Basque conflict
Basque conflict | ||||||||
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Part of the Madrid Airport bombing; a demonstration against ETA in Madrid; pro-ETA graffiti in Pasaia. | ||||||||
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Belligerents | ||||||||
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Neo-fascist paramilitaries:
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Basque National Liberation Movement:
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Casualties and losses | ||||||||
Total number of casualties is unknown | ||||||||
Total number of casualties is disputed (see Casualties) |
The Basque conflict, also known as the Spain–ETA conflict, was an armed and political conflict from 1959 to 2011 between
The terminology is controversial.
The conflict had both political and military dimensions. Its participants included politicians and political activists on both sides, the abertzale left (Basque nationalist left) and the Spanish government, and the security forces of Spain and France fighting against ETA and other small organizations, usually involved in the kale borroka (Basque youth guerrilla violence). Far-right paramilitary groups fighting against ETA were also active in the 1970s and 1980s.
Although the debate on
On 20 October 2011, ETA announced a "definitive cessation of its armed activity".
Definition of the conflict
The term "Basque conflict" is used either to define:
- the broad political conflict between a part of Basque society and the initially Francoist and later Constitutional model of the Spanish decentralized state
- exclusively describe the armed confrontation between the separatist group ETA and the Spanish state
- a mixture of both perspectives.
France was not initially involved in the conflict with ETA nor was it ever targeted by the organization, and the French only slowly began to cooperate with Spanish law enforcement, beginning in 1987, regarding the conflict.[citation needed] Unlike the British participation in the conflict in Northern Ireland, the Spanish armed forces were never deployed or involved in the Basque conflict, although they represented one of ETA's major targets outside the Basque Country.[citation needed]
José Luis de la Granja, Santiago de Pablo and Ludger Mees argue that the term Basque conflict, while technically correct in several languages as equivalent of 'question' or 'problem', should not give the impression of a war between Euskal Herria and the states of Spain and France, preferring the terms problema or cuestión (problem or question), that would encompass both the problems in the integration of the Basque territories in the contemporary Spanish state and also the secular problems of cohabitation among the Basques themselves.[21]
According to Paddy Woodworth in a 2009 article in The New York Times,
The core issue is whether there is a "Basque conflict" at all. Spanish public opinion, on both left and right, generally denies that there is, and sees the problem as akin to smashing a criminal mafia. But Basque nationalists, including a big majority who abhor ETA's methods, believe there is a deep underlying political conflict about Basque self-determination. They want this question to be addressed with the same imagination and courage as the British and Irish governments used in talking to the IRA. However, even raising this issue has become almost taboo among most Spaniards. They regard the Basque country, in the words of one pro-Spanish Basque politician I have interviewed, as "not just a part of Spain, but the heart of Spain."[14]
According to Gaizka Fernández Soldevilla, the narrative of the existence of a secular conflict between Basques and Spaniards has been one of the most used tropes by ETA and the abertzale left as pretext for the activity of the former.[22] José Antonio Pérez Pérez points out that the perception of a war between an occupying Spain and a Basque people defending themselves from genocide would have served as justifying framework of the ETA armed activity.[23] According to Luis Castells and Fernando Molina, the formulation of the existence of two symmetric violences, that would allow for a split of responsibilities between ETA and the states of Spain and France, carrying therefore a dilution of the responsibility of ETA, is a narrative heavily espoused by the Abertzale left, that also would present ETA as an inevitable historic response to the secular conflict.[24] According to Fernández Soldevilla, in spite of the end of the armed activity, the narrative of the basque conflict, fixed and divulgated by abertzale organic intellectuals such as historians Francisco Letamendia and Jose Mari Lorenzo, publicists such as Iñaki Egaña or Eduardo Renobales or journalists such as Luis Núñez Astrain,[25] would be still useful as suggestive message in order to delegitimize the current democratic system, mixing victims with victimaries and equating the Basque case to real conflicts such as those of South Africa and Northern Ireland.[26]
This idea has been rejected, for example, by José Maria Ruiz Soroa[27] and by the main constitutionalist Spanish parties. Some politicians have gone as far as rejecting the existence of even a political conflict and refer only to the action of a terrorist organisation against the rule of law.[28] A group of Basque historians argued that, rather than a Basque Conflict, the situation in the Basque Country was one of "ETA totalitarianism."[17] In 2012, Antonio Basagoiti, the head of the Basque branch of the People's Party admitted the existence of a Basque conflict, but stated that it was a political one between different entities in the Basque country.[29] Joseba Louzao and Fernando Molina argue that the idea of pluralism used by a part of Basque historiography relates more to a particular state of the public sphere ('plurality') rather than to a positive engagement of the several political and social actors ('pluralism');[30] according to them, the appeal to pluralism finally led to its conceptual voidment and banalization, allowing for it to be subsumed within the metanarrative of the basque conflict.[31]
Amaiur Senator Urko Aiartza and Julen Zabalo have written that
There is no unanimous agreement when it comes to determining the reasons for the so-called Basque conflict. According to different sources, it is either a long conflict with historical roots, an instrument of Basque nationalist politics, an attempt to impose a privilege, or evidence of the state's obstinacy. Whichever of these may be the case, an understanding of the historical relations between the Basque provinces and the Spanish and French states is indispensable in order to explain the present conflict.[32]
Background
The
The
Following the 1936 coup d'état that overthrew the
Influenced by wars of national liberation such as the Algerian War or by conflicts such as the Cuban Revolution, and disappointed with the weak opposition of the PNV against Franco's regime, a young group of students formed ETA in 1959. It first started as an organization demanding the independence of the Basque Country, from a socialist position, and it soon started its armed campaign. According to Xosé Manoel Núñez Seixas, ETA became a socialist and revolutionary organization using violence after inner struggles related both to the difficulties found in applying a Third World model of national liberation in an already industrialized territory and the division between purely nationalist stances (such as the Branka splinter group) and the revolutionary ones.[35]
Timeline
1959–1979
ETA's first attacks were sometimes approved of by a part of the Spanish and Basque societies, who saw ETA and the fight for independence as a fight against the Franco administration. In 1970, several members of the organization were condemned to death in the
In mid-1975, a political bloc known as Koordinadora Abertzale Sozialista (KAS) was created by Basque nationalist organisations. Away from the PNV, the bloc comprised several organisations formed by people contrary to the right-wing Franco's regime and most of them had their origins in several factions of ETA, which was part of the bloc as well.[38] They also adopted the same ideology as the armed organisation, socialism. The creation of KAS would mean the beginning of the Basque National Liberation Movement.
In November 1975, Franco died and Spain started
The new Spanish constitution had overwhelming support around Spain, with 88.5% voting in favour on a turnout of 67.1%. In the three provinces of the Basque Country, these figures were lower, with 70.2% voting in favour (the lowest result in the country)
Also in the late 1970s, several Basque nationalist organizations, such as
1980–1999
During the process of electing
After Felipe González's victory, the
While talks between the Spanish government and ETA had already taken place in the late 1970s and early 1980s, which had led to the dissolution of ETA politiko-militarra, it was not until 1989 that both sides held formal peace talks. In January, ETA announced a 60-day ceasefire, while negotiations between ETA and the government were taking place in Algiers. No successful conclusion was reached, and ETA resumed violence.[44]
After the end of the dirty war period, France agreed to cooperate with the Spanish authorities in the arrest and extradition of ETA members. These would often travel to and from between the two countries using France as a base for attacks and training. This cooperation reached its peak in 1992, with the arrest of all ETA leaders in the town of Bidart. The raid came months before the 1992 Olympic Games in Barcelona, with which ETA tried to gather worldwide attention with massive attacks around Catalonia.[45] After that, ETA announced a two-months ceasefire, while they restructured the whole organisation and created the kale borroka groups.[46]
In 1995, ETA tried to kill José María Aznar, who would become prime minister of Spain one year later, and Juan Carlos I. That same year, the organisation made a peace proposal, which was refused by the government. The following year, ETA announced a one-week ceasefire and tried to engage in peace talks with the government, a proposal that was once again rejected by the new conservative government.[47] In 1997, a young councillor, Miguel Ángel Blanco, was kidnapped and killed by the organisation. The killing produced a widespread rejection by Spanish and Basque societies, massive demonstrations and a loss of sympathisers, with even some ETA prisoners and members of Herri Batasuna condemning the killing.[48] That same year, the Spanish government arrested 23 leaders of Herri Batasuna for allegedly collaborating with ETA. After the arrest, the government started to investigate Herri Batasuna's ties with ETA, and the coalition changed its name to Euskal Herritarrok, with Arnaldo Otegi as their leader.[49]
In the
2000–2009
In 2000, ETA resumed violence and intensified its attacks, especially against senior politicians, such as
After the government falsely accused ETA of carrying out the
2010
In 2009 and 2010, ETA suffered even more blows to its organization and capacity, with more than 50 members arrested in the first half of 2010.[64] At the same time, the banned Abertzale left started to develop documents and meetings, where they committed to a "democratic process" that "must be developed in a complete absence of violence". Due to these demands, ETA announced in September that they were stopping their armed actions.[65]
2011
On 17 October, an
The conference resulted in a five-point statement that included a plea for ETA to renounce any armed activities and to demand instead negotiations with the Spanish and French authorities to end the conflict.[66] It was seen as a possible prelude to the end of ETA's violent campaign for an independent Basque homeland.[69]
Three days later – on 20 October – ETA announced a "definitive cessation of its armed activity".
Aftermath
2012
On 28 May 2012, ETA members Oroitz Gurruchaga and Xabier Aramburu were arrested in southern France.[70]
2016
Though the group declared a permanent ceasefire, the French police made a declaration warning that ETA had made no steps towards dissolution.[71] It is also known that ETA was still hoarding weaponry and explosives, several members guarding explosives have been detained since their permanent ceasefire declaration.[72]
2017
In March 2017 ETA declared that it would disarm completely by 8 April. which were seized by the Spanish and French authorities. The Spanish government stated that ETA will gain no impunity for their disarmament, and urged the group to dissolve formally.
2018
On 3 May 2018, during a ceremony held at the Centre for Humanitarian Dialogue in Geneva, Switzerland, the ETA released a statement announcing its permanent dissolution, which was distributed by the centre's director.[76][77] Following this announcement, a ceremony was organized in Northern Basque Country, in Cambo-les-Bains (Basque: Kanbo) where the "declaration of Arnaga" was pronounced.
Casualties
Estimates of the total number of conflict-related deaths vary and are highly disputed. The number of deaths caused by ETA is consistent among different sources, such as the Spanish Interior Ministry, the Basque government, and most major news agencies. According to these sources, the number of deaths caused by ETA are 829. This list does not include Begoña Urroz, killed in 1960 when she was 22 months old. Although this killing was attributed by Ernest Lluch to ETA in 2000, as revealed in El País,[78] the attack was committed by the DRIL (Directorio Revolucionario Ibérico de Liberación).[79][80]
Some organizations such as the
Regarding the Basque National Liberation Movement side the Euskal Memoria foundation, linked to the Abertzale left,[84][85] and born in 2009 with the proclaimed purpose of having a database in order to "counter the lies from the State",[84][86] list the number of deaths on their side as 474 in the period between 1960 and 2010. News agency Eusko News states that at least 368 people died on the Basque nationalist side. Most of the lists also include an undefined number of suicides caused by the conflict, coming from former ETA members, tortured people or policemen. Additional death causes in the Euskal Memoria list such as deaths to natural illnesses, a death of an ETA member due to a stroke suffered while having sexual relations, deaths due to the accidental activation of ETA bombs by ETA members, deaths in car and plane accidents, the death of common criminals, the death of a football fan killed by rivals, and deaths abroad such as a death in a mine in Nicaragua, a missionary killed by guerrilla in Colombia, two Uruguayans in Uruguay, two guerrilla collaborators in El Salvador and a protester in Rome have been claimed.[84][85]
Responsibility
Responsible party | No. |
---|---|
Euskadi Ta Askatasuna | 829[87] |
Paramilitary and far-right groups | 72[5] |
Spanish security forces | 169[5] |
Other cases | 127[5] |
Total | 1197 |
Status
Status | No. |
---|---|
Civilian | 343 |
Members of security forces | 486 |
of whom: | |
Guardia Civil |
203 |
Cuerpo Nacional de Policía |
146 |
Spanish Army | 98 |
Policia Municipal | 24 |
Ertzaintza | 13 |
Mossos d'Esquadra | 1 |
French National Police |
1 |
Prisoners
The Spanish and French law enforcement agencies have convicted a number of people for terrorist activities (primarily murder or attempted murder), or for belonging to ETA or organizations subservient to this organization. A small minority have been imprisoned for "enaltecimiento del terrorismo"
For the Abertzale left this is one of the most emotive issues relating to Basque Nationalism. Demonstrations calling for their return to the Basque region often involve thousands of people.[96][97][98] Currently there is a highly publicised campaign calling for the return of these dispersed prisoners to the Basque Country. Its slogan is "Euskal presoak- Euskal Herrira" ("Basque prisoners- to the Basque Country").[99]
Some groups such as Etxerat have been calling for a general amnesty, similar to that which took place in Northern Ireland in 2000.[100] The Spanish government has so far rejected moves to treat all prisoners in the same way. Instead they opened the 'Via Nanclares' in 2009 which is a way for individual prisoners to get better conditions, and eventually gain limited release. It involves the individual asking for forgiveness, distancing themselves from ETA and paying compensation.[101]
See also
- Politics in the Basque Country
- List of conflicts in Europe
- List of films about the Basque conflict
- International Contact Group (Basque politics)
- History of the Basque people
- The Troubles – Conflict in Northern Ireland
- Corsican conflict – Conflict over Corsica, France
Notes
- ^ There was a lapse of 17 months between the end of the attacks by these groups and the start of the activities of the GAL in October 1983 with the killing of Lasa and Zabala, already under the government of Felipe González.[41]
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- Molina, Fernando; Louzao, Joseba (2014). "El pluralismo vasco: política e historiografía". Historia y política (32). Madrid: 301–328. ISSN 1575-0361.
- JSTOR 41325308.
- Pérez Pérez, José Antonio (2015). "Historia, memoria y víctimas de la violencia política" (PDF). Huarte de San Juan. Geografía e Historia. 22. Pamplona: Universidad Pública de Navarra / Nafarroako Unibertsitate Publikoa: 89–116. ISSN 2341-0809.
Further reading
- ETA. Historia política de una lucha armada by Luigi Bruni, Txalaparta, 1998, ISBN 84-86597-03-X