Battle of Velbazhd
Battle of Velbazhd | |||||||
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Part of Bulgarian-Serbian Wars | |||||||
A detail from a 16th-century icon of Stefan Dečanski, depicting the Battle of Velbazhd. | |||||||
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Belligerents | |||||||
Bulgarian Empire Supported by: Wallachia Moldavia Andronikos III Palaiologos (Byzantine Empire) [1] |
Kingdom of Serbia Supported by: Andronikos II Palaiologos (Byzantine Empire) and the Catalan Company | ||||||
Commanders and leaders | |||||||
Basarab I (WIA ) |
Stefan Dečanski Stefan Dušan Jovan Oliver | ||||||
Strength | |||||||
c. 15,000 12,000 Bulgarians,[3] 3,000 mercenaries (Vlachs, Jasz people, Cumans, Tatars)[4] |
c. 15,000-18,000: 15,000 Serbs, 1,000-2,000 Catalan mercenaries, mainly Italians from the Kingdom of Naples[4] and 1,000? German mercenaries | ||||||
Casualties and losses | |||||||
Heavy | Light |
The Battle of Velbazhd (Bulgarian: битка при Велбъжд, romanized: bitka pri Velbazhd; Serbian: Битка код Велбужда, romanized: Bitka kod Velbužda) took place between Bulgarian and Serbian armies on 28 July 1330, near the town of Velbazhd (present day Kyustendil).[5]
The growing power of the Serbian Kingdom from the late 13th century raised serious concerns in the traditional Balkan powers Bulgaria and Byzantine Empire which agreed for joint military actions against Serbia in 1327.[6] Three years later the bulk of the Bulgarian and Serbian armies clashed at Velbazhd and the Bulgarians were caught by surprise. Serbian victory shaped the balance of power in Balkans for the next two decades. The Bulgarians did not lose territory after the battle but were unable to stop the Serbian advance towards Macedonia. Serbia managed to conquer Macedonia and parts of Thessaly and Epirus reaching its greatest territorial extent ever. Their new king Stefan Dušan was crowned Emperor with support from Bulgarian Patriarch Symeon in 1346.
Origins of the conflict
During the long but unsuccessful reign of Emperor
During the internal war in the
The two Empires were seriously worried about the fast growth of Serbia and on 13 May 1327 settled a clearly anti-Serb peace treaty. After another meeting with Andronikos III in 1329, the rulers decided to invade their common enemy; Michael Asen III prepared for joint military operations against Serbia.[8] Michael Shishman desired to retake the north-western and south-western Bulgarian lands which the Serbs had previously conquered.[9] The plan included the thorough elimination of Serbia and its partition between Bulgaria and the Byzantine Empire.[10][11] According to some Serbian chroniclers, he demanded the submission of the Serbian king and threatened to "set up his throne in the middle of the Serbian land".
Preparations
Both sides took careful preparations. Michael called in his ally
Operations before the battle
According to the plan the Bulgarians were to advance from the east and the Byzantines from the south[14] and then to join forces somewhere in present-day north Macedonia but their coordination was feeble. In July 1330 Andronikos III invaded Macedonia but after he captured Prilep and five minor fortresses[15][16] he halted his army and decided to await the outcome of the decisive battle between Bulgarians and Serbs.[17] The Serbian objective was to prevent the joining of the allies and to fight in separate battles. Fearing an attack on Morava valley by the way of Nish the Serbian King gathered his army in the field of Dobrich, on the confluence of the Toplica river into the Morava.
Movements of the Bulgarian army
On 19 July
Other Bulgarian forces under the command of the Emperor's brother Belaur set off from his seat in Vidin but did not participate in the battle which was among the main reasons for the following defeat.[23] According to some historians they were stationed as a reserve around the Izvor castle[24] while others think that he arrived too late.
Movements of the Serbian army
From his camp on the confluence between the Toplica and the Morava rivers Stefan Dečanski expected an attack from Vidin to the north-east.[25] His purpose was to hinder a Bulgarian advance to the interior of his state.[26] Upon the news for the Bulgarian presence in the Struma valley the king marched southwards along the Bulgarian Morava and then the valley of the river Pchinya until he reached the Staro Nagorichino village where stopped for a pray in a nearby monastery. After that he continued to the Ioakim Osogovski Monastery where he prayed again and advanced on Bulgarian territory near the Kamenitsa river[27] in the vicinity of Velbazhd where his army encamped.[28]
Battle
The bulk of the two armies camped in the vicinity of Velbazhd, but both Michael Shishman and Stefan Dečanski expected reinforcements and from 24 July they began negotiations which ended with a one-day truce. The Emperor had other problems which influenced his decision for the truce: the army supply units had not yet arrived and the Bulgarians were short on food. Their troops scattered around the country and the nearby villages to search for provisions. Meanwhile, receiving a sizable reinforcement, 1,000 heavily armed
One Serbian unit under the command of Dečanski took the Spasovitsa heights while more Serbian troops, including the Catalan mercenaries, penetrated the valley of the Dragovishtitsa River towards the village of Shishkovtsi. The main battle took place between the village and the Spasovitsa heights in a locality called Bozhuritsa.[32]
Caught by total surprise, Michael Shishman attempted to bring his army to order but it was too late and the outnumbered Bulgarian units were crushed.[33] The battle was bloody because the remaining Bulgarian forces on the battlefield stiffly resisted and according to some chroniclers the river reddened.[34] Bulgarian camp was looted by the Serbs.[35][36] The Emperor himself was badly wounded, his horse killed under him and was captured by the oncoming enemy soldiers. He was taken to the Serbian camp where he probably expired from his wounds on the fourth day of his captivity, on 31 July.[37] Some other theories suggest that he perished on the battlefield or was killed by order of Stefan Dusan.[38] The body of the ill-fated Emperor Michael was brought to King Stefan and was consequently buried in the monastery of Staro Nagoričane (village Staro Nagoričane, near Kumanovo). On the place where he spent his last night praying in his tent, Stefan built a church which still stands.
On the second day after the battle (30 July)[39] the Serbs advanced towards the Konyavska mountain[40] but it was impossible for them to achieve any success because more Bulgarian troops under Michael's brother Belaur and the governor of Lovech Ivan Alexander were concentrated around the Izvor castle and blocked the way to the interior of the country. Near Izvor Belaur met King Stefan Dečanski and they concluded a peace.
Consequences
The outcome of the battle shaped the balance of power in the Balkans for the next decades to come and although Bulgaria did not lose territory, the Serbs could occupy much of Macedonia.
Hearing the news of his ally's death, Andronikos decided to abandon the war with Serbia and headed to take advantage of the Bulgarian weakness. However, in 1332 the Bulgarians defeated the Byzantines in the
In the beginning of the year 1331 young king Stefan Dušan rebelled against his father, possibly on the course of further actions against the Byzantine Empire. In stark contrast with his pious father, Dušan was aggressive and was supported by those Serbian nobles who desired wider exploits of the victory by Velebuzhd. During the rebellion (January to April), Bulgarian nobles dethroned Ivan Stefan and brought to rule Ivan Alexander (1331–1371) cousin of Michael.
In the long run Velbuzhd opened a period of around 20 years in which
Epic poetry
The battle is believed to be depicted in traditional Serbian epic poetry, in the gusle song Ban Milutin and Duka Hercegovac.
See also
- Second Bulgarian Empire
- Bulgarian-Serbian Wars
- Medieval Bulgarian Army
- Medieval Serbian army
- Deževa Agreement
- Mirmiran
Footnotes
- ^ Vásáry 2005, p. 112.
- ^ Vásáry 2005, p. 113.
- ^ Cantacuzenos, I, pp. 429. 19
- ^ a b c Nic. Gregoras. I, р. 455. 7-9.
- ^ Ćirković 2004, pp. 62.
- ^ Lawler, Jennifer (2011). Encyclopedia of the Byzantine Empire. McFarland. p. 299.
- ^ J. A. Fine. The Late Medieval Balkans. A critical Survey from the Late Twelfth Century to the Ottoman Conquest. Ann Arbor, The University of Michigan Press, 1987, II, p. 271
- ^ Nicephori Gregoras. Historiae byzantinae ed. Schopen, I, Bonnae, 1829, I, 391, 394;
- ^ Божилов. Фамилията Асеневци (1186-1460). С., 1994, I, № 23, с. 125; История, I,
- ^ Бурмов. Шишмановци, с. 45 и бел. 281
- ^ Историја српског народа, I, с.507, бел 25
- ^ Cantacuzenos, I, p. 429. 19
- ^ Nic. Gregoras. I, р. 455. 19-20
- ^ Ioannis Cantacuzeni ex-imperatoris historiarum libri IV. Ed. L. Schopen, I-III.Bonnae, 1828, I, 428. 23 – 429.
- ^ Cantacuzenos, I, 428. 9-23; Nic. Gregoras. I, р. 455. 18-21.
- ^ Р. Илjовски. Воспоставуванае на српска превласт во Македонија во третата децениjа на XIV век. – Гласник, XXI, 1977, № 2-3, с. 115
- ^ Nic. Gregoras. I, р. 454. 21-24.
- ^ Nic. Gregoras. I, 454. 24 - 455. 6
- ^ Cantacuzenos, I, p. 428. 19-20
- ^ Архиепископ Данило. Животи краљева, с. 181-182
- ^ Р. Сефтерски и К. Кръстев. Шишковци. – В: Енциклопедичен речник Кюстендил. Кюстендил 1988, с. 707
- ^ М. Андреев. България през втората четвърт на XIV век. С.,1993, 308-312
- ^ Трифонов. Деспот Иван Александър, 79-82, 87-88
- ^ Божилов. Асеневци, I, № 27, с. 134
- ^ Архиепископ Данило. Животи краљева, с. 180:
- ^ Димитров. Македония, с. 134.
- ^ Архиепископ Данило. Животи краљева, 181-182
- ^ Историја српског народа, I, с. 507 (С. Ћирковић)
- ^ "Historia by John Kantakouzenos" in GIBI, vol. X, Bulgarian Academy of Sciences, Sofia, p. 265
- ^ Политическа география, II, цит. м.; История на България, III, цит.м. (В. Гюзелев).
- ^ Архиепископ Данило. Животи краљева, с. 183
- ^ Иванов. Северна Македония, с. 51
- ^ Cantacuzenos, I, p. 430. 18-23
- ^ Архиепископ Данило. Животи краљева, с. 186
- ^ Архиепископ Данило. Животи краљева, 184-186
- ^ Nic. Gregoras. I, р. 455
- ^ Шишмановци, 54-55
- ^ Божилов. Асеневци, I, № 26, 126-127; История, I, с. 573
- ^ Шишмановци, с. 51, бел. 328
- ^ Трифонов. Деспот Иван Александър, с.85
- ^ Fine, p. 272
- ^ Burmov, p. 265
- ^ Andreev, p. 266
- ^ Fine 1994, p. 309-310.
- ^ Ostrogorsky 1956, pp. 468.
- ^ Fine 1994, p. 309.
References
- Йордан Андреев, Милчо Лалков, Българските ханове и царе, Велико Търново, 1996.
- ISBN 978-1-4051-4291-5.
- ISBN 0472082604.
- Ostrogorsky, George (1956). History of the Byzantine State. Oxford: Basil Blackwell.
- Vásáry, István (2005). Cumans and Tatars: Oriental Military in the Pre-Ottoman Balkans, 1185-1365. Cambridge University Press.
- Васил Н. Златарски, История на българската държава през средните векове, Част I, II изд., Наука и изкуство, София 1970.
Further reading
- Stoyanov, Aleksandr (July 2019). "The Size of Bulgaria's Medieval Field Armies: A Case Study of Military Mobilization Capacity in the Middle Ages". Journal of Military History. 83 (3): 719–746.
External links