Banjara
The Banjara are nomadic tribes found in India.[1]
Etymology
The Gor usually refer to themselves as Banjaras and outsiders as Kor, but this usage does not extend outside their own community. A related usage is Gor Mati or Gormati, meaning "own people".[2][3] Motiraj Rathod believes that the community became known as banjara from around the fourteenth century AD and previously had some association with the Laman, who claim a 3,000-year history.[4]
Irfan Habib believes the origin of banjara lies in the Sanskrit word variously rendered as vanij, vanik, and banik, as does the name of the Bania caste, which historically was India's "pre-eminent" trading community.[5] However, according to B. G. Halbar, the word banjara is derived from the Sanskrit vana chara.[6][a]
The group is known by different names in different parts of the country, including Gor Banjara, Baladiya, Gor, Gour Rajput, Rajput Banjara, Ladaniya, Labana, Nayak, etc.[citation needed]Despite the community adopting a multitude of languages, banjara is used throughout India, although in Karnataka, the name is altered to banijagaru.[8] A survey conducted in 1968 by the All India Banjara Seva Sangh, a caste association, recorded 27 synonyms and 17 subgroups.[9]
History
According to author J. J. Roy Burman, Banjaras have settled across
Author B. G. Halbar has stated that most nomadic communities believe that they are descended from
Although not referred to as Banjara until the 16th century, Habib believes that the royal court chroniclers
Activities
Banjaras were historically pastoralists, traders, breeders, and transporters of goods in the inland regions of India, for which they used boats, carts, camels, oxen, donkeys, and sometimes the relatively scarce horse, hence controlling a large section of trade and economy. The mode of transport depended upon the terrain. For example, camels and donkeys were better suited to the highlands, which carts could not negotiate, whilst oxen were able to progress better through wet lowland areas. a fixed class of people, who possess a thousand oxen, or more or less, varying in numbers. They bring grain from the villages to the towns and also accompany armies. With an army, there may at least be a hundred thousand oxen, or more.[8]
Some Banjara subgroups engaged in trading specific goods, but most traded anything that might make them money[22]—the range was vast, encompassing plains produce such as oilseed, sugarcane, opium, fruits and flowers, forest products (for example, gums, chironji, mhowa, berries, honey), and items from the hills, including tobacco and grass.[16] Some traded in specific goods, such as the Labana (salt), Multani (grain),Mukeri (wood and timber).[22] One common Banjara practice in Berar before the British colonial period was the movement of cotton out of the region and then a return journey with produce, salt, spices, and similar consumptibles into the region.[23] In that area, the Deccan Plateau and the Central Provinces, the Banjaras had a monopoly on the movement of salt prior to the arrival of the East India Company.[24] More generally, they also traded in cattle, moving the beasts around the country's bazaars, and they rented out their carts.[25] Although some older sources have suggested that they did not use credit, Habib's analysis of historic sources suggests that they did and that some were reliant on it.[citation needed]
The peripatetic nature of Banjara life significantly affected their societal behaviours. Satya notes that it
generated tremendous diversity within the Banjara society in terms of language, customs, beliefs and practices. It developed in them a rather casual, unorthodox, and open attitude towards religion, family, and women. Many of the practices which were prohibited in the mainstream orthodox Hindu society were freely practised in the Banjara community.[26]
Movement of goods around the country meant that the Banjaras had to be, and were, trusted by merchants, moneylenders, and traders. Any disruption caused by the grazing of their livestock along the trade routes was tolerated, because the same beasts provided manure to fertilise the land.
In the 19th century, and despite some British officials such as Thurston praising their trustworthiness as carriers, the
The status of the Banjaras as a designated criminal tribe continued until after the
Language
As the Banjara language has no script, it is either written in
There have been calls for the traditional language to be recognised in the Constitution of India; the state of Telangana has introduced two textbooks in the language for primary school children.[40]
Art
Banjara art includes performance arts, such as dance and music, as well as folk and plastic arts, such as
Festivals
Bangaras celebrate a festival called Seetala, usually during the month of June or July, during which they pray for the protection of their cattle.[44] During the month of August, they celebrate the festival of Teej, in which young, unmarried girls pray for a good groom. They sow seeds in bamboo bowls and water it three times a day for nine days, and if the sprouts grow "thick and high", it is considered a good omen. During Teej, girls sing and dance around the seedling baskets.[45]
Dance and music
Fire dance, Ghumar dance, and Chari dance are the traditional dance forms of the Banjaras. Banjaras have a sister community of singers known as Dadhis, or Gajugonia.[46] They traditionally travelled from village to village, singing songs to the accompaniment of sarangi.[47]
Religion
Banjara people are known to worship deities such as Balaji and
Society
Although the Banjaras were traditionally a migratory people, each year, they historically settled in fixed village accommodations during the monsoon months of June—August.[51] Although the introduction of modern modes of transport largely made the community redundant from their traditional occupation, forcing them into economic distress from which they sought relief by turning to agriculture and other unskilled labour, V. Sarveswara Naik notes that as recently as 1996, many still retained a nomadic lifestyle on a seasonal basis to supplement their income. They also retained common traits among their exogamous clans, including strict tribal endogamy, use of the Gor-Boli language, referencing themselves as Gor, settling in tanda groups, using tribal councils called gor panchayats to resolve disputes and, in the case of women, dressing in traditional clothing. However, the men have largely given up their traditional attire of a white dhoti (skirt) and a red turban, along with the wearing of earrings, finger rings, and kanadoro (silver strings worn around the waist).[52]
Marriage
Aside from retaining their practice of endogamy, Naik records of Banjara customs in 1990s Andhra Pradesh that they follow forms of marriage that include
It is the boys' fathers who initiate marriage proposals, usually when the child reaches the age of 18 and is considered capable of running an independent household. Women and girls, including the prospective bride, have no say in the matter, but the father takes advice from the naik of his tanda and from close relatives. The girls are usually prepared for this arranged marriage from the onset of puberty, and their parents will make a show of resistance when a proposal is made, before her father agrees to the advice given by his naik and village elders. Horoscopes are consulted and information gleaned regarding the boy's prospects. Sometimes, the arrangement is made earlier and may even be solemnised with a betrothal ceremony, called a sagai, but the girl will remain in the household until she attains puberty. When agreement is reached and both sides make a promise to that effect in front of the gor panchayat, the boy's family distributes liquor, betel leaves, and nuts for the tanda and the girl's family. She is presented with a full set of traditional dress upon marriage, which is made by her mother.[54] Women's dress varies according to marital status, as does their ornamentation. Although the ornamentation was once made of ivory and silver, reduced economic circumstances have caused it to be made of plastic and aluminium. The extremely elaborate nature of their dresses, comprising glass pieces, beads, and seashells on a mainly red material, means that they are worn for months between careful launderings.[53]
The practice of paying a bride price to the girl's father traditionally applies on betrothal, which is a community celebration, although the payment of a dowry by the bride's family is becoming evident. The value of this transaction is set by the gor panchayat and is now a monetary figure. It was traditionally eleven rupees and either four bullocks or one bullock and three cattle, unless the groom's family was particularly wealthy. The marriage is usually arranged for a time when there is little work, so the months of April and May are common, as they fall just after the harvest period.[55]
Gender roles
Banjara families prefer to have both sons and daughters. The son is considered necessary, because they are a
A Banjara wife is subservient to her husband and is expected to perform daily tasks for her parents-in-law. Whilst she and her husband live with her parents-in-law, she is also subservient to her mother-in-law. This period of co-habitation with the extended family usually lasts until the husband has helped to arrange the marriages of his brothers. Once the husband is free of his obligation to his brothers, his wife will apply pressure to achieve a separation from the joint household, which grants her a measure of independence, although she remains economically reliant upon her husband. The separating of the households leads to the husband receiving some property from his parents, such as land, livestock, and money, but as it is a patrilineal society, the wife has nothing.[57]
Banjara men take the lead in religious festivals, with women playing a subsidiary role. The men sing the devotional songs and perform the temple rituals, but it is the women who do most of the singing and dancing. Women are also expected to work with men when groups enact performances in front of non-Banjara audiences to raise money for the celebration of festivals, but most of that money is then consumed by the men in the form of liquor. The one religious function in which the women are paramount is the preparations for marriage, a ceremony that usually takes place in the house of the bride's family.[58]
It is the men who also perform political functions, settling disputes, and dealing with other problems through the gor panchayat. Any matter that involves a woman is dealt with by the men, and it is a man who represents her interests, an example being the dealings for marriage proposals, which always require the consent of the gor panchayat. If a woman leaves her husband and the marital abode, then that, too, is a matter to be judged by the men.[59]
V. Sarveswara Naik, herself a Banjara, notes of the situation for Banjara women in Andhra Pradesh that
Her activities are restricted within the family and community. She should not refer to her husband by name but with a respectful word Gharwalo who leads the family. Her speech is low and submissive in front of their men in the community. Women consider the men as wise because they have the ability to learn many things. It is the responsibility of men to learn many skills. The women have to follow the path as directed by their men.[39]
Distribution
As of 2008, the Banjara community has been listed as a
See also
References
Notes
- ^ Sumahan Bandyopadhyay says something fairly similar—"Derived from ban and charan, meaning wanderers of forest" or "cattle grazers".[7]
- ^ A tanda refers to a caravan of bullocks but was also used to describe a Banjara encampment.[18]
- ^ The association of wandering groups with criminality was neither a colonial notion nor necessarily one that first arose during the British era in India. The British treated vagrants as criminals in their own country. [32]
Citations
- ISBN 978-93-87913-34-9.)
{{cite book}}
: CS1 maint: date and year (link - ^ Burman (2010), pp. 13–14
- ^ Naik (1983), p. 18
- ^ Burman (2010), p. 15
- ^ Habib (1990), pp. 374, 379
- ^ a b c Halbar (1986), p. 14
- ^ Bandyopadhyay (2019), p. 399
- ^ a b Habib (1990), p. 374
- ^ Naik (1983), p. 17
- ISBN 9788183243452.
- ISBN 9781771883399.
- ISBN 9788170173649.
- ^ Habib (1990), pp. 377–378
- ^ Satya 1997, p. 317
- ^ a b c Habib (1990), p. 373
- ^ a b Satya (1997), p. 316
- ^ a b Prasad (1998), pp. 337–338
- ^ Habib (1990), pp. 374–375
- ^ Satya (1997), p. 320
- ^ a b Habib (1990), p. 378
- ^ Satya (1997), p. 318
- ^ a b Habib (1990), p. 377
- ^ a b Satya (1997), p. 315
- ^ Sinha (2008), p. 12
- ^ Satya (1997), pp. 314, 316
- ^ Satya (1997), p. 314
- ^ a b c Halbar 1986, pp. 17–18
- ^ Sinha (2008), p. 9
- ^ Sinha (2008), pp. 11–13
- ^ Satya (1997), p. 319
- ^ Sinha (2008), p. 5
- ^ Sinha (2008), p. 6
- ^ Sinha (2008), pp. 5, 9–10
- ^ Sinha (2008), p. 8
- ISBN 9788170224716.
- ^ Halbar 1986, p. 18
- ^ Bhukya (2010), p. 233
- ^ Halbar (1986), p. 20
- ^ a b c Naik (1983), p. 24
- ^ "Giving a push to Banjara language". The Hindu. 11 September 2022.
- ^ Naik (2000), p. 132
- ^ Naik (2000), pp. 26–27
- ^ "Sandur Lambani embroidery gets GI tag". The Hindu. 30 September 2010. Retrieved 21 June 2016.
- ^ "Sacred Festivals of Banjaras in India – Seetla Teej and Holi". Research Gate. September 2022. Retrieved 3 March 2024.
- ^ "Banjara tribe refuses to snap ties with its culture". The Hindu. 23 August 2013. Retrieved 1 October 2014.
- ^ Naik (2000), p. 70
- ^ Naik (2000), p. 50
- ^ Deogaonkar & Deogaonkar (1992), p. 42
- ^ Bhukya (2010), p. 209
- ^ Deogaonkar & Deogaonkar (1992), p. 43
- ^ Satya (1997), pp. 315, 317
- ^ Naik (1996), pp. 27–28
- ^ a b Naik (1996), pp. 28–29
- ^ Naik (1996), p. 30
- ^ Naik (1996), p. 32–34
- ^ Naik (1996), pp. 29–30
- ^ Naik (1996), pp. 34–35
- ^ Naik (1983), p. 22
- ^ Naik (1983), pp. 22–23
- ^ "Denotified, Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic Communities" (PDF). National Commission for Denotified, Nomadic and Semi-Nomadic Tribes. 30 June 2008. p. 50. Retrieved 12 October 2018.
Bibliography
- Bandyopadhyay, Sumahan (2019), "Study of the Ethnonyms of Indian Tribes: An Investigation into Ecological and Economic Dimensions", The Oriental Anthropologist, vol. 17, no. 2, pp. 395–403, S2CID 202921563
- Bhukya, Bhangya (2010), Subjugated Nomads: The Lambadas Under the Rule of the Nizams, Orient BlackSwan, ISBN 9788125039617
- Burman, J. J. Roy (2010), Ethnography of a Denotified Tribe: The Laman Banjara, New Delhi: Mittal Publications, ISBN 978-8-18324-345-2
- Dr. Dhananjay Naik Mood, Dr. Surya Dhananjay (2020), 'Gor Banjara - An Enduring Tribe, Dr. M. Dhananjay Naik Mood, Hyderabad, ISBN 978-93-5419-112-1
- Deogaonkar, Shashishekhar Gopal; Deogaonkar, Shailaja Shashishekhar (1992), The Banjara, Concept Publishing Company, ISBN 978-81-7022-433-4
- ISBN 978-0-52145-735-4
- Halbar, B. G. (1986), Lamani Economy and Society in Change: Socio-cultural Aspects of Economic Change Among the Lamani of North Karnataka, Mittal Publications
- Naik, Dhanasing B. (2000), The Art and Literature of Banjara Lambanis: A Socio-cultural Study, Abhinav Publications, ISBN 978-81-7017-364-9
- Naik, B. [V.] Sarveswara (1983), "Status and Role of Women in the Changing Banjara (Lambadi) Community of Andhra Pradesh", Indian Anthropologist, 13 (2): 17–26, JSTOR 41919477
- Naik, V. Sarveswara (1996), "Natal to conjugal household through marriage : A traditional life cycle of the Lambadi (Banjara) women in Andhra Pradesh", Indian Anthropologist, 26 (1): 27–35, JSTOR 41919790
- Prasad, Archana (1998), "The Baiga: Survival strategies and local economy in the Central Provinces", Studies in History, 14 (2): 325–348, S2CID 154166992
- Satya, Laxman D. (1997), "Colonial Sedentarization and Subjugation: The Case of Banjaras of Berar, 1850-1900", The Journal of Peasant Studies, 24 (4): 314–336,
- Sinha, Nitin (2008), "Mobility, control and criminality in early colonial India, 1760s–1850s", The Indian Economic & Social History Review, 45 (1): 1–33, S2CID 143091564
Further reading
- Ahuja, Ravi (2004). "Opening up the Country? Patterns of Circulation and Politics of Communication in Early Colonial Orissa". Studies in History. 20 (1): 73–130. S2CID 154330906.
- Benjamin, N. (1978). "The Trade of the Central Provinces of India (1861–1880)". The Indian Economic & Social History Review. 15 (4): 505–515. S2CID 144969445.
- Bhukya, Bhangya (2007). "Delinquent subjects: Dacoity and the creation of a surveillance society in Hyderabad state". The Indian Economic & Social History Review. 44 (2): 179–212. S2CID 145208626.
- Brennig, Joseph J. (1986). "Textile producers and production in late seventeenth century Coromandel". The Indian Economic & Social History Review. 23 (4): 333–355. S2CID 128758666.
- ISBN 978-0-52004-315-2.
- Singh, Birinder Pal (2012). "Bazigar Banjara". In Singh, Birinder Pal (ed.). 'Criminal' Tribes of Punjab. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 978-1-13651-786-0.
External links
- "Banajara (A Minority Semi-Nomadic Tribe of Odisha)" (PDF). Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes Research and Training Institute. Retrieved 1 July 2020.