Axis occupation of Greece
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Occupation of Greece by Germany, Italy, and Bulgaria | |
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after the liberation from the Nazis |
The occupation of Greece by the
Fascist Italy had initially declared war and invaded Greece in October 1940, but had been pushed back by the
The occupation reduced the Greek economy and brought hardships to the Greek civilian population.[1] Much of Greece's economic capacity was destroyed, including 80% of industry, 28% of infrastructure (ports, roads and railways), 90% of its bridges, and 25% of its forests and other natural resources.[2][3][4] Along with the loss of economic capacity, an estimated 7-11% of Greece's civilian population died as a result of the occupation.[5][6] In Athens, 40,000 civilians died from starvation and tens of thousands more died from reprisals by Nazis and their collaborators.[7]
The Jewish population of Greece was nearly eradicated. Of its pre-war population of 75–77,000, around 11–12,000 survived, often by joining the resistance or being hidden.
The
The
Fall of Greece
In the early morning hours of 28 October 1940, Italian ambassador
Against Mussolini's expectations, the
On 6 April 1941, Germany came to the aid of Italy and
Triple occupation
The occupation of Greece was divided between Germany, Italy and Bulgaria. German forces occupied the most strategically important areas: namely Athens, Thessaloniki, Central Macedonia and several Aegean Islands, including most of Crete. Initially, the German zone was ruled by the ambassador Günther Altenburg of the German Foreign Office and Field Marshal Wilhelm List. From 1942 onwards, the German occupation zone was ruled by the duumvirate of the plenipotentiary for South-Eastern Europe, Hermann Neubacher, and Field Marshal Alexander Löhr.[14] In September–October 1943, Jürgen Stroop, the newly appointed Higher SS Police Leader, tried to challenge the Neubacher-Löhr duumvirate and was swiftly fired after less than a month on the job. Walter Schimana replaced Stroop as the Higher SS Police Leader in Greece and established a better working relationship with the Neubacher-Löhr duumvirate.[15]
East Macedonia and Thrace came under Bulgarian occupation and were annexed to Bulgaria, which had long
The German occupation zone
Economic exploitation and the Great Famine
Residents of Greece suffered greatly during the occupation.[19][20] With the country's economy having been reduced from six months of war, and economic exploitation by the occupying forces,[21] raw materials and food were requisitioned, and the collaborationist government paid the costs of the occupation, which resulted in greater inflation. Because the outflows of raw materials and products from Greece towards Germany weren't offset by German payments, substantial imbalances accrued in the settlement accounts at the National Bank of Greece. In October 1942 the trading company DEGRIGES was founded; two months later, the Greek collaborationaist government agreed to treat the balance as a loan without interest that was to be repaid once the war was over. By the end of the war, this forced loan amounted to 476 million Reichsmarks (equivalent to 2 billion 2021 euros).[22]
Hitler's policy toward the economy of occupied Greece was termed Vergeltungsmassnahme, or, roughly, "retaliation measures", the "retaliation" being for Greece having chosen the wrong side. Germany was additionally motivated by a desire to "pluck out the best fruit"[citation needed] to plunder before the Italians could get it. Groups of economic advisers, businessmen, engineers and factory managers came from Germany with the task of seizing anything they deemed of economic value, with involvement from both Germany's Economic Ministry and its Foreign Office involved in the operation. These groups saw themselves as in competition with the Italians to plunder the country, and also with each other. The primary purpose of the German requisitions, however, was finding as much food as possible to sustain the German army.[23] The occupying powers' requisitions, disruption in agricultural production, hoarding by farmers and breakdown of the country's distribution networks from both infrastructure damage and change in government structure led to a severe shortage of food in the major urban centres in the winter of 1941–42. Some of this shortage is attributable to the Allied blockade of Europe since Greece depended on wheat imports to cover about a third of its annual needs. These factors created the conditions for the "Great Famine" (Μεγάλος Λιμός) where in the greater Athens–Piraeus area alone, some 40,000 people died of starvation, and by the end of the occupation "it was estimated that the total population of Greece [...] was 300,000 less than it should have been because of famine or malnutrition".[24]
Greece received some foreign aid to make up some of the shortfall, coming at first from neutral countries like
Italian occupation zone
Italy occupied the bulk of the Greek mainland and most of the islands. Although several proposals for territorial annexation had been put forward in Rome, none were actually carried out during the war. This was due to a preference by King Victor Emmanuel III and the Germans to avoid alienating the Greek population, which already strongly opposed the Bulgarian annexations. Moreover, much of this proposed "new Roman empire" in Greece consisted of poor rural areas and made little strategic or political sense.[28] Despite there being no formal announcement of annexation ever being made, the Greek civil authorities were replaced by Italians presumptively in preparation for annexation after the war in the Cyclades and Ionian Islands, long a target of Italian expansionism. Because there never was official annexation, these islands remained in communication with Athens for the duration of the occupation.[28]
Italian policy promised that the region of
Some of the Vlach (Aromanian) population in the Pindus mountains and Western Macedonia also collaborated with the Axis powers. Italian occupation forces were welcomed in some Aromanian villages as liberators, and Aromanians offered their services as guides or interpreters in exchange for favors. Under Alcibiades Diamandi, the pro-Italian Principality of the Pindus was declared, and 2000 locals joined his Roman Legion, while another band of Aromanian followers under Nicolaos Matussis carried out raids in service of Italy. While most local Aromanians remained loyal to the Greek nation, some collaborated with the Axis powers because of latent pro-Romanian feelings or anger toward the Greek government and its military.[citation needed] Diamandi's Legion collapsed in 1942 when Italian positions were taken over by Germany, and most of its leaders fled to Romania or Greek cities. Most active members were convicted as war criminals in absentia, but many convictions were forgotten over the course of the Greek Civil War, in which many convicted Legion members actively fought for the government.[36]
Compared to the other two occupation zones, the Italian regime was relatively safe for its Greek residents, with a relatively low number of executions and atrocities compared to the German and Bulgarian zones.[citation needed]
Unlike the Germans, the Italian military mostly protected Jews in their zone.[citation needed] The Germans were purportedly perturbed as the Italians not only protected Jews on their territory, but in parts of occupied France, Greece, the Balkans, and elsewhere. On 13 December 1942, Joseph Goebbels, Hitler's propaganda minister, wrote in his diary, "The Italians are extremely lax in the treatment of the Jews. They protect the Italian Jews both in Tunis and in occupied France and will not permit their being drafted for work or compelled to wear the Star of David. This shows once again that Fascism does not really dare to get down to fundamentals but is very superficial regarding problems of vital importance."[37]
Mass reprisals did sometimes occur, such as the
Bulgarian occupation zone
The
Throughout the Bulgarian occupation zone, Bulgaria had a policy of extermination, expulsion and
The Bulgarian government tried to alter the ethnic composition of the region by aggressively expropriating land and houses from Greek people in favor of settlers from Bulgaria, and enacted
As a reaction to these policies, there was a spontaneous and poorly organized attempt to expel the Bulgarians with a spontaneous and poorly organized uprising
The Bulgarian government's attempts to win the loyalty of the local Slavic language-speaking populations and recruit collaborators among them had some success, with the Bulgarian armed forces being greeted as liberators in some areas.
Because of these occupation policies, there was armed resistance in the Bulgarian zone was that enjoyed widespread support from the civilians in the region;[49] Greek guerrillas engaged the Bulgarian military in many battles, even entering pre-war Bulgarian territory, raied villages and captured booty.[49] In 1943, previously united Greek factions began armed conflict between communist and right-wing groups with the aim of securing control of the region following the anticipated Bulgarian withdrawal.[49]
There were a few instances of collaboration by the Muslim minority in Western Thrace, who mainly resided in the Komotini and Xanthi prefectures.[50]
Bulgarian activities in German-occupied Macedonia
The Bulgarian government also attempted to extend its influence to central and west Macedonia. The German High Command approved the foundation of a Bulgarian military club in
Bulgarian withdrawal
The Soviet Union declared war on the Kingdom of Bulgaria in early September 1944. Bulgaria withdrew from the central parts of Greek Macedonia after the pro-Soviet coup in the country on 9 September 1944. At that time it declared war on Germany, but the Bulgarian army remained in Eastern Macedonia and Thrace, where there were several limited attacks from withdrawing German troops in the middle of September. Bulgaria hoped to keep these territories after the war. The Soviet Union initially also believed it was possible to include at least Western Thrace in the post-war borders of Bulgaria and thereby to secure a strategic outlet to the Aegean Sea. But the United Kingdom, whose troops advanced towards Greece at the same time, stated that the withdrawal of Bulgarian troops from all occupied territories was a precondition for a ceasefire agreement with Bulgaria. As result on 10 October, the Bulgarian army and administration began evacuating and after two weeks withdrew from the area. Meanwhile, around 90,000 Bulgarians left the area, nearly half of them settlers and the rest locals.[55] The administrative power was handed over by the already ruling Bulgarian communist partisans to local subdivisions of ELAS.[56]
In 1945 the former Bulgarian authorities, including those in Greece, were put on trial before "People's Courts" in post-war Bulgaria for their actions during the war. In general thousands of people were sentenced to prison, while ca. 2,000 received death sentences.[57]
Regional level policies
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Many Slavophones of Macedonia, in particular of Kastoria and Florina provinces, collaborated with Axis forces and came out openly for Bulgaria. These Slavophones considered themselves Bulgarian. In the first two years of occupation, a group of this community believed that the Axis would win the war, spelling the demise of Greek rule in the region and its annexation by Bulgaria.[58] The first non-communist resistance organization that emerged in the area had as main opponents members of the Aromanian- and Slav-speaking minorities, as well as the communists, rather than the Germans themselves.[59] Because of the strong presence of German troops and the general distrust of Slavophones by the Greeks, the communist organisations EAM and ELAS had difficulties in Florina and Kastoria.[59] The majority of the Slav-speakers in Macedonia after mid-1943 joined EAM and were allowed to retain their organization. In October 1944 they deserted and departed to Yugoslavia. In November 1945, after the end of the war, some of then tried to capture Florina but were repulsed by the ELAS.[60]
Axis atrocities
Increasing attacks by partisans in the latter years of the occupation resulted in a number of executions and wholesale slaughter of civilians in reprisal. In total, the Germans executed some 21,000 Greeks, the Bulgarians executed some 40,000 and the Italians executed some 9,000.[61] By June 1944, between them the Axis powers had "raided 1,339 towns, boroughs and villages, of which 879, or two-thirds, were completely wiped out, leaving more than a million people homeless" (P. Voglis) in the course of their anti-partisan sweeps, mostly in the areas of Central Greece, Western Macedonia and the Bulgarian occupation zone.[62]
The most infamous examples in the German zone are those of the village of
Two other notable acts of brutality were the massacres of Italian troops at the islands of
Collaboration
Government
The Third Reich had no long-term plans for Greece and Hitler had already decided that a domestic puppet regime would be the least expensive drain on German efforts and resources as the invasion of the Soviet Union was imminent.
General
Civil administration and armed groups
As in other European countries, there were Greeks willing to collaborate with the occupying force. However, few of the members of the Security battalions shared a pro-German ideology. The majority convinced themselves that the British approved anti-communist activity; others enlisted because of opportunistic advancement, while most of them came from a pro-royalist background.[69]
Occupation authorities were reluctant to arm potential groups willing to fight the left-wing EAM resistance due to the absence of a fascist movement in Greece and the general dislike of the Germans by the Greek population.[70] Fascist organizations supported by the Germans were the National Union of Greece (Ethniki Enosis Ellados, EEE), the EKK (Ethnikon Kyriarchon Kratos), the Greek National Socialist Party (Elliniko Ethnikososialistiko Komma, EEK) led by George S. Mercouris, and other minor pro-Nazi, fascist or anti-Semitic organizations such as the Hellenic Socialist Patriotic Organization (ESPO) or the "Iron Peace" (Sidira Eirini).[71] Cooperation of civil servants with the resistance, in particular the EAM, occurred even before a widescale resistance movement unfolded.[72]
For the purposes of civil administration before the invasion, Greece was divided into 37 prefectures. Following the occupation, the prefectures of Drama, Kavalla, Rhodope and Serres were annexed by Bulgaria and no longer under the control of the Greek government. The remaining 33 prefectures had a concurrent military administration by Italian or German troops. In 1943, Attica and Boeotia was split into separate prefectures.[citation needed]
Resistance
Outbreak of the resistance
Few Greeks actively cooperated with the Nazis: most chose either the path of passive acceptance or active resistance. Active Greek resistance started immediately as many Greeks fled to the hills, where a partisan movement was born. One of the most touching episodes of the early resistance is said to have taken place just after the Wehrmacht reached the
The first signs of armed resistance activity manifested themselves in northern Greece, where resentment at the Bulgarian annexations ran high, in early autumn 1941. The Germans responded swiftly, torching several villages and executing 488 civilians. The brutality of these reprisals led to a collapse of the early guerrilla movement. It was revived in 1942 at a much greater scale.[74] The first event that signaled the beginning of organized, armed opposition to the occupation forces occurred in September 1942 when the Greek Fascist Party (EEE) Club in downtown Athens was blown up by the Panhellenic Union of Fighting Youths (PEAN), a right-wing Greek resistance organization.[75] Attacks on Axis personnel became more frequent from that month.[76]
In 25 November, the resistance together with the British mission
Major resistance groups
On 27 September 1941, the National Liberation Front (EAM) was established. It was nominally a "popular front" organization composed of a coalition of the Communist Party of Greece (KKE) and five other left-wing parties. EAM was virtually controlled by the KKE, although initially, the secretive and generally unpopular Communist party was successful in concealing this fact.[77]
The military wing of EAM was the
By September 1943, the reorganization of ELAS bands along conventional lines had been completed, and ELAS strength was about 15,000 fighters with additionally 20,000 reserves.[79] Eventually, the EAM incorporated 90% of the Greek resistance movement, boasted a total membership of over 1,500,000, including 50,000 armed guerrillas, and controlled much of rural mainland Greece and attracted large numbers of non-Communists.[77] The first contact between Soviet officers and members of the Communist Party and the EAM-ELAS forces occurred at 28 July 1943.[80]
The
Another armed resistance group was the National and Social Liberation (EKKA), led by Colonel Dimitrios Psarros. In general, most of the major guerrilla groups were at least moderately republican in orientation, whereas the Greek government-in-exile had been connected with monarchism, the Metaxas dictatorship, defeatism, and abandonment of the homeland to the invader.[83]
Developments and signs of civil war
From its very beginnings, ELAS had sought to absorb or eliminate the rest of the Greek resistance groups and achieved some success in that effort.[84] It firmly established and maintained a clear advantage over its rivals in terms of overall numbers, organization and the amount of territory controlled.[84] ELAS's execution of rival EKKAS's leader, Dimitrios Psarros, later in spring of 1944 was a typical example of its ruthless determination to monopolise the armed resistance.[85] Generally, ELAS clashed with the other resistance groups nearly as often as it fired upon the occupation forces.[86]
Velouchiotis, though a charismatic leader, was regarded with suspicion by a large part of EAM/ELAS and the Communist party. His early pre-eminence in the resistance had been achieved through exemplary executions and the torture of traitors, informers, and others.[87][88][86] ELAS's critics also accused Velouchiotis, claiming the organization was not above open collusion with the Axis.[86] Meanwhile, on 9 March 1943, Zervas repudiated EDES's earlier republicanism of loyalty to the exiled King George. He thus managed to achieve closer ties with the British mission.[89][90] With the surrender of Italy in September 1943, Italian forces in Greece either surrendered to the Joint Resistance headquarters (composed of ELAS, EDES, EKKA and the British) or to the Germans.[91]
EAM accused its rival organizations, and particularly EDES, of collaboration with the occupation forces.[92][93][94] However, this accusation was as yet unfounded, at least in regards to EDES's guerilla branch.[95] Right-wing resistance groups, including EDES, lacked a nationwide organizational apparatus and did not follow a consistent strategy, while their relative weakness compared to EAM resulted in complete dependence on the British and to surreptitious collaboration with the Axis.[96] Over time, the EDES Central Committee and political apparatus in Athens, directed by Stylianos Gonatas, became increasingly ineffective, estranged from the EDES guerrillas in the mountains (headed by Zervas) and winning the particular enmity of the organization because of Gonatas's support for the collaborationist Security Battalions.[97][98][99] EDES called for a future democratic constitution and the punishment of wartime collaborators.[86]
On 12 October 1943, elements of ELAS struck EDES units in the mountains of Thessaly, beginning what came to be called the "First Round" of the Greek civil war.[79] As a result, EDES was confined to Epirus, Zervas's birthplace, and only managed to survive due to British support.[100][90] British officials stated that the Germans would soon leave the country and that "at all costs Greece must not become communist".[101]
During this period, the British intelligence suspected the EAM/ELAS resistance for collaboration with the Axis.[102] As such EAM/ELAS refused to provide support to the British units and on some occasions even betrayed them to the Germans.[103] There is documentary evidence that Zervas had certain understandings with the Axis commanders and with British support, he turned against ELAS during a ceasefire with the Germans.[96][104] Zervas, undoubtedly aimed to get rid of the Axis, but lacked the qualities and the organizational background to form a strong resistance movement and saw EDES as a tool to fight the occupation troops and advance his own fortunes.[96] For Zervas the first priority was EAM/ELAS.[104] Reports sent on 10 August 1943 by the German Chief of Staff in Giannina suggested that he believed Zervas was 'loyal' to their operations.[96] According to German post-war testimonies, resistance was temporarily limited in Epirus and the local population was terrorized partly due to the reprisals and executions in Paramythia in September 1943.[105] During October 1943-October 1944 Zervas consistently rejected active collaboration though he favoured a temporary coexistence. According to German records, a conspiracy of German-Ralli's collaborationist government-British can't be sustained. This policy of coexistence enabled the Germans to concentrate their operations against ELAS.[106][90] Zervas' pro-royalist tendencies and close collaboration both with the Germans and the British Office destroyed EDES' initial republican and democratic ideology.[90] In 1944, EDES membership no longer represented the anti-monarchists but had come to reflect a broad spectrum of right-wing forces which opposed both the Germans and ELAS.[107] A short-lived German attempt to coopt EDES and use them against ELAS partisans failed and by July 1944 EDES attacks against the Germans resumed.[108] A German report of 17 July 1944, stated that "the destruction of the EDES pocket" is of vital importance.[109]
Final months of Axis occupation
On 29 February 1944, an agreement was signed in Plaka Bridge in Pindus among the armed groups of the Greek resistance: EAM, EDES and the EKKA. According to this, they agreed to refrain from infringing on each other's territory and that all future efforts would be directed against the Germans rather than each other. This marked the end of the "First Round" of the Greek civil war.[110] A conference in Lebanon on 17–20 May 1944, where representatives from all resistance organizations and the Greek government-in-exile participated, the unification of all resistance groups under a "Government of National Unity", headed by Georgios Papandreou was agreed. EAM-ELAS was granted one-fourth of the cabinet posts in the new government.[79]
ELAS, and to a lesser extent EDES and the other surviving resistance groups, assumed control of the countryside, but all groups refrained from trying to seize control of the Athens-Piraeus area, in accordance with their previous agreements.[111] In the resulting "Caserta Agreement", signed on 26 September 1944, EDES, ELAS, and the Greek government-in-exile, agreed to place their forces under the command of British Lt. General Ronald Scobie, designated to represent the Allied High Command in Greece, for the purpose of driving the Axis out of Greece. ELAS and EDES also agreed to allow the landing of British forces in Greece, to refrain from any attempt to seize power on their own, and to support the return of the Greek Government of National Unity under Georgios Papandreou.[111]
The Holocaust in Greece
Prior to
The Jews of Greece were originally mostly
Despite some assistance from the surrounding Greek population, what was left of the Jewish community in Thessaloniki would be almost entirely annihilated by the Holocaust; only 1950 individuals survived.[120] Only one Jewish family from Thessaloniki, once called the "mother of Israel",[113] survived intact.[121] In total, at least 81% (around 60,000) of Greece's total pre-war Jewish population perished, with the percentage ranging from 91% in Thessaloniki to 50% in Athens, and less in other provincial areas such as Volos (36%). The low rate in Volos was because of coordination by Rabbi Pesach with the region's bishop, who was tipped off by the German consul in Volos, and the actions of the local Greek community that provided them with resources during their time in hiding.[122] In the Bulgarian zone, death rates surpassed 90%.[123] In Zakynthos, all 275 Jews survived, hidden in the island's interior.[124]
In the German zone
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When the occupation zones were drawn up, Thessaloniki came under German control, while Thrace came under Bulgarian control. The Greek army evacuated Thessaloniki in early 1941, and the population was urged to stock up on supplies in preparation for the hard times ahead; before the arrival of Germans, local anti-Semites began posting warnings on Jewish businesses saying "Jews Not Welcome Here".[125] The German occupation of the city began on 8 April 1941.[113] On 15 April the Jewish leadership within the city was arrested, and in June, the Rosenburg Commando began confiscating Jewish cultural property including manuscripts and art, and sending it back to Germany.[113] Significant hardship occurred in the winter of 1941–1942, as refugees streamed in from the hinterlands of Greek Macedonia and Thrace, straining food supplies beyond their limit and causing starvation and typhus outbreaks, combined with summary executions of the Jewish population during the situation by the Germans; during some parts of the winter, 60 Jews died each day.[113] The Germans made an effort to spread anti-Semitic sentiments among the local population, and revived local anti-Semitic publications that had been banned under the Metaxas regime.[113]
For the first year of the German occupation, neither the Nuremberg Laws nor any specific anti-Semitic measures were applied, although there were some unorganized incidents by local anti-Semites.[126] However, since 1937 but especially during this year, the Germans undertook a systematic investigation of the Jewish community and its assets, which included having Hans Reegler, a half-Greek half-German agent who pretended to be a British Jew named William Lions, assemble a comprehensive network of informants that compiled all the necessary information on individuals and assets of value.[127]
In July 1942, forced labor was imposed on the Jewish population by Doctor Max Merten, the German chief civilian administrator of Thessaloniki.[113][128] Merten ordered all Jews between the ages of 18 and 45 to report to Eleftherios Square at 8 in the morning. In a "ritual humiliation" in extreme heat, fully clothed, the 9,000 men were forced to take part in a "gymnastics drill" lasting six and a half hours, under the threat of being beaten, whipped, shot or set upon by dogs if they did not do as they were told. They were forced to gaze straight at the sun the whole time, and if their eyes moved, they would be whipped or otherwise punished. The "drill" also included running long distances, moving about on all fours, rolling in dust and performing somersaults. In the following days, several of the men died from brain hemorrhages or meningitis.[128]
In October 1942, Merten implemented measures to extract any and all objects of value (jewelry, etc.) from the Jewish community.[113] Merten, 28 years old at the time, was "above all an extortionist". He allowed exemptions from his forced labor programme for large amounts of money, paid in cash stuffed in sacks brought to his office by wheelbarrow.[129] Salonica's Chief Rabbi, Zevi Koretz was a "naïve partner" of Merten; he acquiesced to all of Merten's demands, thinking that by doing so he was saving his people from extermination; however despite his good faith, he made it easier for the Germans to implement their plans.[129]
In December 1942, Jewish cemeteries were looted.[113] The Germans demolished the old Jewish cemetery in Thessaloniki, which dated back to the 15th century Spanish expulsions of Sephardim[130] so the ancient tombstones could be used as building material for sidewalks and walls.[131] They were also used to build a public baths and a swimming pool in the city.[130] The site of the old cemetery is today occupied by the campus of the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki.[132]
In 1943, Jews in the German zones were forced to wear the
Despite warnings of impending deportations, most Jews were reluctant to leave their homes, although several hundred were able to flee the city. The Germans and Bulgarians began mass deportations in March 1943, sending the Jews of Thessaloniki and Thrace in packed boxcars to the distant
In the Italian zone
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In September 1943, after the
At the same time, Elias Barzilai, the Grand Rabbi of Athens, was summoned to the Department of Jewish Affairs and told to submit a list of names and addresses of members of the Jewish community. Instead, he destroyed the community records, thus saving the lives of thousands of Athenian Jews. He advised the Jews of Athens to flee or go into hiding. A few days later, the Rabbi himself was spirited out of the city by EAM-ELAS fighters and joined the resistance. EAM-ELAS helped hundreds of Jews escape and survive (especially officer Stefanos Sarafis), many of whom stayed with the resistance as fighters and/or interpreters.
In the Bulgarian zone
In March 1943 the vast majority of the Jewish population, 4,058 of the 4,273 was rounded up and sent to local warehouses by the Bulgarian occupation authorities. They were initially sent by train to concentration camps in Bulgaria.[137] Kept under inhumane conditions, they were informed by the Bulgarians that they would be sent to Palestine. However, the deportees could not be convinced.[138] Except for five who died in the Bulgarian camps they were sent to Treblinka extermination camp, where they died in the following days. By the end of March 97% of the local Jewish community had been exterminated.[137]
Liberation and aftermath
On 20 August 1944, the Red Army invaded Romania.[139] The Romanian Army collapsed, the German 6th Army was encircled and destroyed while the German 8th Army retreated into the Carpathians.[139] Accelerating the collapse was the coup in Bucharest on 23 August 1944 as King Michael dismissed Marshal Ion Antonescu as Prime Minister and declared war on Germany.[140] Within a matter of days, most of Romania was occupied by the Soviet Union including most importantly, the Ploiești oil fields, which were Germany's most important source of oil.[141] Germany had occupied Greece in 1941 out of the fear that British bombers based in Greece would bomb the Romanian oil fields and deprive the Reich of the oil that powered its war machine.[142] On 23 August 1944, at a meeting at his headquarters, Adolf Hitler told Field Marshal Maximilian von Weichs, the commander of the German forces in the Balkans, that with the Romanian oil fields lost and the Greek resistance inflicting serious casualties, there was now no more point in occupying Greece and he should begin preparations for a withdrawal from Greece at once.[143]
German troops evacuated Athens on 12 October 1944, and by the end of the month, they had withdrawn from mainland Greece. The first British troops under General Scobie arrived in Athens on 14 October 1944. Four days later, the Greek government-in-exile returned to the Greek capital.[111] Conflict between the monarchist Right and the republican and communist Left soon erupted, despite the initiatives of Prime Minister Georgios Papandreou.[83] On 1 December, the government decreed that all guerrilla groups were to be disarmed. On 2 December, the six EAM ministers in the Government of National Unity resigned in protest, and on 4 December Papandreou himself resigned too. A new government was formed by Themistoklis Sofoulis. The immediate cause of the fighting was an unsanctioned EAM demonstration in Athens' Syntagma Square on Sunday, 3 December 1944, which turned violent when gunfire erupted. Meanwhile, General Scobie promptly ordered all ELAS units to leave Athens within seventy-two hours, and on the following day he declared martial law.[144] The clashes ended on the night of 5 January, and ELAS began a general withdrawal from the Greek capital.[145]
Negotiations between the newly established Greek government and EAM concluded at 12 February 1945, with the Treaty of Varkiza.[146] This provided a temporary respite from open warfare but Greece was in ruins. The country remained politically divided and unstable.[147] Several anti-left elements, friendly to the former Security Battalions, had been appointed to key posts in the Ministry of War, while thoughts of allowing former andartes to enter the new National Guard were abandoned.[148] This policy made an impartial solution to Greece's security problems virtually impossible, and undermined the moral basis for the British doctrine of non-interference in internal Greek affairs.[149] British Foreign Office was also fearful of Soviet influence in Greece.[150] Such developments infuriated a part of the EAM members.[83] One of them was Aris Velouchiotis who was also denounced by the Communist Party and decided to continue his guerrilla activity. After a few months, he was hunted down by government units and executed.[151] Official policy towards Axis collaborators was milder and more hesitant than perhaps anywhere else in Europe. Alexandros Lambou, a Pangalos follower and head of the special security police during the war period, was sentenced to death, but most of his co-defendants received short prison terms. During 1945, more than 80,000 people were prosecuted. The judges, many of whom had served during the occupation period, sentenced leftists harshly, and wartime collaborators lightly.[152] US and UK intelligence opposed the appointment of Zervas as a minister citing their suspicions of his collaboration with Nazi Germany.[153]
Greece's recovery from the devastation of the World War II and Axis occupation lagged far behind that of the rest of Europe.[154] About 8% of the Greek population of c. 7 million had died during the conflicts and the occupation. Sanitation conditions were deplorable, and the health of those who had survived was imperilled by a resurgence of malaria and tuberculosis, the lack of medicines and medical materials, inadequate diet, and the breakdown of preventive measures. One-fourth of the villages had been burned, and over 100,000 buildings destroyed or heavily damaged. Nearly 700,000 of the total Greek population were refugees and lacked the basic necessities of life.[155] Famine was narrowly averted in 1945 only by massive aid provided by the Allies and the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration (UNRRA). In the second half of 1945 UNRRA delivered to Greece some $171 million (equivalent to $2894 million in 2023) in goods. In the first year after the liberation, over 1.7 million tons of food were provided by UNRRA and the Allies. Nevertheless, a minimum daily ration of 2,000 calories proved impossible.[156]
Influence in post-war culture
The Axis occupation of Greece, specifically the Greek islands, has a significant presence in English-language books and films. Real special forces raids, e.g.,
Notable personalities
Greek collaborators:
- Lt General Georgios Tsolakoglou, Prime Minister 1941–42
- Konstantinos Logothetopoulos, Prime Minister 1942–43
- Ioannis Rallis, Prime Minister 1943–44
- Sotirios Gotzamanis, Finance Minister 1941–43
- Major General Georgios Bakos, Army Minister 1941–43
- Colonel Ioannis Plytzanopoulos, head of the Security Battalions
- Colonel Georgios Poulos, SS collaborator
- George Seremetis, mayor of Thessaloniki
- Ioannis Voulpiotis, representative of Siemens in Greece
- ELAScaptain
- EDES
- Dimitrios Psarros, military leader of EKKA
- General ELAS
- Georgios Siantos, political leader of EAM
- ELAScaptain in Macedonia
- Evripidis Bakirtzis, head of the PEEA
- EDES
- Georgios Kartalis, political leader of EKKA
- Vasilios Sachinis, leader of Northern Epirus Liberation Front(MAVI)
- Georgios Petrakis (Petrakogiorgis), partisan leader in Crete
Other Greek personalities
- Angelos Evert, Athens City Police Chief
- Damaskinos, Archbishop of Athens
- Manolis Glezos and Apostolos Santas
- Elias Degiannis
- George Psychoundakis, Cretan partisan
German officials:
- Ambassador Günther Altenburg, German Plenipotentiary
- Hermann Neubacher, Reich Special Envoy, 1942–44
- HSSPFAugust–October 1943
- HSSPFOctober 1943-October 1944
- Captain Anton Burger, SD February–September 1944
- Colonel Walter Blume, SD Commandant, October 1943-September 1944
- General Alexander Löhr, Commander, Army Group E, C-in-C South-East
- General XXII Mountain Army Corps
- General Hellmuth Felmy, Military Commander, Southern Greece
- General Walter Stettner, Commander, 1st Mountain Division
- General Karl von Le Suire, Commander, 117th Jäger Division
- General Hartwig von Ludwiger, Commander, 104th Jäger Division
- General Friedrich-Wilhelm Müller, Commander, "Fortress Crete"
- General 22nd Air Landing Infantry Division
- Dr. Max Merten, Chief of Military Administration, Salonika
- Dieter Wisliceny, responsible for the deportation of Salonika's Jews
- Friedrich Schubert, Wehrmacht paramilitary Sonderführer in Crete and Macedonia
- Ambassador Pellegrino Ghigi, Italian Plenipotentiary 1941–43
- General Italian 11th Army
and Supreme Commander of mainland Greece (Supergrecia) - Admiral Inigo Campioni, Governor of the Dodecanese
and Supreme Commander of the Aegean (Superegeo)
Leaders of secessionist movements:
- Andon Kalchev, pro-Bulgarian leader of the Ohrana
- Alcibiades Diamandi, leader of the Aromanian "Roman Legion" (an organization of Aromanians who supported the Italian army) and promoter of the idea for an Aromanian-run, independent canton
- Nicolaos Matussis, close associate of Diamandi
British agents:
- Brigadier Eddie Myers, SOE
- Colonel Christopher Woodhouse, SOE
- Patrick Leigh Fermor, SOE
- N. G. L. Hammond, SOE
- W. Stanley Moss, SOE
See also
- German reparations for World War II
References
- ISBN 3822618926
- ^ "The Math of Mass Starvation and Murder: Germany in Greece During World War II". Archived from the original on 21 November 2015. Retrieved 21 October 2015.
- ^ "Τα ερείπια της γερμανικής κατοχής στην Ελλάδα (μέρος 2ο)". news247.gr. 26 October 2011.
- ^ "Οι μεγάλες καταστροφές και το γερμανικό χρέος στην Ελλάδα μέσα από ντοκουμέντα". Newsbeast.gr. 5 March 2015.
- ^ "Council for Reparations from Germany, Black Book of the Occupation (In Greek and German) Athens 2006 pp. 1018–1019" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 21 July 2011. Retrieved 15 June 2011.
- ^ Gregory, Frumkin. Population Changes in Europe Since 1939, Geneva 1951. pp. 89–91
- ^ a b Mazower (2001), p. 155
- ^ Munoz, Antonio J. The German Secret Field Police in Greece, 1941–44, Jefferson: MacFarland & Company, Inc., 2018, p. 95. ISBN 9781476631042
- ^ Giannis Katris, The Birth of Neofascism in Greece, 1971 ISBN 9789600200980 pp. 40–42
- ^ Andreas Papandreou, Democracy at Gunpoint (Η Δημοκρατία στο απόσπασμα)
- ^ "Council for Reparations from Germany, Black Book of the Occupation (in Greek and German), Athens 2006, pp. 125–126" (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 31 March 2014. Retrieved 4 March 2016.
- ^ K.Svolopoulos, Greek Foreign Policy 1945–1981
- ^ Bamberry, Chris, Second World War: A Marxist History, 2014, Pluto Press (p. 182) ISBN 9780745333014
- ^ Mazower, Mark Inside Hitler's Greece: The Experience of Occupation, 1941–44, New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001 p. 222. ISBN 9780300089233
- ^ Mazower, Mark Inside Hitler's Greece: The Experience of Occupation, 1941–44, New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001 p. 223. ISBN 9780300089233
- ^ Mazower, Mark Inside Hitler's Greece: The Experience of Occupation, 1941–44, New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001 pp. 22 & 145.
- ^ Mazower, Mark Inside Hitler's Greece: The Experience of Occupation, 1941–44, New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001 pp. 145–146.
- ^ a b c Mazower, Mark Inside Hitler's Greece: The Experience of Occupation, 1941–44, New Haven: Yale University Press, 2001 p. 146.
- ISBN 9780521829328.[page needed]
- ^ "'Greece: Hungriest Country', Time, Feb. 09 1942". Archived from the original on 27 September 2008.
- ^ "Secret Not for Publication: Famine and Death Ride into Greece at the Heels of the Nazi Conquest", Life, 3 August 1942, pp. 28–29.
- ^ "Drucksache 17/709, Entschädigungs-, Schadensersatz- und Reparationsforderungen wegen NS-Unrechts in Griechenland, Italien und anderen ehemals von Deutschland besetzten Staaten" (PDF). Deutscher Bundestag.
- ^ Glenny, Misha. The Balkans. pp. 478–480
- ^ Voglis (2006), pp. 22–24, 30ff.
- ^ Mazower (1995), pp. 44–48
- ^ Voglis (2006), p. 24
- ^ Voglis (2006), pp. 35–38
- ^ a b c Mazower, 1993, p. 22
- ^ Meyer 2008: 151, 464
- ^ Kretsi p. 177
- ^ Spyros Tsoutsoumpis (December 2015). "Violence, resistance and collaboration in a Greek borderland: the case of the Muslim Chams of Epirus". Qualestoria (2): 121.
- ^ Lambros Baltsiotis (2014). "Historical Dialogue on Cham Issues". Academia. Columbia University: 1–3.
Muslim Chams inhabited... Thesprotia. The community suffered various forms of discriminations, mainly through administrative harassment... During the second half of 1920s illegal land expropriations carried out by the state affected not only the ciflik beys (large landowners) but also mid and small size landowners who constituted the majority of the community... in many parts of Chamouria. According to our findings, these were the circumstances that led to a gradual transformation of a southern Balkan Muslim community to a national minority... The rift between the two, formerly co-existing, religious communities of the region was already in effect since the mid-1920s. But the cycle of blood and revenge was triggered during the Second World War. When Italy invaded Greece some armed Muslim Chams committed, to a limited extent, atrocities against the Christian population... At the end of November of 1941, when the Italian army withdrew, much-extended acts of violence occurred this time against the Muslim Chams. … many of the Muslim adult males were in exile, Christians committed murders, lootings and rapes under the tolerance, if not the support, of local authorities… control of the roads, paths and of citizens' movement, in general, was in the hands of Muslim Chams. This was another important factor that added animosity... between the two groups. In the majority of the settlements a "choice" of... two communities.
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ignored (help) - ^ Kretsi, Georgia (2002). "The Secret Past of the Greek-Albanian Borderlands. Cham Muslim Albanians: Perspectives on a Conflict over Historical Accountability and Current Rights". Ethnologia Balkanica (6/2002): 171–195. Archived from the original on 10 March 2012. Retrieved 12 July 2018.
They did not have the opportunity, however, to make any significant contributions in the fight against the Germans. ... the Cham partisan quoted above could describe the battles against EDES, but none against the Germans. Admittedly these fighting units were formed at the end of the war and therefore could no longer exert any broad influence on the Cham population. The majority of their elites had been corrupted by the occupying forces ... have constrained any motivation for joint resistance.
- ^ "Examining policy responses to immigration in the light of interstate relations and foreign policy objectives: Greece and Albania". In King, Russell, & Stephanie Schwandner-Sievers (eds). The new Albanian migration. Sussex Academic. p. 16.
- ^ Ktistakis, Yiorgos. "Τσάμηδες - Τσαμουριά. Η ιστορία και τα εγκλήματα τους" [Chams - Chameria. Their History and Crimes]
- ^ Ioannis Kolioupoulos. "XIV. Macedonia in the Maelstrom of World War II" (PDF). History of Macedonia. pp. 304–305.
- ^ Brownfeld (2003)
- ^ Shrader, 1999, pp. 33–34
- ^ a b c d e f Mazower (2000), p. 276
- ^ Miller (1975), p. 130
- ^ ISBN 978-1-000-53804-5.
- ^ a b Miller (1975), p. 127
- ^ Miller (1975), pp. 126–127
- ^ Mazower (1995), p. 20
- ^ Shrader, 1999, p. 19;
- ISBN 978-1-84708-772-0.
- ISBN 978-0691043579, p. 73.
- ISBN 1850654921, p. 67
- ^ a b c Μάρκος Βαφειάδης, Απομνημονεύματα, Β΄ Τόμος, σελίδες 64–65, 1984, Εκδόσεις Λιβάνη
- ISBN 978-0230294653.
the Chams collaborated enthusiastically ... with the Bulgarian forces were reported.
- ^ Yiannis D. Stefanidis, Modern and Contemporary Macedonia, vol. II, 64–103. Macedonia in the 1940s.
- ^ Янчо Гочев, Дейността на Седма пехотна рилска дивизия в Солунската област (1943–1944).
- ^ Анатолий Прокопиев, Противодесантната отбрана на Беломорското крайбрежие от Втори корпус (ноември 1943 г. – октомври 1944 г.)
- ISBN 978-1850654636.
former collaborators such as the Slav Macedonian militias … their new master
- ^ Бойка Василева, Миграционни процеси в България след Втората световна, София, Унив. изд. "Св. Климент Охридски", 1991. стр. 139.
- ^ Димитър Йончев, България и Беломорието (октомври 1940–9 септември 1944 г.), Военнополитически аспекти, "Дирум", София, 1993, предговор.
- ^ Hoppe, Joachim (1984). "Germany, Bulgaria, Greece: Their Relations and Bulgarian Policy in Occupied Greece". Journal of Hellenic Diaspora. 3: 54.
In the first days of September 1944, Bulgarian troops and administrative authorities left the occupied territories, including Greek Thrace and Macedonia. The following year, the Bulgarian authorities responsible were put on trial before "People's Courts" for their actions during the war. Thousands of them were sentenced, many (about 2,000) to death.
- ISBN 978-1476610191.
- ^ ISBN 978-9401142939.
- ISBN 978-1317898528.
- )
- ^ Voglis (2006), p. 37
- ^ "Kriegsverbrechen, Menschenrechte, Völkerrecht 1939–1945". wlb-stuttgart.de.
- ^ Reproduced articles from The Times and The Guardian Archived 3 November 2005 at the Wayback Machine, nrw.vvn-bda.de/texte/mittenwald_engl.htm. Retrieved 7 December 2014.
- ^ Mazower, 1993, p. 18
- ^ a b c Mazower, 1993, p. 19
- ^ a b Mazower, 1993, p. 20
- ^ a b Shrader, 1999, p. 16
- ISBN 978-1632201591.
Few security battalionists were consciously pro-German... by the opportunities for plunder that such work offered
- S2CID 143591557.
- ^ Markos Vallianatos, The untold history of Greek collaboration with Nazi Germany (1941–1944), pp. 114–117
- ^ Mazower, 1993, p. 133
- ^ Christopher Bakken (6 July 2015). "How Greece Got to 'No'". The Wall Street Journal.
- ^ Knopp (2009), p. 192
- ^ Mazower, 1995, p. 22
- ^ a b c Mazower, 1995, p. 135
- ^ a b c Mazower, 1995, p. 23
- ^ a b Shrader, 1999, p. 24
- ^ a b c Shrader, 1999, p. 35
- ^ Shrader, 1999, p. 29
- ^ Shrader, 1999, p. 30
- ^ a b Shrader, 1999, p. 31
- ^ a b c Shrader, 1999, p. 38
- ^ a b Shrader, 1999, p. 34
- ^ Mazawer, 1993, p. 348
- ^ a b c d Iatrides, 2015, p. 24
- ^ Mazower, 1995, p. 300
- ISBN 978-3980868914.
- ^ Mazawer, 1993, p. 141
- ^ ISBN 978-0823229673.
- ^ Shrader, 1999, p. 28
- ISBN 978-0275965440. p. 34.
- ISBN 978-0198604464, p. 403
- ISBN 978-0582064720, p. 106
- ISBN 978-0874511987, p. 58
- ^ ISBN 978-1850655510.
- ^ Shrader, 1999, pp. 30, 38
- ^ McNeill, William Hardy (1947). The Greek dilemma: war and aftermath. J.B. Lippincott Company. p. 87. Retrieved 16 October 2010.
- ISBN 140086058X, p. 169.
- ISBN 978-1107656444.
- ^ Wrigley, 1995, p. 307
- ISBN 978-0415021128.
The British suspected, on the contrary, collaboration between the Germans and ELAS.
- ISBN 978-0857729705.
Neither EAM nor ELAS supported the SOE missions and on some occasions even betrayed them to the Germans.
- ^ ISBN 978-0743217781.
- ^ Meyer, 2008, p. 476
- ISBN 978-0918618245.
Throughout the period October 1943 to October 1944, Zervas consistently rejected active collaboration in favor of coexistence. The German records do not sustain Kedros's charges of a German- Rallis-British conspiracy. Zervas's policy of coexistence, however, enabled the Germans to concentrate on ELAS for at least two major operations
- ^ Gerolymatos, Andree (1984). "The Role of the Greek Officer Corps in The Resistance". Journal of Hellenic Diaspora (3): 78. Retrieved 11 January 2019.
Consequently, by 1944, the membership of EDES no longer represented the anti-monarchist faction but had come to reflect a broad spectrum of right-wing forces opposed just as much to ELAS as to the Germans. Furthermore, by this time, the rapid development of EAM-ELAS
- ISBN 978-0300219524.
A short-lived attempt to coopt EDES forces, and use them against ELAS partisans, also failed, and by July 1944, EDES was attacking the Germans again.
- ^ Meyer, 2008, p. 624
- ^ Shrader, 1999, pp. xviii, 35
- ^ a b c Shrader, 1999, p. 37
- ^ Fromm, Annette B. "Hispanic Culture in Exile", in Zion Zahar, Sephardic and Mizrahi Jewry: From the Golden Age of Spain to Modern Times, pp. 152–164.
- ^ a b c d e f g h i j k l "Greece". Jewish Virtual Library Accessed 17 August 2018
- ^ a b "Turkey". Jewish Virtual Library. Retrieved 17 August 2018
- ^ "The Jewish Community of Salonika". Beit Hatfutsot Open Databases Project. The Museum of the Jewish People at Beit Hatfutsot. Archived from the original on 8 July 2018. Retrieved 17 August 2018.
- ^ Gilles Veinstein, Salonique 1850–1918, la "ville des Juifs" et le réveil des Balkans, pp. 42–45
- ^ Glenny, Misha (2000). The Balkans: Nationalism, War, and the Great Powers, 1804–1999. p. 236: "The Jews of Salonika, for the moment still the majority population, were hoping that the peace negotiations .... Of all the allies, Greece had suffered the least casualties, human and material, during the First Balkan War...
- ^ Glenny, Misha. The Balkans: Nationalism, War and the Great Powers, 1804–1999. pp. 348–349
- ^ Glenny, Misha. The Balkans. p. 512
- ^ Fromm in Zion Zahar Sephardic and Mizrahi Jewry: From the Golden Age of Spain to Modern Times, p. 162
- ^ Glenny, Misha. The Balkans 1804–1999. p. 518: "Despite losing twenty-two relations in Auschwitz, all of Erika's immediate family survived – the only Jewish family from Salonika to return from Auschwitz with all its members alive."
- ^ Anav Silverman. "The Rabbi and Bishop Who Saved a Greek Jewish Community". HuffPost.
- ^ History of the Jewish Communities of Greece, American Friends of the Jewish Museum of Greece Archived 29 June 2007 at the Wayback Machine, afjmg.org. Retrieved 7 December 2014.
- ^ The Holocaust in Greece, United States Holocaust Memorial Museum Archived 6 March 2006 at the Wayback Machine, ushmm.org. Retrieved 7 December 2014.
- ^ Glenny, Misha. The Balkans. p. 511.
- ^ Glenny, Misha. The Balkans. pp. 511–512
- ^ Glenny, Misha. The Balkans. pp. 512–513
- ^ a b Glenny, Misha. The Balkans. p. 513
- ^ a b Glenny, Misha. The Balkans. pp. 513–514
- ^ a b Glenny, Misha. The Balkans. p. 514
- ^ a b Mazower (2004), pp. 424–428
- ^ a b Website of the Foundation for the Advancement of Sephardic Studies and Culture Archived 21 February 2007 at the Wayback Machine, sephardicstudies.org. Retrieved 7 December 2014.
- ^ a b c Glenny, Misha. The Balkans. p. 515
- ^ Mazower (2004), pp. 443–448
- ^ Kehila Kedosha Janina Synagogue and Museum, The Holocaust in Ioannina. Retrieved 5 January 2009.
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- ^ ISBN 978-0804772495.
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- ^ a b Weinberg, 2005 p. 713
- ^ Weinberg, 2005 pp. 713–714
- ^ Weinberg, 2005 p. 714
- ^ Weinberg, 2005 pp. 716–717
- ^ Weinberg, 2005 p. 717
- ^ Shrader, 1999, p. 39
- ^ Shrader, 1999, p. 42
- ^ Shrader, 1999, p. 43
- ^ Shrader, 1999, p. 44
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- ^ Mazower, 1993, p. 348
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- ^ Mazower, 1993, p. 373
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- ^ Shrader, 1999, p. 46
- ^ Shrader, 1999, p. 47
- ^ Shrader, 1999, p. 48
- ^ Gloede_The_Saint (3 May 1954). "They Who Dare (1954)". IMDb.
Bibliography
- Brownfeld, Peter E. (2003). "The Italian Holocaust: The Story of an Assimilated Jewish Community". American Council for Judaism. Retrieved 7 December 2014.
- Dorril, Stephen (2002). MI6: Inside the Covert World of Her Majesty's Secret Intelligence Service. Simon and Schuster. ISBN 978-0743217781.
- Fischer, Bernd Jürgen (1999). Albania at War, 1939–1945. C. Hurst & Co. Publishers. ISBN 978-1850655312.
- Fonzi, Paolo (2019). Fame di guerra. L'occupazione italiana della Grecia (1941–1943) [War Hunger. The Italian Occupation of Greece 1941–1943] (in Italian). Carocci. ISBN 978-8843099481.
- Hatziiosif, Christos; Papastratis, Prokopis, eds. (2007). Ιστορία της Ελλάδας του 20ού αιώνα, Γ' Τόμος: Β' Παγκόσμιος Πόλεμος. Κατοχή – Αντίσταση 1940–1945, Μέρος 1ο [History of Greece in the 20th Century, Volume III: World War II. Occupation and Resistance 1940–1945, Part 1]. Athens: Bibliorama. ISBN 978-9608087057.
- Hatziiosif, Christos; Papastratis, Prokopis, eds. (2007). Ιστορία της Ελλάδας του 20ού αιώνα, Γ' Τόμος: Β' Παγκόσμιος Πόλεμος. Κατοχή – Αντίσταση 1940–1945, Μέρος 2ο [History of Greece in the 20th Century, Volume III: World War II. Occupation and Resistance 1940–1945, Part 2]. Athens: Bibliorama. ISBN 978-9608087064.
- Karras, Georgios (1985). "The Revolution that Failed: The story of the Greek Communist Party in the period 1941–49". Dept. Of Political Studies. University of Manitoba, Canada: unpublished M.A. Thesis.
- Knopp, Guido (2009). Die Wehrmacht – Eine Bilanz (in German). Goldmann. ISBN 978-3442155613.
- Iatrides, John; Wrigley, Linda (1995). Greece at the crossroads: the Civil War and its legacy. Penn State Press. ISBN 0271014113.
- Iatrides, John O. (2015). Revolt in Athens: The Greek Communist "Second Round," 1944–1945. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-1400869572.
- Mazower, Mark (1995). Inside Hitler's Greece: The Experience of Occupation, 1941–44. Yale University Press. ISBN 0300089236.
- Mazower, Mark (2000). After the War was Over: Reconstructing the Family, Nation, and State in Greece, 1943–1960. Princeton University Press. ISBN 978-0691058429.
- Mazower, Mark (2004). Salonica, City of Ghosts. Harper Collins. ISBN 0007120222.
- Meyer, Hermann Frank (2008). Blutiges Edelweiß: Die 1. Gebirgs-division im zweiten Weltkrieg [Bloodstained Edelweiss. The 1st Mountain-Division in WWII] (in German). Ch. Links Verlag. ISBN 978-3861534471.
- Miller, Marshall Lee (1975). Bulgaria during the Second World War. Stanford University Press. ISBN 978-0804708708.
- Munoz, Antonio J. (2018). The German Secret Field Police in Greece, 1941–44. MacFarland & Company, Inc. ISBN 978-1476667843.
- German Antiguerrilla Operations in The Balkans (1941–1944). Center of Military History. 1953.
- Helger, Bengt (1949). Ravitaillement de la Grèce, pendant l'occupation 1941–44 et pendant les premiers cinq mois après la liberation. Rapport final de la Commission de Gestion pour les Secours en Grèce sous les auspices du Comité International de la Croix-Rouge (in French). Société Hellenique d'Editions.
- Santarelli, Lidia (2004). "Muted violence: Italian war crimes in occupied Greece". Journal of Modern Italian Studies. 9 (3): 280–299. S2CID 143570472.
- Shrader, Charles R. (1999). The withered vine: logistics and the communist insurgency in Greece, 1945–1949. Greenwood Publishing Group. p. 38. ISBN 978-0275965440. Retrieved 16 October 2010.
- Weinberg, Gerhard (2005). A World at Arms A Global History of World War Two. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 978-0521618267.
- Voglis, Polymeris (2006). "Surviving Hunger: Life in the Cities and the Countryside during the Occupation". In Gildea, Robert; Wievorka, Olivier; Warring, Anette (eds.). Surviving Hitler and Mussolini: Daily Life in Occupied Europe. Oxford: Berg. pp. 16–41. ISBN 978-1845201814.
- Wievorka, Olivier; Tebinka, Jacek (2006). "Resisters: From Everyday Life to Counter-state". In Gildea, Robert; Wievorka, Olivier; Warring, Anette (eds.). Surviving Hitler and Mussolini: Daily Life in Occupied Europe. Oxford: Berg. pp. 153–176. ISBN 978-1845201814.
Further reading
- Doxiades, Constantinos. The Greek Sacrifice in World War II (PDF). Archived from the original (PDF) on 1 August 2013. Retrieved 8 December 2014.
- Antaios, Petros; Aronis, Panagiotis; Glesos, Malonis (2006). Η Μαύρη Βίβλος της Κατοχής/ Schwarzbuch der Besatzung [The Black Book of Occupation] (PDF) (in Greek and German) (2nd ed.). Athens. ISBN 978-9608910218. Archived from the original (PDF) on 11 November 2020. Retrieved 11 June 2017.)
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: location missing publisher (link
External links
- Greece’s sacrifices during World War II (plates from the book published in 1946 by Konstantinos Doxiadison behalf of the Greek government)
- The Catastrophe of Salonikan Jewry and the Looting of their Property Archived 27 February 2017 at the Wayback Machine, online lecture by Dr. Nikos Tzafleris, Postdoctoral Researcher at the Aristotle University of Thessaloniki, yadvashem.org. Retrieved 8 December 2014
- Memorandum to the Note to the Greek Government, 6 April 1941, historicalresources.org. Retrieved 8 December 2014
- Note of the Reich Government to the Greek Government, 6 April 1941, historicalresources.org. Retrieved 8 December 2014
- Greece during World War II, ww2.gr. Retrieved 8 December 2014
- Pictures of the German Army in Greece and Greek collaborationists, ethniko.net. Retrieved 8 December 2014