried out the killings with little reference to Meyszner.
Notes
Footnotes
- ^ Moll 2011, p. 252.
- ^ a b Birn 1992, p. 365.
- ^ Schulz & Wegmann 2008, p. 187.
- ^ a b Moll 2011, p. 253.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i Kienast 1938, p. 316.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l Lilla 2004, p. 418.
- ^ Moll 2011, pp. 252–253.
- ^ a b Moll 2011, p. 254.
- ^ a b Moll 2011, p. 255.
- ^ Moll 2011, p. 256.
- ^ Moll 2011, p. 257.
- ^ a b c Moll 2011, p. 258.
- ^ a b c Birn 1992, p. 366.
- ^ a b c d Birn 1992, p. 354.
- ^ a b c Moll 2011, p. 259.
- ^ a b Moll 2011, pp. 259–260.
- ^ Schafranek 19 July 2009.
- ^ Birn 1992, p. 355.
- ^ Moll 2011, p. 260.
- ^ a b Moll 2011, pp. 260–261.
- ^ a b c d e f g h Lilla 2004, p. 419.
- ^ a b c Moll 2011, p. 262.
- ^ a b c Moll 2011, p. 261.
- ^ Moll 2011, pp. 262–263.
- ^ a b Moll 2011, p. 263.
- ^ Birn 1992, p. 356.
- ^ a b c d Moll 2011, p. 311.
- ^ Moll 2011, pp. 263–264.
- ^ Moll 2011, pp. 264–265.
- ^ Tomasevich 2001, p. 75.
- ^ Mazower 2008, p. 241.
- ^ a b Moll 2011, p. 268.
- ^ Moll 2011, p. 316.
- ^ a b c Tomasevich 2001, p. 70.
- ^ Rich 1974, p. 285.
- ^ Umbreit 2000, p. 97.
- ^ a b Browning 2014, p. 334.
- ^ Tomasevich 2001, pp. 77–78 & 192.
- ^ Moll 2011, pp. 268–271.
- ^ Shelach 1989, p. 1169.
- ^ a b Tomasevich 2001, p. 77.
- ^ Ramet & Lazić 2011, p. 24.
- ^ Tomasevich 2001, p. 193.
- ^ Moll 2011, pp. 271–272.
- ^ Moll 2011, pp. 272–273.
- ^ a b Glišić 1970, p. 106.
- ^ a b Tomasevich 2001, p. 78.
- ^ Steinberg 2002, p. 32.
- ^ Steinberg 2002, p. 101.
- ^ Steinberg 2002, p. 37.
- ^ Browning 1991, pp. 76–78.
- ^ Manoschek 1995, p. 174.
- ^ Browning 1991, pp. 79–82.
- ^ Moll 2011, pp. 273–274.
- ^ a b Glišić 1970, p. 107.
- ^ Moll 2011, pp. 274–275.
- ^ Moll 2011, p. 295.
- ^ Moll 2011, pp. 278–279.
- ^ Moll 2011, pp. 280–281.
- ^ Moll 2011, p. 281.
- ^ Moll 2011, pp. 281–282.
- ^ Moll 2011, p. 283.
- ^ Moll 2011, p. 284.
- ^ Moll 2011, p. 285.
- ^ a b Moll 2011, p. 286.
- ^ Tomasevich 2001, pp. 75–76.
- ^ Glišić 1970, p. 127-128.
- ^ Tomasevich 2001, p. 212.
- ^ Glišić 1970, p. 163-164.
- ^ Moll 2011, pp. 287–288.
- ^ Moll 2011, p. 289.
- ^ Moll 2011, pp. 289–290.
- ^ Moll 2011, p. 290.
- ^ Browning 1991, p. 80.
- ^ Moll 2011, p. 292.
- ^ Moll 2011, pp. 296 & 299.
- ^ a b c Tomasevich 2001, p. 81.
- ^ a b Moll 2011, p. 301.
- ^ Tomasevich 2001, p. 213.
- ^ Glišić 1970, p. 169.
- ^ Moll 2011, p. 297.
- ^ Tomasevich 2001, p. 79.
- ^ Tomasevich 1975, p. 319.
- ^ a b Tomasevich 1975, p. 320.
- ^ a b Tomasevich 1975, p. 336.
- ^ Moll 2011, p. 307.
- ^ Moll 2011, p. 308.
- ^ Mazower 2008, p. 112.
- ^ Browning 1991, p. 83.
- ^ Rich 1974, p. 288.
- ^ a b Moll 2011, p. 310.
- ^ Trigg 2008, p. 89.
- ^ Moll 2011, p. 312.
- ^ Moll 2011, p. 313.
- ^ Manoschek 1995, pp. 169–170.
- ^ Moll 2011, p. 314.
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- Tomasevich, Jozo (2001). War and Revolution in Yugoslavia, 1941–1945: Occupation and Collaboration. Vol. 2. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0-8047-3615-2. Retrieved 30 August 2015.
- Trigg, Jonathan (2008). Hitler's Jihadis: Muslim Volunteers of the Waffen-SS. Stroud, England: History Press. ISBN 978-1-86227-487-7.
- Umbreit, Hans (2000). "Towards Continental Dominion". In Kroener, Bernhard R.; Muller, Rolf-Dieter; Umbreit, Hans (eds.). Germany and the Second World War: Volume 5: Organization and Mobilization of the German Sphere of Power. Part I: Wartime Administration, Economy and Manpower Resources, 1939–1941. New York: Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-822887-5.
Journals and newspapers
- Birn, Ruth Bettina (1992). "Austrian Higher SS and Police Leaders and their Participation in the Holocaust in the Balkans". Holocaust and Genocide Studies. 6 (4): 351–372. .
- Moll, Martin (2011). "Vom österreichischen Gendarmerie-Offizier zum Höheren SS- und Polizeiführer Serbien, 1942–1944. August Meyszner: Stationen einer Karriere" [From Austrian Gendarmerie Officer to Higher SS and Police Leader of Serbia, 1942–1944. August Meyszner: Stations of a Career.]. Danubiana Carpathica (in German). 5 (52). Munich: Oldenbourg: 239–308. ISSN 1863-9887.
- Schafranek, Hans (19 July 2009). "SS-Wölfe im SA-Pelz" [SS Wolves in SA Fur]. Der Standard (in German). Austria. Retrieved 1 February 2017.