Indo-Pakistani war of 1971
Indo-Pakistani war of 1971 | |||||||||
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Part of the COS Eastern Comnd.) and Flt Lt Krishnamurthy (peering over Jacob‘s shoulder). | |||||||||
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Belligerents | |||||||||
Commanders and leaders | |||||||||
) ) ) ) RAdm E. C. Kuruvila (FOCWF) RAdm S. H. Sarma (FOCEF) AVM I. H. Latif (ACAS(Plans)- Assistant Chief of Air Staff Plans) Rameshwar Nath Kao (Secretary of R&AW) Sheikh Mujibur Rahman |
Yahya Khan Army GHQ )Eastern Command )Chief of General Staff )C-in-C, Navy )C-in-C, Air Force )GOC I Corps )) Lt Gen Bahadur Sher Khan )(GOC IV Corps ) ) NHQ )RAdm Md Shariff (FOC Eastern Naval Command) RAdm M.A.K. Lodhi (FOC Western Naval Command) ) Chief Ins , Pakistan Air Force)Air Cdre Inamul Haq (Cdr Eastern Air Command) AHQ Dhaka )Governor of East Pakistan ) | ||||||||
Strength | |||||||||
Indian Armed Forces: 825,000[11] – 860,000[12] Mukti Bahini: 180,000[13] |
Pakistan Armed Forces: 350,000[14] – 365,000[12] Razakars: 35,000[15] | ||||||||
Casualties and losses | |||||||||
India Neutral claims[15]
Indian claims Pakistani claims
|
Pakistan Patrol vessels
7 gunboats
Neutral claims[15]
Indian claims Pakistani claims |
The Indo-Pakistani war of 1971, also known as the third India-Pakistan war, was a military confrontation between
It is estimated that members of the Pakistani military and supporting pro-Pakistani Islamist militias
During the 1971 Bangladesh war for independence, members of the Pakistani military and supporting pro-Pakistani Islamist militias called the Razakars raped between 200,000 and 400,000 Bangladeshi women and girls in a systematic campaign of genocidal rape.[39][40][41][42]
Background
The Indo-Pakistani conflict was sparked by the
To overcome the Bengali domination and prevent formation of the central government in
The East Pakistan's
To resolve the crisis, the Admiral Ahsan Mission was formed to provide recommendations. Its findings were met with favourable reviews from the political leaders of West Pakistan, with the exception of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the chairman of the Pakistan Peoples Party.[50]: 109–110
However, the military top brass vetoed the mission's proposal.
In early March 1971, approximately 300 Biharis were slaughtered in riots by Bengali mobs in Chittagong alone.[52] The Government of Pakistan used the "Bihari massacre" to justify its deployment of the military in East Pakistan on 25 March, when it initiated its military crackdown.[52] President Yahya Khan called on the military – which was overwhelmingly led by West Pakistanis – to suppress dissent in the East, after accepting the resignation of Lieutenant-General Yaqub Ali Khan, the chief of staff of the East-Pakistani military.[53][54]
Mass arrests of dissidents began and, after several days of strikes and
On 26 March 1971, Major Ziaur Rahman of Pakistan Army declared the independence of Bangladesh on behalf of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.[56][57][58]
In April, the exiled Awami League leaders formed a
India's involvement in Bangladesh Liberation War
After the resignations of Admiral
The
By November 1971, the Indian military was providing direct fire against Pakistani troops and even made several incursions into Pakistani territory.[71]
Indian authorities also attempted to carry on psychological warfare and keep up the morale of comrades in East Pakistan. The Swadhin Bangla Betar Kendra (Free Bangladesh Radio Centre), which had broadcast Major Rahman's independence declaration, was relocated from Kalurghat in East Pakistan to India after the transmission building was shelled by Pakistani Sabre jets on 30 March 1971. It resumed broadcasts on 3 April from Tripura, aided by the Indian Border Security Force. The clandestine station was finally shifted to Kolkata, where it was joined by a large number of Bangladeshi radio programmers, newscasters, poets, singers and journalists. Its jurisdiction was transferred to the provisional Bangladesh government-in-exile, and made its first broadcast on 25 May, the birth anniversary of poet Kazi Nazrul Islam (who would later be named Bangladesh's national poet). Among the Indian contributors to the radio station's nationalistic programmes was Salil Chowdhury. Akashvani Kolkata also actively took part in this effort.[72][73]
India's official engagement with Pakistan
Objective
By the end of April 1971, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi had asked the Indian Army chief General Sam Manekshaw if he was ready to go to war with Pakistan.
By mid July, India had settled on a plan of attack. The ground in the East would be drier by mid November, which would make a rapid offensive easier. By early to mid December, the Himalayan passes would be closed by snow, limiting China's ability to intervene.[77]
The news media's mood in Pakistan had turned increasingly jingoistic and militaristic against East Pakistan and India when the Pakistani news media reported the complexity of the situation in the East, though the reactions from Pakistan's news media pundits were mixed.[78][79] By the end of September 1971, a propaganda campaign, possibly orchestrated by elements within the government of Pakistan, resulted in stickers endorsing "Crush India" becoming a standard feature on the rear windows of vehicles in Rawalpindi, Islamabad and Lahore; this soon spread to the rest of West Pakistan.[80] By October, other stickers proclaimed Hang the Traitor in an apparent reference to Sheikh Mujibur Rahman.[81]
From mid October to 20 November, the Indian army conducted multiple incursions into East Pakistani territory,[82] generally withdrawing to India after completing their mission. From 21 November, however, Indian forces with Mukti Bahini support entered East Pakistan and remained there in preparation for a formal war that India expected to launch on 6 December.[83]
An Indian-Pakistani war seemed inevitable. The
On the evening of 3 December, at about 17:35, the Pakistan Air Force (PAF) launched surprise pre-emptive strikes on eight Indian airfields,[88] including Agra, which was 480 kilometres (300 mi) from the border. At the time of the attack, the Taj Mahal had been camouflaged with lots of twigs and leaves and draped with burlap, because its marble glowed prominently in the moonlight.[89] These pre-emptive strikes, known as Operation Chengiz Khan, were inspired by the success of Israeli Operation Focus in the Arab–Israeli Six-Day War. Unlike the Israeli attack on Arab airbases in 1967, which involved a large number of Israeli planes, Pakistan flew too few planes to inflict significant damage.[88][90]
In an address to the nation on radio that same evening, Prime Minister Gandhi held that the air strikes were a declaration of war against India[91][92] and the Indian Air Force (IAF) responded with initial air strikes the same night.[citation needed] These expanded to massive retaliatory air strikes the next morning.[citation needed]
This air action marked the start of all-out war; Gandhi ordered the mobilisation of troops and launched a full-scale invasion of East Pakistan. This involved Indian forces in
In the western theatre of the war, the Indian Navy's
The sinking of INS Khukri was followed by another Indian attack on the port of Karachi on the night of 8/9 December 1971 under the codename Python.[citation needed] A squadron of Indian Navy's Osa missile boats approached the Karachi port and launched a series of Soviet-acquired Styx missiles, that resulted in further destruction of reserve fuel tanks and the sinking of three Pakistani merchant ships, as well as foreign ships docked in Karachi.[99] The Pakistan Air Force did not attack the Indian Navy ships, and confusion remained the next day when the civilian pilots of Pakistan International, acting as reconnaissance war pilots, misidentified PNS Zulfiqar and the air force attacked its own warship, inflicting major damages and killing several officers on board.[100]
In the eastern theatre of the war, the Indian
Due to a high number of defections, the Navy relied on deploying the
The damage inflicted on the Pakistan Navy stood at 7
Air operations
After the attempted pre-emptive attack, the PAF adopted a defensive stance in response to the Indian retaliation. As the war progressed, the IAF continued to battle the PAF over conflict zones, but the number of sorties flown by the PAF decreased day–by–day.[108][109] The IAF flew 4,000 sorties while the PAF offered little in retaliation, partly because of the paucity of non-Bengali technical personnel.[citation needed]
This lack of retaliation has also been attributed to the deliberate decision of the PAF's
In the east,
At the end of the war, PAF pilots made successful escapes from East Pakistan to neighbouring Burma; many PAF personnel had already left the East for Burma on their own before Dacca was overrun by the Indian military in December 1971.[112]
Indian attacks on Pakistan
As the Indian Army tightened its grip in East Pakistan, the Indian Air Force continued with its attacks against Pakistan as the campaign developed into a series of daylight anti-airfield, anti-radar, and close-support attacks by fighter jets, with night attacks against airfields and strategic targets by Canberras and An-12s, while Pakistan responded with similar night attacks with its B-57s and C-130s.[113]: 107–108
The PAF deployed its
One of the most successful air raids by India into West Pakistan happened on 8 December 1971, when Indian Hunter aircraft from the
The PAF played a more limited role in the operations. They were reinforced by
India flew 1,978 sorties in the East and about 4,000 in Pakistan, while the PAF flew about 30 and 2,840 at the respective fronts.[113]: 107 By the end of the war, India had lost 45 aircraft while Pakistan lost 75.[15]
Ground operations
The Indian army was better equipped than the Pakistanis and enjoyed significant numerical superiority over them.[60]
When the conflict started, the war immediately took a decisive turn in favour of India and their
On 23 November 1971, the Indian Army conventionally penetrated to the eastern fronts and crossed East Pakistan's borders to join their
The Indian campaign's "
On the ground, Pakistan suffered the most, with 8,000 killed and 25,000 wounded, while India had 3,000 dead and 12,000 wounded.[18] The loss of armoured vehicles was similarly imbalanced and this finally represented a major defeat for Pakistan.[18]
The Indian Army's improved performance following its defeat in the Sino-Indian War in 1962 boosted its morale and prestige.[122]
Surrender of Pakistan Eastern Command in East Pakistan
Officially, the
Hostilities officially ended at 14:30 GMT on 17 December, after the surrender on 16 December, and India claimed large gains of territory in Pakistan (although pre-war boundaries were recognised after the war). The war confirmed the independence of Bangladesh.[113]: 107
Following the surrender, the Indian Army took approximately 90,000 Pakistani servicemen and their Bengali supporters as
The remaining prisoners were civilians who were either family members of the military personnel or collaborators (
Inter-service branch | Number of captured Pakistani POWs | Officer commanding |
---|---|---|
Pakistan Army | 54,154 | Amir Abdullah Khan Niazi
|
Pakistan Navy/Pakistan Marines | 1,381 | Rear-Admiral Mohammad Shariff
|
Pakistan Air Force | 833 | Air Commodore Inamul Haq
|
Paramilitary ( Police ) |
22,000 | Major-General Rao Farman Ali
|
Civil government personnel | 12,000 | Governor Abdul Motaleb Malik
|
Total: | 90,368 | ~ |
Foreign reaction and involvement
United States and Soviet Union
The
The Soviet Union accepted the Indian position that any resolution to the crisis in East Pakistan would have to be on terms acceptable to India and the Awami League, but the Indo-Soviet treaty did not mean a total commitment to the Indian stance, according to author
The United States stood with Pakistan by supporting it morally, politically, economically and materially when U.S. President
Then
When Pakistan's defeat in the eastern sector seemed certain, Nixon deployed
On 6 and 13 December, the Soviet Navy dispatched two groups of cruisers and destroyers from Vladivostok;[citation needed] they trailed US Task Force 74 into the Indian Ocean from 18 December 1971 until 7 January 1972. The Soviets also had a nuclear submarine to help ward off the threat posed by the USS Enterprise task force in the Indian Ocean.[138][139]
As the war progressed, it became apparent to the United States that India was going to invade and disintegrate Pakistan in a matter of weeks, therefore President Nixon spoke with the USSR General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev on a hotline on 10 December, where Nixon reportedly urged Brezhnev to restrain India as he quoted: "in the strongest possible terms to restrain India with which ... you [Brezhnev] have great influence and for whose actions you must share responsibility."[140]
After the war, the United States accepted the new
A 2019 study argues "that Nixon and Kissinger routinely demonstrated psychological biases that led them to overestimate the likelihood of West Pakistani victory" in the war, and that they overestimated "the importance of the crisis to broader U.S. policy. The evidence fails to support Nixon and Kissinger's own framing of the 1971 crisis as a contest between cool-headed realpolitik and idealistic humanitarianism, and instead shows that Kissinger and Nixon's policy decisions harmed their stated goals because of repeated decision-making errors."[143]
China
During the course of the war,
When the war started, China reproached India for its direct involvement and infiltration in East Pakistan.
China did not welcome the break-up of Pakistan's unity by the East Pakistani politicians, and effectively vetoed the membership of
Ceylon
Ceylon (modern-day Sri Lanka) saw the partition of Pakistan as an example for themselves and feared India might use its enhanced power against them in the future.
Arab World
As many
Israel
Despite not having diplomatic relations at the time, Israel supplied India with armaments, ammunition, intelligence and training ahead of its intervention in East Pakistan, which has been described as a "surprising minor success" of India's efforts to garner international support. In July 1971 Golda Meir, Israel's prime minister, got Israeli arms manufacturer Shlomo Zabludowicz to provide India and the Mukti Bahini with mortars, ammunition and instructors.[158] Meir reportedly sought diplomatic ties with India in exchange, which were finally established in 1992 under P. V. Narasimha Rao.[159]
Aftermath
Territorial changes
In the western front (present-day India-Pakistan border), both countries sparred indecisively.[160] By the end of the war, India had captured a larger quantity of territory than Pakistan. After the ceasefire on December 17, both sides attempted to take back lost territory. On December 17, India's 51 Para brigade launched a successful but costly attack on a sand dune occupied by an intruding Pakistani platoon, which cost the Indian unit 21 killed and 60 wounded.[161] In May 1972, as the snow melted, Pakistan attacked the Lipa Valley, where the heavily outnumbered Indian forces fell back, with both sides suffering heavy casualties as well as Pakistani forces losing their senior commander.[162] Pakistan would launch similar attacks to attempt to regain lost territory at Minimarg Lake and Turtuk.[162]
Subsequently, in 1972, India and Pakistan signed the Simla Agreement, after which both sides would retain territory they captured in Kashmir and demarcate the Line of Control, while the international border would return to its pre-war limits.
Since the end of the war, India continues to retain control over the regions such as Chalunka, Thang, Turtuk, Takshi and Pachtang.[10][163]
India
The war stripped Pakistan of more than half of its population, and with nearly one-third of its army in captivity, clearly established India's military and political dominance of the subcontinent.[28] India successfully led a diplomatic campaign to isolate Pakistan.[60] On state visits to the United Kingdom and France, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi convinced them to break with their ally the United States and block any pro-Pakistan resolution in the United Nations.[60]
The victory also defined India's much broader role in foreign politics, as many countries in the world had come to realise – including the United States – that the balance of power had shifted to India as a major player in the region.[164]: 80 [165]: 57 In the wake of changing geopolitical realities, India sought to establish closer relations with regional countries such as Iran, which was a traditional ally of Pakistan.[165]: 57 The United States itself accepted a new balance of power, and when India conducted a surprise nuclear test in 1974, the US notified India that it had no "interest in actions designed to achieve new balance of power."[141]
In spite of the magnitude of the victory, India was surprisingly restrained in its reaction.[28] Mostly, Indian leaders seemed pleased by the relative ease with which they had accomplished their goals—the establishment of Bangladesh and the prospect of an early return to their homeland of the 10 million Bengali refugees who were the cause of the war.[28] In announcing the Pakistani surrender, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi declared in the Indian Parliament:
Dacca is now the free capital of a free country. We hail the people of Bangladesh in their hour of triumph. All nations who value the human spirit will recognise it as a significant milestone in man's quest for liberty.[28]
Colonel John Gill of National Defense University, US, remarks that, while India achieved a military victory, it was not able to reap the political fruits it might have hoped for in Bangladesh. After a brief 'honeymoon' phase between India and Bangladesh, their relationship began to sour.[166][167] The perceived Indian overstay revived Bangladeshi anxieties of Hindu control.[168] Many were concerned that Mujib was permitting Indian interference in the country's internal matters[169] and many in the Bangladeshi army resented his attachment with India.[170] Whilst India enjoys excellent relations with Bangladesh during the Awami League tenures, relations deteriorated when the Bangladesh Nationalist Party assumed power. A 2014 Pew Research Center opinion poll found that 27% of Bangladeshis were wary of India. However, 70% of Bangladeshis held a positive view of India: while 50% of Bangladeshis held a positive view of Pakistan.[171]
Pakistan
For Pakistan, the war was a complete and humiliating defeat,[28] a psychological setback that came from a defeat at the hands of rival India.[33] Pakistan lost half its population and a significant portion of its economy, and suffered setbacks to its geopolitical role in South Asia.[28][33] In the post-war era, Pakistan struggled to absorb the lessons learned from the military interventions in the democratic system and the impact of the Pakistani military's failure was grave and long-lasting.[172][173]
From the
The Pakistani people were not mentally prepared to accept the magnitude of this kind of defeat, as the state media had been projecting imaginary victories.
The loss of East Pakistan shattered the prestige of the Pakistani military.
Moreover, the army had failed to fulfill its promises of fighting until the last man. The eastern command had laid down arms after losing only thirteen hundred men in battle. In West Pakistan, too, twelve hundred military deaths had accompanied lackluster military performance.[33]
In his book The 1971 Indo-Pak War: A Soldier's Narrative, Pakistan Army's Major General Hakeem Arshad Qureshi, a veteran of this conflict, noted:
We must accept the fact that, as a people, we had also contributed to the bifurcation of our own country. It was not a Niazi, or a Yahya, even a Mujib, or a Bhutto, or their key assistants, who alone were the cause of our break-up, but a corrupted system and a flawed social order that our own apathy had allowed to remain in place for years. At the most critical moment in our history we failed to check the limitless ambitions of individuals with dubious antecedents and to thwart their selfish and irresponsible behaviour. It was our collective 'conduct' that had provided the enemy an opportunity to dismember us.
— Qureshi, p. 288[183]
After the war, the Pakistan Army's generals in the East held each other responsible for the atrocities committed, but most of the burden was laid on Lieutenant-General Tikka Khan, who earned notoriety from his actions as governor of the East; he was called the "Butcher of Bengal" because of the widespread atrocities committed within the areas of his responsibility.[184] Tikka was a "soldier known for his eager use of force".[185]
Lieutenant-General
Major reforms were carried out by successive governments in Pakistan after the war. To address the economic disparity, the
In January 1972, Pakistan under Bhutto launched the clandestine development of nuclear weapons[193] with a view to "never to allow[ing] another foreign invasion of Pakistan."[This quote needs a citation]
Bangladesh
As a result of the war, East Pakistan became an independent country, Bangladesh, as the world's fourth most populous Muslim state on 16 December 1971.[citation needed] West Pakistan, now just Pakistan, secured the release of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman from the Headquarter Prison and allowed him to return to Dacca. On 19 January 1972, Mujib was inaugurated as the first President of Bangladesh, later becoming the Prime Minister of Bangladesh in 1974.[citation needed]
On the brink of defeat in around 14 December 1971, the media reports indicated that the Pakistan Army soldiers, the local
Young men, especially students, who were seen as possible rebels and recruiters were also targeted by the stationed military, but the extent of casualties in East Pakistan is not known, and the issue is itself controversial and contradictory among the authors who wrote books on the pogrom;
According to authors Kenton Worcester, Sally Bermanzohn and Mark Ungar, Bengalis themselves killed about 150,000 non-Bengalis living in the East.[205] There had been reports of Bengali insurgents indiscriminately killing non-Bengalis throughout the East; however, neither side provided substantial proofs for their claims and both Bangladeshi and Pakistani figures contradict each other over this issue.[206][207] Bihari representatives in June 1971 claimed a higher figure of 500,000 killed by Bengalis.[208]
In 2010, the Awami League's government decided to set up a tribunal to prosecute the people involved in alleged war crimes and those who collaborated with Pakistan.[209] According to the government, the defendants would be charged with crimes against humanity, genocide, murder, rape and arson.[210]
According to John H. Gill, there was widespread polarisation between pro-Pakistan Bengalis and pro-liberation Bengalis during the war, and those internal battles are still playing out in the domestic politics of modern-day Bangladesh.[211] To this day, the issue of committed atrocities and pogroms is an influential factor in the Bangladesh–Pakistan relations.[212]
Impact
Pakistan: War Enquiry Commission and War prisoners
In the aftermath of the war, the Pakistani Government constituted the
The War Commission also looked into Pakistan's political and military involvement in the
In 2000, the excerpts of the Supplementary Report were leaked to a political correspondent of Pakistan's Dawn, which the Dawn published together with India Today.[217][218] The First Report is still marked as classified, while the Supplementary Report's excerpts were suppressed by the news correspondents.[219] The War Report's supplementary section was published by the Pakistan Government, but it did not officially hand over the report to Bangladesh despite its requests.[218]
The War Report exposed many military failures, from the strategic to the tactical–intelligence levels, while it confirmed the looting, rapes and the unnecessary killings by the Pakistan military and their local agents.
The War Commission, however, rejected the charge that 200,000 Bengali girls were raped by the Pakistan Army, remarking, "It is clear that the figures mentioned by the Dacca authorities are altogether fantastic and fanciful," and cited the evidence of a British abortion team that had carried out the termination of "only a hundred or more pregnancies".[213][223][224] The commission also claimed that "approximately 26,000 persons (were) killed during the action by the Pakistan military"[223][225] Bina D'Costa states that the War Commission was aware of the military's brutality in East Pakistan, but "chose to downplay the scale of the atrocities committed."[226]
The second commission was known as
India: Indo-Pakistani summits
On 2 July 1972, the
The treaty also gave back more than 13,000 km2 of land that the Indian Army had seized in Pakistan during the war, though India retained a few strategic areas, including
In 1973, India and Pakistan reached another compromise when both countries signed a trilateral agreement with Bangladesh that actually brought the war prisoners, non-Bengali and Pakistan-loyal Bengali bureaucrats and civilian servants to Pakistan.[236] The Delhi Agreement witnessed the largest mass population transfer since the Partition of India in 1947.[237]
Bangladesh: International Crimes Tribunal
In 2009, the issue of establishing the International Crimes Tribunal began to take public support. The tribunal was formally established in 2010 to investigate and prosecute suspects for the genocide committed in 1971 by the Pakistan Army and their local collaborators, Razakars, Al-Badr and Al-Shams during the Bangladesh Liberation War.[238]: 169
Long-term consequences
- jihadist groups in Afghanistan even after the Soviets left, because the jihadists were a tool to use against India, including bogging down the Indian Army in Kashmir.[239][240]
- Writing about the war in Foreign Affairs magazine, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto stated "There is no parallel in contemporary history to the cataclysm which engulfed Pakistan in 1971. A tragic civil war, which rent asunder the people of the two parts of Pakistan, was seized by India as an opportunity for armed intervention. The country was dismembered, its economy shattered and the nation's self-confidence totally undermined."[241] This statement of Bhutto has given rise to the myth of betrayal prevalent in modern Pakistan. This view was contradicted by the post-War Hamoodur Rahman Commission, ordered by Bhutto himself, which in its 1974 report indicted generals of the Pakistan Army for creating conditions which led to the eventual loss of East Pakistan and for inept handling of military operations in the East.[217]
Military awards
Battle honours
After the war, 41
- East Pakistan 1971 (theatre honour)
- Sindh 1971 (theatre honour)
- Jammu and Kashmir 1971 (theatre honour)
- Punjab 1971 (theatre honour)
- Basantar River
- Bogra
- Chachro
- Chhamb
- Defence of Punch
- Dera Baba Nanak
- Gadra City
- Harar Kalan
- Hilli
- Longewala
- Parbat Ali
- Poongli Bridge
- Shehjra
- Shingo River Valley
- Sylhet
Gallantry awards
For bravery, a number of soldiers and officers on both sides were awarded the highest gallantry award of their respective countries. Following is a list of the recipients of the Indian award
India
Recipients of the Param Vir Chakra:[243][244]
Rank | Name | Unit | References |
---|---|---|---|
Lance Naik
|
Albert Ekka (Posthumously) | 14 Guards | [245] |
Flying Officer
|
Nirmal Jit Singh Sekhon (Posthumously) | No. 18 Squadron IAF | [246] |
Major | Hoshiar Singh
|
3 Grenadiers | [247] |
Second Lieutenant
|
Arun Khetarpal (Posthumously) | 17th Horse (Poona Horse) | [248] |
Bangladesh
Recipients of the Bir Sreshtho:[249][250]
- Captain Mohiuddin Jahangir (Posthumously)
- Lance Naik Munshi Abdur Rouf(Posthumously)
- Sepoy Hamidur Rahman (Posthumously)
- Sepoy Mostafa Kamal (Posthumously)
- ERA Mohammad Ruhul Amin (Posthumously)
- Flight Lieutenant Matiur Rahman(Posthumously)
- Lance Naik Nur Mohammad Sheikh(Posthumously)
Pakistan
Recipients of the Nishan-E-Haider:[251][252]
Rank | Name | Unit | References |
---|---|---|---|
Major | Muhammad Akram (Posthumously) | 4 Frontier Force Regiment | [253] |
Pilot Officer
|
Rashid Minhas (Posthumously) | No. 2 Squadron PAF | [254] |
Major | Shabbir Sharif (Posthumously) | 6 Frontier Force Regiment | [255] |
Sowar | Muhammad Hussain (Posthumously) | 20th Lancers | [256] |
Lance Naik
|
Muhammad Mahfuz (Posthumously) | 15 Punjab | [257] |
Civilian awards
On 25 July 2011, Bangladesh Swadhinata Sammanona, the Bangladesh Freedom Honour, was posthumously conferred on former Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi.[258]
On 28 March 2012,
The list of foreign friends of Bangladesh has since been extended to 568 people. It includes 257 Indians, 88 Americans, 41 Pakistanis, 39 Britons, 9 Russians, 18 Nepalese, 16 French and 18 Japanese.[262][263]
In media
Films
- Pakistani Army personnel. This was the first ever Feature film about Bangladesh Liberation War.[264]
- Operation Cactus Lilly.[265]
- Aakraman, a 1975 Bollywood film set during this war featuring a romantic love triangle.
- J.P.Dutta. This movie is an adaptation from real life events that happened at the Battle of Longewala fought in Rajasthan (Western Theatre).[265][266]
- 16 December, a 2002 film directed by Mani Shankar.
- 1971 – Prisoners of War, a 2007 Bollywood war film directed by Amrit Sagar. Set against the backdrop of a prisoner-of-war camp in Pakistan, it follows six Indian prisoners awaiting release after their capture during the war.[265]
- Midnight's Children, a 2012 film was adapted from Salman Rushdie's novel, is fictional story of two twins born on the midnight of August 15, 1947. It also has references to 1971 war.
- Children of War, a 2014 Hindi drama film, revolves around the events of 1971 Bangladesh genocide and the liberation war.
- The Ghazi Attack, a 2017 war film directed by Sankalp Reddy. It is based on the sinking of PNS Ghaziduring the war.
- 1971: Beyond Borders, a 2017 Indian war drama film written and directed by Major Ravi.[267][268]
- Raazi, a 2017 fictional spy film, based on the novel "Calling Sehmat", was set before the events of war about the detection of plans to deploy PNS Ghazi[269]
- Romeo Akbar Walter, a 2019 spy thriller film was set against the backdrop of the 1971 Indo-Pakistani war, which tells the story of Rehmatullah Ali, a young Indian bank clerk, who is recruited by the Research and Analysis Wing (RAW), for a covert operation in Pakistan.
- Bhuj: The Pride of India, 2021 action film set during the war tells the story of rebuilding the Bhuj airbase in India, which was damaged by the Pakistan air attacks.[270]
- Pippa, a 2023 action film based on the life of Brigadier Balram Singh Mehta who fought in the Battle of Garibpur on the eastern front in November 1971.
- Sam Bahadur, a 2023 film, is based on the life of India's first Field Marshal Sam Manekshaw and his contribution to the 1971 Indo-Pak war.
Short films
- Mukti: Birth of a Nation, a 2017 short film directed by Manu Chobe depictsalso focuses on hs contribution to 1971 war. the negotiations between Major General J. F. R. Jacob and Lieutenant General A. A. K. Niazi over the Pakistani Instrument of Surrender.[271]
Miniseries/Dramas
See also
- Bangladesh Liberation War
- Post–World War II air-to-air combat losses
- List of aerial victories during the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971
- Indo-Pakistani War of 1965
- Separatist nationalism in Pakistan
- Bangladesh Forces
- Timeline of the Bangladesh War
- Radcliffe Line
- Pakistan and state-sponsored terrorism
- India and state-sponsored terrorism
- United States–Pakistan relations before 1990
- Soviet Union-Pakistan relations before 1990
- Tridev Roy
- Operation Searchlight\Barisal
- Riverine Warfare
- Protest of 1969 in Pakistan
- Pakistan Air Force in East Pakistan
- Pakistan news media in Indo-Pakistani war of 1971
- International Crimes Tribunal (Bangladesh)
- Indian Army in East Pakistan
- Pakistan-Afghanistan relations
- 1971 Winter POWs/MIA Investigations, Pakistan
- Pakistan military deployments in other countries
- Pakistan and weapons of mass destruction
General
References
- ISBN 978-1-57607-712-2.
India's decisive victory over Pakistan in the 1971 war and emergence of independent Bangladesh dramatically transformed the power balance of South Asia
- ISBN 978-0-8157-0388-4.
However, India's decisive victory over Pakistan in 1971 led the Shah to pursue closer relations with India
- ISBN 978-0-521-83973-0.
India's decisive victory in 1971 led to the signing of the Simla Agreement in 1972
- ^ Faruki, Kemal A. “THE INDO-PAKISTAN WAR, 1971, AND THE UNITED NATIONS.” Pakistan Horizon, vol. 25, no. 1, 1972, pp. 10–20. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/41393109. Accessed 21 Jan. 2024. "On the next day, Dacca surrendered, President Yahya Khan talked of 'war until victory', India made a unilateral declaration of ceasefire in the West and the Security Council chose to adjourn having accumulated in its possession, by that time, six draft resolutions from various member States of the Security Council."
- ^ Burke, S. M. “The Postwar Diplomacy of the Indo-Pakistani War of 1971.” Asian Survey, vol. 13, no. 11, 1973, pp. 1036–49. JSTOR, https://doi.org/10.2307/2642858. Accessed 21 Jan. 2024. "In Kashmir they agreed to respect 'the line of control resulting from the ceasefire of December 17, 1971...without prejudice to the recognized position of either side.'"
- ^ Siniver A. The India-Pakistan War, December 1971. In: Nixon, Kissinger, and US Foreign Policy Making: The Machinery of Crisis. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press; 2008:148-184. doi:10.1017/CBO9780511511660.008 "The fall of Dacca and the unconditional surrender of the outnumbered Pakistani forces in the East were followed the next day by a mutual declaration of cease-fire along the Western border."
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WHT 016-048 12/08/1971 11:06 – 11:14 am P, GHWB
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In the west, the two armies sparred indecisively, each side's small advances being balanced by the other side's gains. The only exception was the dramatic drive by India's 11th Division into the sandy wastes of Pakistan's Sindh Province which netted India approximately 4,500 square kilometers of Pakistani territory, albeit barren desert.18
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As the snows melted, Pakistan tried constantly to reclaim its lost territories in Jammu and Kashmir and improve its defensive posture along the ceasefire line in the process. In May 1972, Pakistan made a surprise brigade attack on the Indian forward posts in the Kayan area of the Lipa valley. The Indian posts fell back, suffering heavy casualties. Similarly, the Minimarg Lake area in Gurais was becoming active and large tracts of snow earlier claimed to be in Indian hands were gradually shrinking. The same was the case in the Tartok area of the Partapur sector of Ladakh. These ceasefire violations were prompted by Indian tactical and administrative difficulties in the newly acquired territory.
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Further reading
- Bass, Gary J. (2013). The Blood Telegram: Nixon, Kissinger, and a Forgotten Genocide. New York: Vintage. ISBN 978-8184003703.
- Cilano, Cara, ed. (2010). Pakistaniaat: Special issue on 1971 War.
- Hanhimäki, Jussi M. (2004). The Flawed Architect: Henry Kissinger and American Foreign Policy. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-517221-8.
- Hayes, Jarrod. "Securitization, social identity, and democratic security: Nixon, India, and the ties that bind." International Organization 66.1 (2012): 63–93.online
- Niazi, General A. A. K. (1999). Betrayal of East Pakistan. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-579275-1.
- Palit, D K (1972). The Lightning Campaign: The Indo-Pakistan War 1971. Compton Press Ltd. ISBN 978-0-900193-10-1.
- Raghavan, Srinath (2013). 1971– A global History of Creation of Bangladesh (PDF). Harvard University Press. ISBN 978-0-674-72864-6.
- Raja, Dewan Mohammad Tasawwar (2010). O General My General (Life and Works of General M A G Osmany). The Osmany Memorial Trust, Dhaka, Bangladesh. ISBN 978-984-8866-18-4.
- Saigal, J R (2000). Pakistan Splits: The Birth of Bangladesh. Manas Publications. ISBN 9788170491248.
- Warner, Geoffrey. "Nixon, Kissinger and the breakup of Pakistan, 1971." International Affairs 81.5 (2005): 1097–1118.
External links
- Video of General Niazi Surrendering
- A complete coverage of the war from the Indian perspective
- An Atlas of the 1971 India – Pakistan War: The Creation of Bangladesh by John H. Gill
- Actual conversation from the then US President Nixon and Henry Kissinger during the 1971 War – US Department of State's Official archive.
- Indian Army: Major Operations
- Pakistan: Partition and Military Succession USA Archives
- Pakistan intensifies air raid on India BBC
- A day by day account of the war as seen in a virtual newspaper.
- The Tilt: The U.S. and the South Asian Crisis of 1971.
- 16 December 1971: any lessons learned? By Ayaz Amir – Pakistan's Dawn
- India-Pakistan 1971 War as covered by TIME
- Indian Air Force Combat Kills in the 1971 war (unofficial), Centre for Indian Military History
- Op Cactus Lilly: 19 Infantry Division in 1971, a personal recall by Lt Col Balwant Singh Sahore
- All for a bottle of Scotch, a personal recall of Major (later Major General) C K Karumbaya, SM, the battle for Magura
- "The Rediff Interview/Lt Gen A A Khan Niazi". Rediff. 2 February 2004.