Ayyubid dynasty

Ayyubid Sultanate of Egypt الأيوبيون ( Sorani Kurdish) Eyûbî (Kurdish )
1171–1260a/1341
Left: Banner of the Ayyubid dynasty Right: Saladin's personal standard
Ayyubid Sultanate of Egypt (in pink) at the death of Saladin in 1193
Status	Sovereign state (1171–1260)
Capital	Cairo (1171–1174; 1218–1250) Damascus (1174–1218) Aleppo (1250–1260) Hama (until 1341)
Common languages	Arabic (spoken,[1] poetry[2] ) Kurdish[1] Turkish[1][3]
Religion	Sunni Islam Shafi'i[4] Ash'ari Shajar al-durr
• 1250–1254	Al-Ashraf
History
• Established by Saladin	1171
• Disestablished	1260a/1341
Area
1190 est.[7]	2,000,000 km2 (770,000 sq mi)
1200 est.[8]	1,700,000 km2 (660,000 sq mi)
Population
• 12th century	7,200,000 (estimate)c
Currency	Dinar, Dirham
Preceded by Succeeded by Fatimid Caliphate Zengid dynasty Kingdom of Jerusalem Zurayids Kingdom of Georgia Shah-Armens Artuqids Mamluk Sultanate Rasulid dynasty Emirate of Hasankeyf Principality of Donboli Emirate of Şirvan Emirate of Kilis Emirate of Bingöl
aA branch of the Ayyubid dynasty ruled Hasankeyf until the early 16th century. bFor details of the languages spoken by the Ayyubid rulers and their subjects, see § Religion, ethnicity and language below. cThe total population of the Ayyubid territories is unknown. This population figure only includes Egypt, Syria, Upper Mesopotamia, Palestine, and Transjordan. Other Ayyubid territories, including coastal areas of Yemen, the Hejaz, Nubia and Cyrenaica are not included.

The Ayyubid dynasty (

Origins

The progenitor of the Ayyubid dynasty,

Shawar died in 1169 and Shirkuh became vizier, but he too died later that year.[23] After Shirkuh's death, Saladin was appointed vizier by the Fatimid caliph al-Adid because there was "no one weaker or younger" than Saladin, and "not one of the emirs obeyed him or served him", according to medieval Muslim chronicler Ibn al-Athir.^[24] Saladin soon found himself more independent than ever before in his career, much to the dismay of Nur al-Din who attempted to influence events in Egypt. He permitted Saladin's elder brother, Turan-Shah, to supervise Saladin in a bid to cause dissension within the Ayyubid family and thus undermining its position in Egypt. Nur al-Din satisfied Saladin's request that he be joined by his father Ayyub. However, Ayyub was sent primarily to ensure that Abbasid suzerainty was proclaimed in Egypt, which Saladin was reluctant to undertake due to his position as the vizier of the Fatimids. Although Nur al-Din failed to provoke the Ayyubids into rivalry, the extended Ayyubid family, particularly a number of local governors in Syria, did not entirely back Saladin.^[25]

Saladin consolidated his control in Egypt after ordering Turan-Shah to

In late 1172, Aswan was besieged by former Fatimid soldiers from Nubia and the governor of the city, Kanz al-Dawla—a former Fatimid loyalist—requested reinforcements from Saladin who complied. The reinforcements had come after the Nubians had already departed Aswan, but Ayyubid forces led by Turan-Shah advanced and conquered northern Nubia after capturing the town of Ibrim. Turan-Shah and his Kurdish soldiers temporarily lodged there. From Ibrim, they raided the surrounding region, halting their operations after being presented with an armistice proposal from the Dongola-based Nubian king. Although Turan-Shah's initial response was hawkish, he later sent an envoy to Dongola, who upon returning, described the poverty of the city and of Nubia in general to Turan-Shah. Consequently, the Ayyubids, like their Fatimid predecessors, were discouraged from further southward expansion into Nubia due to the poverty of the region, but required Nubia to guarantee the protection of Aswan and Upper Egypt.^[31] The Ayyubid garrison in Ibrim withdrew to Egypt in 1175.^[32]

Throughout the 1170s, the Ayyubids continued to push west as well.

In 1173, Saladin sent Turan-Shah to conquer

From Yemen, as from Egypt, the Ayyubids aimed to dominate the Red Sea trade routes which Egypt depended on and so sought to tighten their grip over the Hejaz, where an important trade stop, Yanbu, was located.^[47] To favor trade in the direction of the Red Sea, the Ayyubids built facilities along the Red Sea-Indian Ocean trade routes to accompany merchants.^[48] The Ayyubids also aspired to back their claims of legitimacy within the Caliphate by having sovereignty over the Islamic holy cities of Mecca and Medina.^[47] The conquests and economic advancements undertaken by Saladin effectively established Egypt's hegemony in the region.^[48]

Conquest of Syria and Upper Mesopotamia

Although still nominally a vassal of Nur al-Din, Saladin adopted an increasingly independent foreign policy. This independence became more publicly pronounced after Nur al-Din's death in 1174.

sharbush headgear.^[55][56]

While Saladin was in Syria, his brother

Nile River in central Egypt. Both rebellions were crushed by al-Adil.^[58] For the rest of that year and throughout early 1176, Qaraqush continued his raids in western North Africa, bringing the Ayyubids into conflict with the Almohads who ruled the Maghreb.^[30]

In 1177, Saladin led a force of some 26,000 soldiers, according to Crusader chronicler

Battle of Belvoir Castle in Kawkab al-Hawa.^[60]

In May 1182, Saladin captured Aleppo after a brief siege; the new governor of the city,

Irbil too switched allegiance to the Ayyubids. Mas'ud then sought the support of Pahlawan ibn Muhammad, the governor of Azerbaijan, and although he did not usually intervene in the region, the possibility of Pahlawan's intervention made Saladin cautious about launching further attacks against Mosul.^[63]

An arrangement was negotiated whereby al-Adil was to administer Aleppo in the name of Saladin's son

Karak, but were unable to capture it. Afterward, the Ayyubids raided Samaria, burning down Nablus. Saladin returned to Damascus in September 1184 and a relative peace between the Crusader states and the Ayyubid empire subsequently ensued in 1184–1185.^[65]

Saladin launched his last offensive against Mosul in late 1185, hoping for an easy victory over a presumably demoralized Mas'ud, but failed due to the city's unexpectedly stiff resistance and a serious illness which caused Saladin to withdraw to Harran. Upon Abbasid encouragement, Saladin and Mas'ud negotiated a treaty in March 1186 that left the Zengids in control of Mosul, but under the obligation to supply the Ayyubids with military support when requested.^[63]

Conquest of Palestine and Transjordan

Les Passages faits Outremer par les Français contre les Turcs et autres Sarrasins et Maures outremarins

, c. 1490

Saladin besieged

Saffuriya; other brigades took Haifa, Caesarea, Sebastia and Nablus, while al-Adil conquered Mirabel and Jaffa. On 26 July, Saladin returned to the coast and received the surrender of Sarepta, Sidon, Beirut, and Jableh.^[66] In August, the Ayyubids conquered Ramla, Darum, Gaza, Bayt Jibrin, and Latrun. Ascalon was taken on 4 September.^[67] In September–October 1187, the Ayyubids besieged Jerusalem, taking possession of it on 2 October, after negotiations with Balian of Ibelin.^[68]

Karak and

Safad in the northeastern Galilee. By the end of 1187 the Ayyubids were in control of virtually the entire Crusader kingdom in the Levant with the exception of Tyre, which held out under Conrad of Montferrat. In December 1187, an Ayyubid army consisting of the garrisons of Saladin and his brothers from Aleppo, Hama, and Egypt besieged Tyre. Half of the Muslim naval fleet was seized by Conrad's forces on 29 December, followed by an Ayyubid defeat on the shoreline of the city. On 1 January 1188, Saladin held a war council where a withdrawal from Tripoli was agreed.^[69]

Third Crusade

Philip Augustus of France, and Richard the Lionheart of England formed an alliance to reconquer Jerusalem. Meanwhile, the Crusaders and the Ayyubids fought near Acre that year and were joined by the reinforcements from Europe. From 1189 to 1191, Acre was besieged by the Crusaders, and despite initial Muslim successes, it fell to Crusader forces. A massacre of 2,700 Muslim prisoners of war ensued, and the Crusaders then made plans to take Ascalon in the south.^[70]

As the Ayyubids faced a Crusader naval blockade in Acre and a steady flow of Crusader reinforcements arriving by sea, Saladin sought assistance from the Almohads, who had one of the largest navies in the Mediterranean.

Qaraqush's invasion of Ifriqiya.^[72]

The Crusaders, now under the unified command of Richard, defeated Saladin at the

treaty

with Saladin in 1192, restoring the Kingdom of Jerusalem to a coastal strip between Jaffa and Beirut. It was the last major war effort of Saladin's career, as he died the next year, in 1193.

Quarrels over the sultanate

Rather than establishing a centralized empire, Saladin had established hereditary ownership throughout his lands, dividing his empire among his kinsmen, with family members presiding over semi-autonomous fiefs and principalities.

al-Jazira (Upper Mesopotamia), where he held the Zengids of Mosul at bay. In 1193, Mas'ud of Mosul joined forces with Zangi II of Sinjar and together the Zengid coalition moved to conquer al-Jazira. However, before any major results could be achieved, Mas'ud fell ill and returned to Mosul, and al-Adil then compelled Zangi to make a quick peace before the Zengids suffered territorial losses at the hands of the Ayyubids.^[63] Al-Adil's son al-Mu'azzam took possession of Karak and Transjordan.^[74]

Soon, however, Saladin's sons squabbled over the division of the empire. Saladin had appointed al-Afdal to the governorship of Damascus with the intention that his son should continue to see the city as his principal place of residence in order to emphasize the primacy of the jihad (struggle) against the Crusader states. Al-Afdal, however, found that his attachment to Damascus contributed to his undoing. Several of his father's subordinate emirs left the city for Cairo to lobby Uthman to oust him on claims he was inexperienced and intended to oust the Ayyubid old guard. Al-Adil further encouraged Uthman to act in order prevent al-Afdal's incompetence putting the Ayyubid empire in jeopardy. Thus, in 1194, Uthman openly demanded the sultanate. Uthman's claim to the throne was settled in a series of assaults on Damascus in 1196, forcing al-Afdal to leave for a lesser post at Salkhad. Al-Adil established himself in Damascus as a lieutenant of Uthman, but wielded great influence within the empire.^[75]

SONG
DYNASTY

PAGAN

DALI

KHMER

AYYUBID
SULTANATE

SULTANATE
OF RUM

GO-
RYEO

◁ ▷

class=notpageimage|

The Ayyubid and contemporary Asian polities c. 1215

In the east, the

Under Frederick II, a Sixth Crusade was launched, capitalizing on the ongoing strife between al-Kamil of Egypt and al-Mu'azzam of Syria.^[20] Subsequently, al-Kamil offered Jerusalem to Frederick to help prevent a Syrian invasion of Egypt, but Frederick refused. Al-Kamil's position was strengthened when al-Mu'azzam died in 1227 and was succeeded by his son an-Nasir Dawud. Al-Kamil continued negotiations with Frederick in Acre in 1228, leading to a truce signed in February 1229. The agreement gave the Crusaders control over an unfortified Jerusalem for over ten years, but also guaranteed Muslim control over Islamic holy places in the city.^[73] Although the treaty held little military significance, an-Nasir Dawud used it as a pretext to provoke the sentiments of Syria's inhabitants. A Friday sermon by a popular preacher at the Umayyad Mosque "reduced the crowd to violent sobbing and tears".^[84]

The settlement with the Crusaders was accompanied by a proposed redistribution of the Ayyubid principalities whereby Damascus and its territories would by governed by al-Ashraf, who recognized al-Kamil's sovereignty. An-Nasir Dawud resisted, incensed by the Ayyubid-Crusader truce.^[84] Al-Kamil's forces reached Damascus to enforce the proposed agreement in May 1229. The ensuing siege levied significant pressure on the inhabitants, but they rallied to an-Nasir Dawud, having been supportive of his father's stable rule and angered at the treaty with Frederick. After one month, an-Nasir Dawud sued for peace and was granted a new principality, centered around Karak, while al-Ashraf, the governor of Diyar Bakr, assumed the governorship of Damascus.^[85]

Meanwhile, the

Al-Ashraf's rule in Damascus was stable, but he and the other emirs of Syria sought to assert their independence from Cairo. Amid these tensions, al-Ashraf died in August 1237 after a four-month illness and was succeeded by his brother

By May 1247, as-Salih Ayyub was master of Syria south of Lake Homs, having gained control over Banyas and Salkhad. With his fellow Ayyubid opponents subdued, except for Aleppo under an-Nasir Yusuf, as-Salih Ayyub undertook a limited offensive against the Crusaders, sending Fakhr ad-Din to move against their territories in the Galilee. Tiberias fell on 16 June, followed by Mount Tabor and Kawkab al-Hawa soon thereafter. Safad with its Templar fortress seemed out of reach, so the Ayyubids marched south to Ascalon. Facing stubborn resistance from the Crusader garrison, an Egyptian flotilla was sent by as-Salih Ayyub to support the siege and on 24 October, Fakhr ad-Din's troops stormed through a breach in the walls and killed or captured the entire garrison. The city was razed and left deserted.^[92]

As-Salih Ayyub returned to Damascus to keep an eye on developments in northern Syria.

In 1248, a Crusader fleet of 1,800 boats and ships arrived in

Al-Mu'azzam Turan-Shah alienated the Mamluks soon after their victory at Mansurah and constantly threatened them and Shajar al-Durr. Fearing for their positions of power, the Bahri Mamluks revolted against the sultan and killed him in April 1250.[73] Aybak married Shajar al-Durr and subsequently took over the government in Egypt in the name of al-Ashraf II who became sultan, but only nominally.^[98]

Dominance of Aleppo

Intent on restoring the supremacy of Saladin's direct descendants within the Ayyubid family,^[99] an-Nasir Yusuf was eventually able to enlist the backing of all of the Syria-based Ayyubid emirs in a common cause against Mamluk-dominated Egypt. By 1250, he took Damascus with relative ease and except for Hama and Transjordan, an-Nasir Yusuf's direct authority stood unbroken from the Khabur River in northern Mesopotamia to the Sinai Peninsula. In December 1250, he attacked Egypt after hearing of al-Mu'azzam Turan-Shah's death and the ascension of Shajar al-Durr. An-Nasir Yusuf's army was much larger and better-equipped than that of the Egyptian army, consisting of the forces of Aleppo, Homs, Hama, and those of Saladin's only surviving sons, Nusrat ad-Din and Turan-Shah ibn Salah ad-Din.^[100] Nonetheless, it suffered a major defeat at the hands of Aybak's forces. An-Nasir Yusuf subsequently returned to Syria, which was slowly slipping out of his control.^[99]

The Mamluks forged an alliance with the Crusaders in March 1252 and agreed to jointly launch a campaign against an-Nasir Yusuf. King Louis, who had been released after al-Mu'azzam Turan-Shah's murder, led his army to Jaffa, while Aybak intended to send his forces to Gaza. Upon hearing of the alliance, an-Nasir Yusuf immediately dispatched a force to

For over a year after the settlement with the Mamluks, calm settled over an-Nasir Yusuf's reign, but on 11 December 1256 he sent two envoys to the Abbasids in Baghdad seeking formal investiture from the caliph, al-Musta'sim, for his role as "Sultan". This request was connected to an-Nasir's rivalry with Aybak, as the title would be useful in future disputes with the Mamluks. However, the Mamluks had sent their envoys to Baghdad previously to precisely ensure that an-Nasir Yusuf would not gain the title, putting al-Musta'sim in a difficult position.^[102]

In early 1257, Aybak was killed in a conspiracy, and was succeeded by his 15-year-old son, al-Mansur Ali, while Saif ad-Din Qutuz held an influential position. Soon after al-Mansur Ali's ascendancy rumors of another conspiracy to which an-Nasir Yusuf had an alleged connection emerged. The accused conspirator, al-Mansur Ali's vizier, Sharaf ad-Din al-Fa'izi, was strangled by Egyptian authorities. The Bahri Mamluks in Syria led by Baibars pressured an-Nasir Yusuf to intervene by invading Egypt, but he would not act, fearing the Bahri dynasty would usurp his throne if they gained Egypt.

Karak asserts independence

Relations between an-Nasir Yusuf and the Bahri Mamluks grew tense after the former refused to invade Egypt. In October 1257, Baibars and his fellow Mamluks left Damascus or were expelled from the city and together they moved south to Jerusalem. When the governor Kutuk refused to aid them against an-Nasir Yusuf, Baibars deposed him and had al-Mugith Umar, the emir of Karak, pronounced in the

Soon after gaining Jerusalem, Baibars conquered Gaza and an-Nasir Yusuf sent his army to Nablus in response. A battle ensued and the Mamluks ultimately fled across the Jordan River to the Balqa area. From there they reached Zughar at the southern tip of the Dead Sea where they sent their submission to Karak. Al-Mughith Umar's new relationship with Baibars solidified his independence from an-Nasir Yusuf's Syria. To ensure his independence, al-Mughith Umar began to distribute the territories of Palestine and Transjordan among the Bahri Mamluks.^[103] The new allies assembled a small army and headed for Egypt. In spite of initial gains in Palestine and al-Arish, they withdrew after seeing how overwhelmingly outnumbered they were by the Egyptian army. Al-Mughith Umar and Baibars were not discouraged, however, and launched an army 1,500 regular cavalry to Sinai at the beginning of 1258, but again were defeated by the Mamluks of Egypt.^[104]

Mongol invasion and collapse of the empire

Main article: Mongol invasions of the Levant

The Ayyubids had been under the nominal sovereignty of the Mongol Empire after a Mongol force targeted Ayyubid territories in Anatolia in 1244. An-Nasir Yusuf sent an embassy to the Mongol capital

Hulagu to extend the realms of the empire to the Nile River. The latter raised an army of 120,000 and in 1258, sacked Baghdad and slaughtered its inhabitants, including Caliph al-Musta'sim and most of his family after the Ayyubids failed to assemble an army to protect the city.^[105] That same year the Ayyubids lost Diyar Bakr to the Mongols.^[106]

An-Nasir Yusuf sent a delegation to Hulagu afterward, repeating his protestations to submission. Hulagu refused to accept the terms and so an-Nasir Yusuf called on Cairo for aid. This plea coincided with a successful coup by the Cairo-based Mamluks against the remaining symbolic Ayyubid leadership in Egypt, with strongman Qutuz officially taking power. Meanwhile, an Ayyubid army was assembled at Birzeh, just north of Damascus to defend the city against the Mongols who were now marching towards northern Syria. Aleppo was soon besieged within a week and in January 1260 it fell to the Mongols. The Great Mosque and the Citadel of Aleppo were razed and most of the inhabitants were killed or sold into slavery.^[107] The destruction of Aleppo caused panic in Muslim Syria; The Ayyubid emir of Homs, al-Ashraf Musa, offered to ally with Mongols at the approach of their army and was allowed to continue governance of the city by Hulagu. Hama also capitulated without resisting, but did not join forces with the Mongols.^[108] An-Nasir Yusuf opted to flee Damascus to seek protection in Gaza.^[107]

Hulagu departed for Karakorum and left

Nestorian Christian general, to continue the Mongol conquest. Damascus capitulated after the arrival of the Mongol army, but was not sacked like other captured Muslim cities. However, from Gaza, an-Nasir Yusuf managed to rally the small garrison he left in the Citadel of Damascus to rebel against the Mongol occupation. The Mongols retaliated by launching a massive artillery assault on the citadel and when it became apparent that an-Nasir Yusuf was unable to relieve the city with a newly assembled army, the garrison surrendered.^[107]

The Mongols proceeded by conquering Samaria, killing most of the Ayyubid garrison in Nablus, and then advanced south, as far as Gaza, unhindered. An-Nasir Yusuf was soon captured by the Mongols and used to persuade the garrison at Ajlun to capitulate. Afterward, the junior Ayyubid governor of

Baibars challenged Mongol authority and decisively defeated their forces in the Battle of Ain Jalut, outside of Zir'in in the Jezreel Valley. Five days later, the Mamluks took Damascus and within a month, most of Syria was in Bahri Mamluk hands.^[107] Meanwhile, an-Nasir Yusuf was killed in captivity.^[109]

Remnants of the dynasty

See also: Emirate of Hasankeyf

Many of the Ayyubid emirs of Syria were discredited by Qutuz for collaborating with the Mongols, but since al-Ashraf Musa defected and fought alongside the Mamluks at Ain Jalut, he was allowed to continue his rule over Homs. Al-Mansur of Hama had fought alongside the Mamluks from the start of their conquest and because of this,^[109] Hama continued to be ruled by the Ayyubid descendants of al-Muzaffar Umar. After al-Ashraf Musa's death in 1262, the new Mamluk sultan, Baibars, annexed Homs. The next year, al-Mughith Umar was tricked into surrendering Karak to Baibars and was executed soon after for having previously sided with the Mongols.^[109]

The last Ayyubid ruler of Hama died in 1299 and Hama briefly passed through direct Mamluk suzerainty. However, in 1310, under the patronage of the Mamluk sultan

Abu al-Fida. The latter died in 1331 and was succeeded by his son al-Afdal Muhammad, who eventually lost the favor of his Mamluk overlords. He was removed from his post in 1341 and Hama was formally placed under Mamluk rule.^[110]

In southeastern Anatolia, the Ayyubids continued to rule the

Dulkadirids until being supplanted by the Ottoman Empire in the early 16th century.^[112]

Government

See also: List of Ayyubid rulers and related family trees

Structure

Saladin structured the Ayyubid empire around the concept of collective sovereignty i.e. a confederation of principalities held together by the idea of family rule. Under this arrangement there existed numerous "petty sultans" while one family member, as-Sultan al-Mu'azzam, reigned supreme. After the death of Saladin, this coveted position became open to whoever was strong enough to seize it. Subsequent rivalry between the Ayyubids of Syria and Egypt reached a point where the rulers of each territory would at times collude with Crusaders against the other.

Southwest Asia. For instance, the qadi ("chief justice") of Damascus was still appointed by the Abbasids during Ayyubid rule.^[113]

Political power was concentrated in the Ayyubid household which was not necessarily characterized only by blood relation; slaves and intimates could acquire great, and even supreme power within it. It was a common occurrence for the mothers of young Ayyubid rulers to act as independent powers or in a few cases, rulers in their own right.

Amid and Diyar Bakr in 1239.^[115]

The Ayyubids had three principal means of recruiting the educated elites whom they needed to administer their cities and towns. Some of these local leaders, known as

shaykhs, entered the service of an Ayyubid ruling household and thus their bids for power were supported from Ayyubid household revenues and influence. Others were paid directly out of revenues made from the diwan, a high governmental body of the state. The third method was assignment to the shaykhs of the revenues of charitable endowments, known as waqfs.^[116] The Ayyubids, like their various predecessors in the region, had relatively few state agencies by which they could penetrate their cities and towns. To link themselves with the educated elite of their cities, they relied on the political usage of patronage practices. The assignment of waqf revenue to this elite was similar to the assignment of fiefs (iqta'at) to the commanders and generals of the army. In both cases, it enabled the Ayyubids to recruit a dependent, but not administratively subordinate elite.^[117]

Following their conquest of Jerusalem in 1187, the Ayyubids under Saladin may have been the first to establish the position of amir al-hajj (commander of the pilgrimage) to protect the annual Hajj caravans leaving Damascus for Mecca with the appointment of Tughtakin ibn Ayyub to the office.^[119]

Seat of government

The seat of Ayyubid government from Saladin's rule from the 1170s up to al-Adil's reign in 1218 had been Damascus. The city provided a strategic advantage in the constant war with the Crusaders and allowed the sultan to keep an eye on his relatively ambitious vassals in Syria and al-Jazira. Cairo was too remote to serve as a base of operations, but had always served as the economic foundation of the empire. This rendered the city a critical constituent in the repertoire of the Ayyubid possessions.^[113] When Saladin was proclaimed sultan in Cairo in 1171, he chose the Fatimid-built Lesser Western Palace (part of a larger palace complex in Cairo isolated from the urban sprawl) as the seat of government. Saladin himself resided in the former Fatimid vizier palace, Turan-Shah took up a former Fatimid prince's living quarter, and their father occupied the Pearl Pavilion which was situated outside of Cairo overlooking the city's canal. The successive Ayyubid sultans of Egypt would live in the Lesser Western Palace.^[120]

After al-Adil I seized the throne in Cairo and with it the sultanate of the Ayyubid oligarchy, the period of rivalry between Damascus and Cairo to become capital of the Ayyubid empire commenced. Under al-Adil and al-Kamil, Damascus continued as an autonomous province whose ruler reserved the right to designate his own heir, but during as-Salih Ayyub's rule, military campaigns against Syria reduced Damascus to a vassal of Cairo.^[121] In addition, Ayyub established new rules both in administration and government in order to centralize his regime; he conferred the most prominent positions of the state to his close confidants, instead of his Ayyubid relatives. His wife Shajar al-Durr, for example, managed the affairs of Egypt while he was in Syria. Ayyub officially delegated his authority to his dead son Khalil and made al-Durr act formally on Khalil's behalf.^[122]

Demographics

Religion, ethnicity and language

By the 12th century, Islam was the dominant religion in the Middle East. It is not certain, however, if it was the religion of the majority outside the Arabian Peninsula. Arabic was the language of high culture and of the urban population, although other languages dating to pre-Islamic rule were still being used to a certain extent.^[123] Most Egyptians were speaking Arabic by the time the Ayyubids took power there.^[124]

In Egypt, there were large communities of

Having pushed the Crusaders out of most of Syria, the Ayyubids generally adopted a policy of peace with them. The war with the Crusaders did not prevent Muslims under Ayyubid governance from developing good commercial relations with European states. This led to fruitful interaction between both sides in different fields of economic activity, particularly in agriculture and trade.^[142]

Numerous measures were undertaken by the Ayyubids to increase agricultural production. Canals were dug to facilitate the irrigation of agricultural lands throughout the empire. Cultivation of sugarcane was officially encouraged to meet the great demand of it by both the local inhabitants and the Europeans. Meanwhile, as a result of the Crusades, several new plants were introduced to Europe, including sesame, carob, millet, rice, lemons, melons, apricots, and shallots.^[142]

The main factor which boosted industry and trade under the Ayyubids was the new interests Europeans developed when they came into contact with the Muslims. Commodities included incense, scents, fragrant oils, and aromatic plants from

The European demand for agricultural products and industrial commodities stimulated maritime activity and international trade to an unprecedented extent. The Ayyubids played a leading role in this as they controlled sea-trade routes which passed through the ports of Yemen and Egypt via the Red Sea.^[142] The trade policy of the Ayyubids placed them in a position of great advantage; although they cooperated with the Genoans and Venetians in the Mediterranean Sea, they prevented them from having access to the Red Sea. Thus, they kept the trade of the Indian Ocean exclusively in their hands. In the Mediterranean trade, the Ayyubids also profited through taxes and commissions levied upon Italian merchants.^[143]

Upon the development of international trade, the elementary principles of credit and banking were developed. Both

Although the Ayyubids were from the

Hanafi, 10 Hanbali, and three Maliki schools.^[144]

When Saladin restored Sunni orthodoxy in Egypt, 10 madrasas were established in Cairo during his reign, and an additional 25 during the entire Ayyubid period of rule. Each of their locations had religious, political, and economic significance, in particular those in al-Fustat. Most of the schools were dedicated to the Shafi'i denomination, but others belonged to the Maliki and Hanafi

Imam al-Shafi'i were located adjacent to the important centers of pilgrimage and were a major focus of Sunni devotion.^[145]

About 26 schools were built in Egypt, Jerusalem and Damascus by high-ranking government officials, and unusual for the time, commoners also founded in Egypt about 18 schools, including two medical institutions.[144] Most schools were residential whereby both teachers and students resided as a rule. The teachers appointed were jurists, theologians, and traditionalists who received their salary from endowments to the institutions they taught in. Each student was offered a lodging where he would resort, a teacher to instruct him in whatever art he requested, and regular grants to cover all his needs. Madrasas were considered prestigious institutions in society. Under the Ayyubids, it was not possible to obtain a job in the government without receiving an education from a madrasa.^[144]

Science and medicine

The facilities and patronage provided by the Ayyubids led to a resurgence in intellectual activity in different branches of knowledge and learning throughout the territories they controlled. They took special interest in the fields of medicine, pharmacology, and botany. Saladin built and maintained two hospitals in Cairo emulating the well-known Nuri Hospital in Damascus which not only treated patients, but also provided medical schooling. Many scientists and physicians flourished in this period in Egypt, Syria, and

Ibn al-Baitar. Some of these scholars served the Ayyubid household directly, becoming the personal physicians of sultans.^[146]

Architecture

Firdaws Madrasa was built in 1236 under the patronage of Dayfa Khatun, Aleppo

Military architecture was the supreme expression of the Ayyubid period, as well as an eagerness to fortify the restoration of Sunni Islam, especially in a previously

machicolations and round towers, while other techniques were developed simultaneously by the Ayyubids, particularly concentric planning.^[148]

Muslim women, particularly those from the Ayyubid family, the families of local governors, and the families of the

Firdaws Madrasa, known as the most impressive Ayyubid building in Syria, had regent queen Dayfa Khatun as its patron.^[149]

In September 1176, construction of the

Cairo Citadel began under Saladin's orders. According to al-Maqrizi, Saladin chose the Muqattam Hills to build the citadel because the air there was fresher than anywhere else in the city, but its construction was not so much determined by the salubrious atmosphere; rather it was out of defensive necessity and example of existing fortresses and citadels in Syria. The walls and towers of the northern section of the citadel are largely the works of Saladin and al-Kamil.^[147] Al-Kamil completed the citadel; he strengthened and enlarged some of the existing towers (such as two of Saladin's towers that were enlarged by totally encasing them in semi-circular units), and also added a number of square towers which served as self-contained keeps. According to Richard Yeomans, the most impressive of al-Kamil's structures was the series of massive rectangular keeps which straddled the walls of the northern enclosure.^[150] All of al-Kamil's fortifications can be identified by their embossed, rusticated masonry, whereas Saladin's towers have smooth dressed stones. This heavier rustic style became a common feature in other Ayyubid fortifications, and can be seen in the Citadel of Damascus and that of Bosra in Syria.^[145]

3D laser scan data image of the Bab al-Barqiyya Gate in the 12th century Ayyubid Wall that borders Al-Azhar Park. This fortified gate was constructed with interlocking volumes that surrounded the entrant in such a way as to provide greater security and control than typical city wall gates; image from the Aga Khan Foundation/CyArk

research partnership

Aleppo underwent major transformations in the Ayyubid period, specifically during the reign of

az-Zahir Ghazi. Ayyubid architectural achievements focused on four areas: the citadel, the waterworks, fortifications, and the extramural developments. The total rebuilding of the city enclosure began when az-Zahir Ghazi removed the vallum of Nur ad-Din—which by then outlived its temporary need—and rebuilt the northern and northwestern walls—the most susceptible to outside attack—from Bab al-Jinan to Bab al-Nasr. He parceled out the building of the towers on this stretch of the wall to his princes and military officers; each tower was identified with a particular prince who inscribed his name into it. Later, az-Zahir Ghazi extended the eastern wall to the south and east, reflecting his desire to incorporate a dilapidated fortress, Qala'at al-Sharif, outside the city into Aleppo's enclosure.^[151] Bab Qinnasrin was completely rebuilt by an-Nasir Yusuf in 1256. This gate stands today as a masterpiece of medieval Syrian military architecture.^[152] Cumulatively, Ayyubid architecture left a lasting impression in Aleppo. The citadel was rebuilt, the water network was expanded, and streets and quarters were provided fountains and baths. In addition, dozens of shrines, mosques, madrasas, and mausoleums were built throughout the city.^[153]

The Ayyubid period in Jerusalem following its conquest by Saladin was marked by a huge investment in the construction of houses, markets, public bathes, and pilgrim hostels. Numerous works were undertaken at the Temple Mount.^[154] Saladin ordered all the inner walls and pillars of the Dome of the Rock to be covered in marble and he initiated the renovation of the mosaics on the dome's drum. The mihrab of the al-Aqsa Mosque was repaired and in 1217, al-Mu'azzam Isa built the northern porch of the mosque with three gates.^[155] The Dome of the Ascension was also built and restoration work was done to the existing free-standing domes of the Temple Mount.^[156]

See also

• List of Kurdish dynasties and countries
• List of Sunni dynasties

Citations

1. ^ ^{a b c d} Magill 1998, p. 809
2. ^ ^{a b} France 1998, pp. 122–123
3. ^ ^{a b} France 1998, p. 84
4. ISBN 978-0-19-166826-5
   .
5. ISBN 978-0-02-909790-8
   .
6. ^ ^{a b} Jackson 1996, p. 36.
7. ^ Turchin, Adams & Hall 2006, p. 223
8. ^ Taagepera 1997, p. 495.
9. ^ ^{a b c} Humphreys 1987
10. ^ Özoğlu 2004, p. 46
11. ^ Bosworth 1996, p. 73
12. ^ Fakkar, Galal (27 January 2015). "Story behind the king's title". Arab News. Jeddah. Archived from the original on 4 August 2016. Retrieved 27 June 2016.
13. ^ Eiselen 1907, p. 89
14. ^ The biographer Ibn Khallikan wrote, "Historians agree in stating that [Saladin's] father and family belonged to Duwin. ... They were Kurds and belonged to the Rawādiya [sic], which is a branch of the great tribe al-Hadāniya": Minorsky (1953), p. 124.
15. ^ Ali 1996, p. 27.
16. ^ ^{a b c} Ali 1996, p. 28.
17. ^ Balog (1980). The Coinage of the Ayyubids. London: Royal Numismatic Society. p. Coin 182., also Whelan Type III, 258-60; Album 791.4
18. ^ For a similar coin at the British Museum minted in AH 586/1190 CE: "Saladin coin British Museum". www.britishmuseum.org., and another one also minted in 1190: . Also [1], [2]
19. khil'a
    given to an amir on his investiture.
20. ^ ^{a b c d e f} Shillington 2005, p. 438
21. ^ Lyons & Jackson 1982, p. 8
22. ^ Lyons & Jackson 1982, p. 14
23. ^ Lyons & Jackson 1982, p. 25
24. ^ Lyons & Jackson 1982, p. 28
25. ^ Lev 1999, pp. 96–97
26. ^ "Ayyubid dynasty battle scene". www.britishmuseum.org. British Museum.
27. ISSN 1356-1863
    .
28. ^ Nicolle, David (1997). Men-at-arms series 171 - Saladin and the saracens (PDF). Osprey publishing. p. 13.
29. ^ Lyons & Jackson 1982, p. 41
30. ^ ^{a b} Lev 1999, p. 101
31. ^ Lev 1999, p. 100
32. ^ Fage 1978, p. 583
33. ^ Baadj 2015, pp. 123–125.
34. ^ Baadj 2015, pp. 131, 137–138.
35. ^ Baadj 2015, p. 141.
36. ^ Abun-Nasr 1987, p. 99.
37. ^ Baadj 2015, pp. 142–146.
38. ^ Abun-Nasr 1987, p. 100.
39. ^ Baadj 2015, pp. 153.
40. ^ NIcolle, David (2016). ", The Iconography of a Military Elite (Part II)" (PDF). Mamluk Studies Review. XIX: 255, photograph 56.
41. ^ ^{a b c} Houtsma & Wensinck 1993, p. 884
42. ^ ^{a b} Margariti 2007, p. 29
43. ^ McLaughlin 2008, p. 131
44. ^ Lofgren 1960, p. 181
45. ^ Dumper & Stanley 2007, p. 10
46. ^ ^{a b} Brice 1981, p. 338
47. ^ ^{a b c d} Salibi 1998, p. 55
48. ^ ^{a b} Daly & Petry 1998, pp. 217–218
49. ^ ^{a b} Lane-Poole 1906, p. 141
50. ^ Lane-Poole 1894, p. 76
51. ^ Lane-Poole 1906, pp. 142–146
52. ^ Lane-Poole 1906, pp. 146–148
53. ISBN 978-90-04-18630-9
    . A case in point is the Ayyubid enamelled beaker known as the Palmer Cup
54. ISBN 9789004684980
    .
55. ^ Contadini, Anna (1998). Poetry on Enamelled Glass: The Palmer Cup in the British Museum.' In: Ward, R, (ed.), Gilded and Enamelled Glass from the Middle East. British Museum Press. pp. 58–59.
56. ^ Contadini, Anna (2017). Text and Image on Middle Eastern Objects: The Palmer Cup in Context (in A Rothschild Renaissance: A New Look at the Waddesdon Bequest in the British Museum). British Museum Research Publications. p. 130. The iconography of its figures is very similar to that on the Palmer Cup, in the design of their robes, in the headgear (sharbūsh) and in the way that walking figures are rendered, with one leg straight and the other slightly bent, with a slim foot slightly raised from the ground. Although the candlestick does not have a date, it is securely datable to the early 13th century, as it clearly belongs to a group of metalwork that has now been established as of that period and coming from the Mosul or North Jaziran area. These elements also confirm the early 13th-century date of the Palmer Cup and further support the region of provenance.
57. ^ Lev 1999, p. 22
58. ^ Lev 1999, pp. 100–101
59. ^ Lane-Poole 1906, pp. 155–156
60. ^ Smail 1995, pp. 35–36
61. ^ Lyons & Jackson 1982, p. 195
62. ^ Lyons & Jackson 1982, pp. 202–203
63. ^ ^{a b c} Humphreys 1991, p. 781
64. ^ Lyons & Jackson 1982, p. 221
65. ^ Lane-Poole 1906, pp. 177–181
66. ^ Lane-Poole 1906, p. 219
67. ^ Lane-Poole 1906, p. 223
68. ^ Lane-Poole 1906, p. 230
69. ^ Lane-Poole 1906, pp. 239–240
70. ^ Lane-Poole 1906, pp. 289–307
71. ^ Baadj 2015, p. 146.
72. ^ Baadj 2015, pp. 146–153.
73. ^ ^{a b c} Meri & Bacharach 2006, p. 84
74. ^ ^{a b} Richard & Birrell 1999, p. 240
75. ^ ^{a b} Burns 2005, p. 179
76. ^ ^{a b c d e} Burns 2005, p. 180
77. ^ ^{a b c d} Richard & Birrell 1999, p. 241
78. ^ Humphreys 1977, pp. 130–131.
79. ^ Richard & Birrell 1999, p. 297
80. ^ Richard & Birrell 1999, p. 300
81. ^ Richard & Birrell 1999, p. 301
82. ^ Richard & Birrell 1999, p. 315
83. ^ ^{a b c} Ali 1996, p. 84
84. ^ ^{a b} Burns 2005, p. 184
85. ^ Burns 2005, p. 185
86. ^ Richard & Birrell 1999, p. 322
87. ^ al-Mawsili, Ahmad ibn 'Umar al-Dhaki (1238). "Bassin au nom du sultan al-'Adil II Abu Bakr". Louvre Museum.
88. ^ Burns 2005, p. 186
89. ^ Richard & Birrell 1999, p. 328
90. ^ ^{a b c} Richard & Birrell 1999, p. 330
91. ^ Humphreys 1977, p. 288
92. ^ ^{a b} Humphreys 1977, p. 290
93. ^ Humphreys 1977, pp. 293–295
94. ^ Humphreys 1977, p. 297
95. ^ ^{a b} "Basin". Smithsonian's National Museum of Asian Art. Archived from the original on 2023-02-03. Retrieved 2023-02-03.
96. ^ Ali 1996, p. 35
97. ^ Ali 1996, p. 36
98. ^ Richard & Birrell 1999, p. 349
99. ^ ^{a b} Tabbaa 1997, pp. 29–30
100. ^ Humphreys 1977, p. 316
101. ^ Humphreys 1977, pp. 322–323
102. ^ ^{a b} Humphreys 1977, p. 328
103. ^ ^{a b} Humphreys 1977, pp. 330–331
104. ^ Humphreys 1977, p. 332
105. ^ Burns 2005, pp. 195–196
106. ^ Dumper & Stanley 2007, p. 128
107. ^ ^{a b c d} Burns 2005, p. 197
108. ^ ^{a b} Grousset 2002, p. 362
109. ^ ^{a b c} Irwin 1999, p. 616
110. ^ Dumper & Stanley 2007, p. 163
111. ^ Singh 2000, pp. 203–204
112. ^ Ayliffe et al. 2003, p. 913
113. ^ ^{a b c} Jackson 1996, p. 36
114. ^ Hourani & Ruthven 2002, p. 131
115. ^ Daly & Petry 1998, pp. 239–240
116. ^ ^{a b} Daly & Petry 1998, p. 231
117. ^ Daly & Petry 1998, p. 232
118. ISBN 978-0-8478-0081-0
     .
119. ^ Sato 2014, p. 134
120. ^ Lev 1999, p. 11
121. ^ Jackson 1996, p. 37
122. ^ Vermeulen, De Smet & Van Steenbergen 2001, pp. 211–212
123. ^ ^{a b} Hourani & Ruthven 2002, pp. 96–97
124. ^ Goldschmidt 2008, p. 48
125. ^ Humphreys 1977, pp. 29–30.
126. ISBN 978-1-4021-9246-3. Archived
     from the original on 12 May 2021. Retrieved 8 December 2020.
127. ^ ^{a b} Tabbaa 1997, p. 31
128. ^ Angold 2006, p. 391
129. ^ Fage & Oliver 1977, pp. 37–38
130. ISBN 0-521-05735-3
     P. 136.
131. ^ Humphreys 1977, pp. 189–190
132. ISBN 978-90-04-09790-2
133. ^ Catlos 1997, p. 425
134. ^ Flinterman 2012, pp. 16–17
135. ^ ^{a b c} Lev 1999, p. 192
136. ^ Lev 1999, pp. 187–189
137. ^ Willey 2005, p. 41
138. ^ Baer 1989, pp. 2–3
139. ^ Daly & Petry 1998, p. 226
140. ^ Shatzmiller 1994, pp. 57–58
141. ^ ^{a b} Shatzmiller 1994, pp. 59–60
142. ^ ^{a b c d} Ali 1996, p. 37
143. ^ ^{a b c} Ali 1996, p. 38
144. ^ ^{a b c} Ali 1996, p. 39
145. ^ ^{a b} Yeomans 2006, p. 111
146. ^ Ali 1996, pp. 39–41
147. ^ ^{a b} Yeomans 2006, pp. 104–107
148. ^ Petersen 1996, p. 26
149. ^ Humphreys 1994, p. 35
150. ^ Yeomans 2006, pp. 109–110
151. ^ Tabbaa 1997, p. 19
152. ^ Tabbaa 1997, pp. 21–22
153. ^ Tabbaa 1997, p. 26
154. ^ Dumper & Stanley 2007, p. 209
155. ^ Ma'oz & Nusseibeh 2000, pp. 137–138
156. ^ le Strange 1890, pp. 154–155

General and cited references

• Abun-Nasr, Jamil (1987). A history of the Maghrib in the Islamic period. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
  ISBN 0521337674
  .
• Angold, Michael, ed. (2006), The Cambridge History of Christianity: Volume 5, Eastern Christianity, Cambridge University Press,
  ISBN 978-0-521-81113-2
• Ayliffe, Rosie; Dubin, Marc; Gawthrop, John; Richardson, Terry (2003), The Rough Guide to Turkey, Rough Guides,
  ISBN 978-1-84353-071-8
• Ali, Abdul (1996), Islamic Dynasties of the Arab East: State and Civilization During the Later Medieval Times, M.D. Publications Pvt. Ltd,
  ISBN 978-81-7533-008-5
• Baadj, Amar S. (2015). Saladin, the Almohads and the Banū Ghāniya: The Contest for North Africa (12th and 13th centuries). Brill.
  ISBN 978-90-04-29857-6
  .
• Baer, Eva (1989), Ayyubid Metalwork with Christian Images, Brill,
  ISBN 978-90-04-08962-4
• Brice, William Charles (1981), An Historical Atlas of Islam, Brill,
  ISBN 978-90-04-06116-3
• Burns, Ross (2005), Damascus: A History, Routledge,
  ISBN 978-0-415-27105-9
• Bosworth, C.E. (1996), The New Islamic Dynasties, New York: Columbia University Press,
  ISBN 978-0-231-10714-3
• Catlos, Brian (1997), "Mamluks", in Rodriguez, Junios P. (ed.), The Historical Encyclopedia of World Slavery, vol. 1, 7, ABC-CLIO,
  ISBN 978-0-87436-885-7
• Daly, M. W.; Petry, Carl F. (1998), The Cambridge History of Egypt: Islamic Egypt, 640-1517, M.D. Publications Pvt. Ltd,
  ISBN 978-81-7533-008-5
• Dumper, Michael R.T.; Stanley, Bruce E., eds. (2007), Cities of the Middle East and North Africa: A Historical Encyclopedia, ABC-CLIO,
  ISBN 978-1-57607-919-5
• Eiselen, Frederick Carl (1907), Sidon: A Study in Oriental History, New York: Columbia University Press
• Fage, J. D., ed. (1978), The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 2: c. 500 B.C.–A.D. 1050, Cambridge University Press,
  ISBN 978-0-52121-592-3
• Flinterman, Willem (April 2012), "Killing and Kinging" (PDF), Leidschrift, 27 (1), archived (PDF) from the original on 2015-02-12, retrieved 2015-02-12
• Fage, J. D.; Oliver, Roland, eds. (1977), The Cambridge History of Africa, Volume 3: c. 1050–c. 1600, Cambridge University Press,
  ISBN 978-0-521-20981-6
• France, John (1998), The Crusades and Their Sources: Essays Presented to Bernard Hamilton, Ashgate,
  ISBN 978-0-86078-624-5
• Goldschmidt, Arthur (2008), A Brief History of Egypt, Infobase Publishing,
  ISBN 978-1-4381-0824-7
• Grousset, René (2002) [1970], The Empire of the Steppes: A History of Central Asia, Rutgers University Press,
  ISBN 978-0-8135-1304-1
• Irwin, Robert (1999). "The rise of the Mamluks". In
  ISBN 978-1-13905573-4
  .
• Hourani, Albert Habib; Ruthven, Malise (2002), A History of the Arab peoples, Harvard University Press,
  ISBN 978-0-674-01017-8
• Houtsma, Martijn Theodoor; Wensinck, A.J. (1993), E.J. Brill's First Encyclopaedia of Islam, 1913–1936, Brill,
  ISBN 978-90-04-09796-4
• Humphreys, Stephen (1977), From Saladin to the Mongols: The Ayyubids of Damascus, 1193–1260, SUNY Press,
  ISBN 978-0-87395-263-7
• Humphreys, R. S. (1987). "Ayyubids". Encyclopaedia Iranica, Vol. III, Fasc. 2. pp. 164–167.
• Humphreys, R.S. (1991). "Masūd b. Mawdūd b. Zangī". In
  ISBN 978-90-04-08112-3
  .
• Humphreys, Stephen (1994), "Women as Patrons of Religious Architecture in Ayyubid Damascus", Muqarnas, 11: 35–54,
  JSTOR 1523208
• Jackson, Sherman A. (1996), Islamic Law and the State, Brill,
  ISBN 978-90-04-10458-7
• Lane-Poole, Stanley (1906), Saladin and the Fall of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, Heroes of the Nations, London: G. P. Putnam's Sons
• ISBN 978-1-4179-4570-2
• Lev, Yaacov (1999). Saladin in Egypt. Leiden: Brill.
  ISBN 90-04-11221-9
  .
• Lofgren, O. (1960). "ʿAdan". In
  OCLC 495469456
  .
• Lyons, M. C.; Jackson, D.E.P. (1982), Saladin: the Politics of the Holy War,
  ISBN 978-0-521-31739-9
• Magill, Frank Northen (1998), Dictionary of World Biography: The Middle Ages, vol. 2, Routledge,
  ISBN 978-1-57958-041-4
• Ma'oz, Moshe; Nusseibeh, Sari (2000), Jerusalem: Points of Friction - And Beyond, Brill,
  ISBN 978-90-41-18843-4
• Margariti, Roxani Eleni (2007), Aden & the Indian Ocean trade: 150 years in the life of a medieval Arabian port, UNC Press,
  ISBN 978-0-8078-3076-5
• McLaughlin, Daniel (2008), Yemen: The Bradt Travel Guide, Bradt Travel Guides,
  ISBN 978-1-84162-212-5
• Meri, Josef W.; Bacharach, Jeri L. (2006), Medieval Islamic civilization: An Encyclopedia, Taylor and Francis,
  ISBN 978-0-415-96691-7
• Özoğlu, Hakan (2004), Kurdish Notables and the Ottoman State: Evolving Identities, Competing Loyalties, and Shifting Boundaries, SUNY Press,
  ISBN 978-0-7914-5994-2
  , retrieved 17 March 2021
• Petersen, Andrew (1996), Dictionary of Islamic Architecture, Routledge,
  ISBN 978-0-415-06084-4
• Richard, Jean; Birrell, Jean (1999), The Crusades, c. 1071–c. 1291, Cambridge University Press,
  ISBN 978-0-521-62566-1
• Salibi, Kamal S. (1998), The Modern History of Jordan, I.B.Tauris,
  ISBN 978-1-86064-331-6
• Sato, Tsugitaka (2014), Sugar in the Social Life of Medieval Islam, Brill,
  ISBN 978-90-04-28156-1
• Shatzmiller, Maya (1994), Labour in the Medieval Islamic world, Brill,
  ISBN 978-90-04-09896-1
• Shillington, Kevin (2005), Encyclopedia of African history, CRC Press,
  ISBN 978-1-57958-453-5
• Singh, Nagendra Kumar (2000), International Encyclopaedia of Islamic Dynasties, Anmol Publications PVT. LTD.,
  ISBN 978-81-261-0403-1^{[permanent dead link}
  ]
• Smail, R.C. (1995), Crusading Warfare 1097–1193, Barnes & Noble Books,
  ISBN 978-1-56619-769-4
• le Strange, Guy (1890), Palestine Under the Moslems: A Description of Syria and the Holy Land from A.D. 650 to 1500, Committee of the Palestine Exploration Fund
• JSTOR 2600793
  . Retrieved 2019-07-05.
• Tabbaa, Yasser (1997), Constructions of Power and Piety in Medieval Aleppo, Penn State Press,
  ISBN 978-0-271-01562-0
• doi:10.5195/JWSR.2006.369
• Vermeulen, Urbaine; De Smet, D.; Van Steenbergen, J. (2001), Egypt and Syria in the Fatimid, Ayyubid, and Mamluk eras III, Peeters Publishers,
  ISBN 978-90-429-0970-0
• Willey, Peter (2005), Eagle's nest: Ismaili castles in Iran and Syria, Institute of Ismaili Studies and I.B. Tauris,
  ISBN 978-1-85043-464-1
• Yeomans, Richard (2006), The Art and Architecture of Islamic Cairo, Garnet & Ithaca Press,
  ISBN 978-1-85964-154-5

Further reading

• Mazaheri, Mas‘ud Habibi; Gholami, Rahim (2008). "Ayyūbids". In
  ISSN 1875-9831
  .

External links

Wikimedia Commons has media related to Ayyubid dynasty.

• Fatimid-era Ayyubid Wall of Cairo Digital Media Archive (
  creative commons-licensed photos, laser scans, panoramas), data from an Aga Khan Foundation/CyArk
  research partnership

— Royal house — Ayyubid dynasty
Preceded by Fatimid dynasty	Ruling house of Egypt 1171–1254 as Abbasid autonomy	Succeeded by Bahri dynasty