Bertrand Russell

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OM FRS
Russell in 1949
Born
Bertrand Arthur William Russell

(1872-05-18)18 May 1872
Died2 February 1970(1970-02-02) (aged 97)
Penrhyndeudraeth, Merionethshire, Wales
EducationTrinity College, Cambridge (BA, 1893)
Spouses
  • (m. 1894; div. 1921)
  • (m. 1921; div. 1935)
  • (m. 1936; div. 1952)
    [6]
  • A. N. Whitehead
Doctoral studentsLudwig Wittgenstein
Other notable studentsRaphael Demos
Main interests
Notable ideas
Member of the House of Lords
In office
4 March 1931 – 2 February 1970
Hereditary peerage
Preceded byThe 2nd Earl Russell
Succeeded byThe 4th Earl Russell
Personal details
Political partyLabour (1922–1965)
Other political
affiliations
Liberal (1907–1922)
Signature

Bertrand Arthur William Russell, 3rd Earl Russell,

public intellectual. He had influence on mathematics, logic, set theory, and various areas of analytic philosophy.[8]

He was one of the early 20th century's prominent logicians[8] and a founder of analytic philosophy, along with his predecessor Gottlob Frege, his friend and colleague G. E. Moore, and his student and protégé Ludwig Wittgenstein. Russell with Moore led the British "revolt against idealism".[b] Together with his former teacher A. N. Whitehead, Russell wrote Principia Mathematica, a milestone in the development of classical logic and a major attempt to reduce the whole of mathematics to logic (see Logicism). Russell's article "On Denoting" has been considered a "paradigm of philosophy".[10]

Russell was a pacifist who championed anti-imperialism and chaired the India League.[11][12][13] He went to prison for his pacifism during World War I,[14] and initially supported appeasement against Adolf Hitler's Nazi Germany, before changing his view in 1943, describing war as a necessary "lesser of two evils". In the wake of World War II, he welcomed American global hegemony in favour of either Soviet hegemony or no (or ineffective) world leadership, even if it were to come at the cost of using their nuclear weapons.[15] He would later criticise Stalinist totalitarianism, condemn the United States' involvement in the Vietnam War, and become an outspoken proponent of nuclear disarmament.[16]

In 1950, Russell was awarded the Nobel Prize in Literature "in recognition of his varied and significant writings in which he champions humanitarian ideals and freedom of thought".[17][18] He was also the recipient of the De Morgan Medal (1932), Sylvester Medal (1934), Kalinga Prize (1957), and Jerusalem Prize (1963).

Biography

Early life and background

Bertrand Arthur William Russell was born at

deist, and even asked the philosopher John Stuart Mill to act as Russell's secular godfather.[24]
Mill died the year after Russell's birth, but his writings later influenced Russell's life.

Russell as a 4-year-old

His paternal grandfather, Lord John Russell, later 1st

Great Reform Act in 1832.[25][27]

Lady Amberley was the daughter of

Childhood and adolescence

Russell had two siblings: brother Frank (seven years older), and sister Rachel (four years older). In June 1874, Russell's mother died of diphtheria, followed shortly by Rachel's death. In January 1876, his father died of bronchitis after a long period of depression.[citation needed] Frank and Bertrand were placed in the care of Victorian paternal grandparents, who lived at Pembroke Lodge in Richmond Park. His grandfather, former Prime Minister Earl Russell, died in 1878, and was remembered by Russell as a kind old man in a wheelchair. His grandmother, the Countess Russell (née Lady Frances Elliot), was the central family figure for the rest of Russell's childhood and youth.[16][23]

The Countess was from a Scottish

Irish Home Rule), and her influence on Bertrand Russell's outlook on social justice and standing up for principle remained with him throughout his life. Her favourite Bible verse, "Thou shalt not follow a multitude to do evil",[30]
became his motto. The atmosphere at Pembroke Lodge was one of frequent prayer, emotional repression and formality; Frank reacted to this with open rebellion, but the young Bertrand learned to hide his feelings.

Childhood home, Pembroke Lodge, Richmond Park, London

Russell's adolescence was lonely and he contemplated suicide. He remarked in his autobiography that his interests in "nature and books and (later) mathematics saved me from complete despondency;"[31] only his wish to know more mathematics kept him from suicide.[32] He was educated at home by a series of tutors.[33] When Russell was eleven years old, his brother Frank introduced him to the work of Euclid, which he described in his autobiography as "one of the great events of my life, as dazzling as first love".[34][35]

During these formative years he also discovered the works of

atheist.[38][39]

He travelled to the continent in 1890 with an American friend,

Paris Exhibition of 1889 and climbed the Eiffel Tower soon after it was completed.[40]

Education

Russell at Trinity College, Cambridge, in 1893

Russell won a scholarship to read for the

George Edward Moore and came under the influence of Alfred North Whitehead, who recommended him to the Cambridge Apostles. He distinguished himself in mathematics and philosophy, graduating as seventh Wrangler in the former in 1893 and becoming a Fellow in the latter in 1895.[42][43]

Early career

Russell began his published work in 1896 with German Social Democracy, a study in politics that was an early indication of his interest in political and social theory. In 1896 he taught German social democracy at the

Sidney and Beatrice Webb.[45]

He now started a study of the

International Congress of Philosophy in Paris in 1900 where he met Giuseppe Peano and Alessandro Padoa. The Italians had responded to Georg Cantor, making a science of set theory; they gave Russell their literature including the Formulario mathematico. Russell was impressed by the precision of Peano's arguments at the Congress, read the literature upon returning to England, and came upon Russell's paradox. In 1903 he published The Principles of Mathematics, a work on foundations of mathematics. It advanced a thesis of logicism, that mathematics and logic are one and the same.[47]

At the age of 29, in February 1901, Russell underwent what he called a "sort of mystic illumination", after witnessing

Buddha to find some philosophy which should make human life endurable", Russell would later recall. "At the end of those five minutes, I had become a completely different person."[48]

In 1905, he wrote the essay "

Fellow of the Royal Society (FRS) in 1908.[7][16] The three-volume Principia Mathematica, written with Whitehead, was published between 1910 and 1913. This, along with the earlier The Principles of Mathematics, soon made Russell world-famous in his field. Russell's first political activity was as the Independent Liberal candidate in the 1907 by-election for the Wimbledon constituency, where he was not elected.[49]

In 1910, he became a lecturer at the University of Cambridge, Trinity College, where he had studied. He was considered for a fellowship, which would give him a vote in the college government and protect him from being fired for his opinions, but was passed over because he was "anti-clerical", because he was agnostic. He was approached by the Austrian engineering student Ludwig Wittgenstein, who became his PhD student. Russell viewed Wittgenstein as a successor who would continue his work on logic. He spent hours dealing with Wittgenstein's various phobias and his bouts of despair. This was a drain on Russell's energy, but Russell continued to be fascinated by him and encouraged his academic development, including the publication of Wittgenstein's Tractatus Logico-Philosophicus in 1922.[50] Russell delivered his lectures on logical atomism, his version of these ideas, in 1918, before the end of World War I. Wittgenstein was, at that time, serving in the Austrian Army and subsequently spent nine months in an Italian prisoner of war camp at the end of the conflict.

First World War

Russell served on the National Committee of the No-Conscription Fellowship, shown here in May 1916 (back right).[51]

During

Philip Snowden, as well as former Liberal MP and anti-conscription campaigner, Professor Arnold Lupton. After the event, Russell told Lady Ottoline Morrell that, "to my surprise, when I got up to speak, I was given the greatest ovation that was possible to give anybody".[55][56]

His conviction in 1916 resulted in Russell being fined £100 (equivalent to £6,000 in 2021), which he refused to pay in hope that he would be sent to prison, but his books were sold at auction to raise the money. The books were bought by friends; he later treasured his copy of the King James Bible that was stamped "Confiscated by Cambridge Police".

A later conviction for publicly lecturing against inviting the United States to enter the war on the United Kingdom's side resulted in six months' imprisonment in

Defence of the Realm Act[57])[58]
He later said of his imprisonment:

I found prison in many ways quite agreeable. I had no engagements, no difficult decisions to make, no fear of callers, no interruptions to my work. I read enormously; I wrote a book, "Introduction to Mathematical Philosophy"... and began the work for "The Analysis of Mind". I was rather interested in my fellow-prisoners, who seemed to me in no way morally inferior to the rest of the population, though they were on the whole slightly below the usual level of intelligence as was shown by their having been caught.[59]

While he was reading Strachey's Eminent Victorians chapter about Gordon he laughed out loud in his cell prompting the warder to intervene and reminding him that "prison was a place of punishment".[60]

Russell was reinstated to Trinity in 1919, resigned in 1920, was Tarner Lecturer in 1926 and became a Fellow again in 1944 until 1949.[61]

In 1924, Russell again gained press attention when attending a "banquet" in the House of Commons with well-known campaigners, including Arnold Lupton, who had been an MP and had also endured imprisonment for "passive resistance to military or naval service".[62]

G. H. Hardy on the Trinity controversy

In 1941, G. H. Hardy wrote a 61-page pamphlet titled Bertrand Russell and Trinity – published later as a book by Cambridge University Press with a foreword by C. D. Broad—in which he gave an authoritative account of Russell's 1916 dismissal from Trinity College, explaining that a reconciliation between the college and Russell had later taken place and gave details about Russell's personal life. Hardy writes that Russell's dismissal had created a scandal since the vast majority of the Fellows of the College opposed the decision. The ensuing pressure from the Fellows induced the Council to reinstate Russell. In January 1920, it was announced that Russell had accepted the reinstatement offer from Trinity and would begin lecturing from October. In July 1920, Russell applied for a one year leave of absence; this was approved. He spent the year giving lectures in China and Japan. In January 1921, it was announced by Trinity that Russell had resigned and his resignation had been accepted. This resignation, Hardy explains, was voluntary and was not the result of another altercation.

The reason for the resignation, according to Hardy, was that Russell was going through a tumultuous time in his personal life with a divorce and subsequent remarriage. Russell contemplated asking Trinity for another one-year leave of absence but decided against it, since this would have been an "unusual application" and the situation had the potential to snowball into another controversy. Although Russell did the right thing, in Hardy's opinion, the reputation of the College suffered with Russell's resignation, since the 'world of learning' knew about Russell's altercation with Trinity but not that the rift had healed. In 1925, Russell was asked by the Council of Trinity College to give the Tarner Lectures on the Philosophy of the Sciences; these would later be the basis for one of Russell's best-received books according to Hardy: The Analysis of Matter, published in 1927.[63] In the preface to the Trinity pamphlet, Hardy wrote:

I wish to make it plain that Russell himself is not responsible, directly or indirectly, for the writing of the pamphlet.... I wrote it without his knowledge and, when I sent him the typescript and asked for his permission to print it, I suggested that, unless it contained misstatement of fact, he should make no comment on it. He agreed to this... no word has been changed as the result of any suggestion from him.

Between the wars

In August 1920, Russell travelled to

Russian Revolution.[64] He wrote a four-part series of articles, titled "Soviet Russia—1920", for the magazine The Nation.[65][66] He met Vladimir Lenin and had an hour-long conversation with him. In his autobiography, he mentions that he found Lenin disappointing, sensing an "impish cruelty" in him and comparing him to "an opinionated professor". He cruised down the Volga on a steamship. His experiences destroyed his previous tentative support for the revolution. He subsequently wrote a book, The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism,[67] about his experiences on this trip, taken with a group of 24 others from the UK, all of whom came home thinking well of the Soviet regime, despite Russell's attempts to change their minds. For example, he told them that he had heard shots fired in the middle of the night and was sure that these were clandestine executions, but the others maintained that it was only cars backfiring.[citation needed
]

Kate

Russell's lover

feminist and socialist campaigner, visited Soviet Russia independently at the same time; in contrast to his reaction, she was enthusiastic about the Bolshevik revolution.[67]

The following year, Russell, accompanied by Dora, visited

incorrect reports of his death were published in the Japanese press.[69] When the couple visited Japan on their return journey, Dora took on the role of spurning the local press by handing out notices reading "Mr. Bertrand Russell, having died according to the Japanese press, is unable to give interviews to Japanese journalists".[70][71] Apparently they found this harsh and reacted resentfully.[citation needed][72][73] Russell supported his family during this time by writing popular books explaining matters of physics
, ethics, and education to the layman.

Bertrand Russell in 1924

From 1922 to 1927 the Russells divided their time between London and Cornwall, spending summers in Porthcurno.[74] In the 1922 and 1923 general elections Russell stood as a Labour Party candidate in the Chelsea constituency, but only on the basis that he knew he was unlikely to be elected in such a safe Conservative seat, and he was unsuccessful on both occasions.

After the birth of his two children, he became interested in education, especially early childhood education. He was not satisfied with the old traditional education and thought that progressive education also had some flaws;[75] as a result, together with Dora, Russell founded the experimental Beacon Hill School in 1927. The school was run from a succession of different locations, including its original premises at the Russells' residence, Telegraph House, near Harting, West Sussex. During this time, he published On Education, Especially in Early Childhood. On 8 July 1930, Dora gave birth to her third child Harriet Ruth. After he left the school in 1932, Dora continued it until 1943.[76][77]

In 1927 Russell met Barry Fox (later Barry Stevens), who became known Gestalt therapist and writer in later years.[78] They developed an intense relationship, and in Fox's words: "... for three years we were very close."[79] Fox sent her daughter Judith to Beacon Hill School.[80] From 1927 to 1932 Russell wrote 34 letters to Fox.[81] Upon the death of his elder brother Frank, in 1931, Russell became the 3rd Earl Russell.

Russell's marriage to Dora grew tenuous, and it reached a breaking point over her having two children with an American journalist, Griffin Barry.

Patricia ("Peter") Spence, who had been his children's governess since 1930. Russell and Peter had one son, Conrad Sebastian Robert Russell, 5th Earl Russell, who became a historian and one of the leading figures in the Liberal Democrat party.[16]

Russell returned in 1937 to the London School of Economics to lecture on the science of power.[44] During the 1930s, Russell became a friend and collaborator of V. K. Krishna Menon, then President of the India League, the foremost lobby in the United Kingdom for Indian independence.[13] Russell chaired the India League from 1932 to 1939.[82]

Second World War

Russell's political views changed over time, mostly about war. He opposed rearmament against Nazi Germany. In 1937, he wrote in a personal letter: "If the Germans succeed in sending an invading army to England we should do best to treat them as visitors, give them quarters and invite the commander and chief to dine with the prime minister."[83] In 1940, he changed his appeasement view that avoiding a full-scale world war was more important than defeating Hitler. He concluded that Adolf Hitler taking over all of Europe would be a permanent threat to democracy. In 1943, he adopted a stance toward large-scale warfare called "relative political pacifism": "War was always a great evil, but in some particularly extreme circumstances, it may be the lesser of two evils."[84][85]

Before World War II, Russell taught at the

Horace M. Kallen edited a collection of articles on the CCNY affair in The Bertrand Russell Case. Russell soon joined the Barnes Foundation, lecturing to a varied audience on the history of philosophy; these lectures formed the basis of A History of Western Philosophy. His relationship with the eccentric Albert C. Barnes soon soured, and he returned to the UK in 1944 to rejoin the faculty of Trinity College.[90]

Later life

Russell in 1954

Russell participated in many broadcasts over the BBC, particularly The Brains Trust and for the Third Programme, on various topical and philosophical subjects. By this time Russell was known outside academic circles, frequently the subject or author of magazine and newspaper articles, and was called upon to offer opinions on a variety of subjects, even mundane ones. En route to one of his lectures in Trondheim, Russell was one of 24 survivors (out of 43 passengers) of an aeroplane crash in Hommelvik in October 1948. He said he owed his life to smoking since the people who drowned were in the non-smoking part of the plane.[91][92] A History of Western Philosophy (1945) became a best-seller and provided Russell with a steady income for the remainder of his life.

In 1942, Russell argued in favour of a moderate socialism, capable of overcoming its metaphysical principles. In an inquiry on dialectical materialism, launched by the Austrian artist and philosopher Wolfgang Paalen in his journal DYN, Russell said: "I think the metaphysics of both Hegel and Marx plain nonsense—Marx's claim to be 'science' is no more justified than Mary Baker Eddy's. This does not mean that I am opposed to socialism."[93]

In 1943, Russell expressed support for Zionism: "I have come gradually to see that, in a dangerous and largely hostile world, it is essential to Jews to have some country which is theirs, some region where they are not suspected aliens, some state which embodies what is distinctive in their culture".[94]

In a speech in 1948, Russell said that if the

first strike in a war with the USSR, including Nigel Lawson, who was present when Russell spoke of such matters. Others, including Griffin, who obtained a transcript of the speech, have argued that he was explaining the usefulness of America's atomic arsenal in deterring the USSR from continuing its domination of Eastern Europe.[91]

Just after the atomic bombs exploded over Hiroshima and Nagasaki, Russell wrote letters, and published articles in newspapers from 1945 to 1948, stating clearly that it was morally justified and better to go to war against the USSR using atomic bombs while the United States possessed them and before the USSR did.[97] In September 1949, one week after the USSR tested its first A-bomb, but before this became known, Russell wrote that the USSR would be unable to develop nuclear weapons because following Stalin's purges only science based on Marxist principles would be practised in the Soviet Union.[98] After it became known that the USSR had carried out its nuclear bomb tests, Russell declared his position advocating the total abolition of atomic weapons.[97]

In 1948, Russell was invited by the BBC to deliver the inaugural Reith Lectures[99]—what was to become an annual series of lectures, still broadcast by the BBC. His series of six broadcasts, titled Authority and the Individual,[100] explored themes such as the role of individual initiative in the development of a community and the role of state control in a progressive society. Russell continued to write about philosophy. He wrote a foreword to Words and Things by Ernest Gellner, which was highly critical of the later thought of Ludwig Wittgenstein and of ordinary language philosophy. Gilbert Ryle refused to have the book reviewed in the philosophical journal Mind, which caused Russell to respond via The Times. The result was a month-long correspondence in The Times between the supporters and detractors of ordinary language philosophy, which was ended when the paper published an editorial critical of both sides but agreeing with the opponents of ordinary language philosophy.[101]

In the King's

brother
" immediately came to mind.

In 1950, Russell attended the inaugural conference for the

CIA-funded anti-communist organisation committed to the deployment of culture as a weapon during the Cold War.[104] Russell was one of the known patrons of the Congress, until he resigned in 1956.[105]

In 1952, Russell was divorced by Spence, with whom he had been very unhappy.[

mental illness, which was the source of ongoing disputes between Russell and his former wife Dora.[citation needed
]

In 1962 Russell played a public role in the Cuban Missile Crisis: in an exchange of telegrams with Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev, Khrushchev assured him that the Soviet government would not be reckless.[106][107] Russell sent this telegram to President Kennedy:

YOUR ACTION DESPERATE. THREAT TO HUMAN SURVIVAL. NO CONCEIVABLE JUSTIFICATION. CIVILIZED MAN CONDEMNS IT. WE WILL NOT HAVE MASS MURDER. ULTIMATUM MEANS WAR... END THIS MADNESS.[108]

According to historian Peter Knight, after JFK's

assassination, Russell, "prompted by the emerging work of the lawyer Mark Lane in the US ... rallied support from other noteworthy and left-leaning compatriots to form a Who Killed Kennedy Committee in June 1964, members of which included Michael Foot MP, Caroline Benn, the publisher Victor Gollancz, the writers John Arden and J. B. Priestley, and the Oxford history professor Hugh Trevor-Roper." Russell published a highly critical article weeks before the Warren Commission Report was published, setting forth 16 Questions on the Assassination and equating the Oswald case with the Dreyfus affair of late 19th-century France, in which the state convicted an innocent man. Russell also criticised the American press for failing to heed any voices critical of the official version.[109]

Political causes

Bertrand Russell was opposed to war from a young age; his opposition to World War I being used as grounds for his dismissal from Trinity College at Cambridge. This incident fused two of his controversial causes, as he had failed to be granted fellow status which would have protected him from firing, because he was not willing to either pretend to be a devout Christian, or at least avoid admitting he was agnostic.

He later described the resolution of these issues as essential to freedom of thought and expression, citing the incident in Free Thought and Official Propaganda, where he explained that the expression of any idea, even the most obviously "bad", must be protected not only from direct State intervention, but also economic leveraging and other means of being silenced:

The opinions which are still persecuted strike the majority as so monstrous and immoral that the general principle of toleration cannot be held to apply to them. But this is exactly the same view as that which made possible the tortures of the Inquisition.[110]

Russell spent the 1950s and 1960s engaged in political causes primarily related to nuclear disarmament and opposing the Vietnam War. The 1955 Russell–Einstein Manifesto was a document calling for nuclear disarmament and was signed by eleven of the most prominent nuclear physicists and intellectuals of the time.[111] In October 1960 "The Committee of 100" was formed with a declaration by Russell and Michael Scott, entitled "Act or Perish", which called for a "movement of nonviolent resistance to nuclear war and weapons of mass destruction".[112] In September 1961, at the age of 89, Russell was jailed for seven days in Brixton Prison for a "breach of the peace" after taking part in an anti-nuclear demonstration in London. The magistrate offered to exempt him from jail if he pledged himself to "good behaviour", to which Russell replied: "No, I won't."[113][114]

From 1966 to 1967, Russell worked with Jean-Paul Sartre and many other intellectual figures to form the Russell Vietnam War Crimes Tribunal to investigate the conduct of the United States in Vietnam. He wrote many letters to world leaders during this period.

Early in his life Russell supported eugenicist policies. In 1894, he proposed that the state issue certificates of health to prospective parents and withhold public benefits from those considered unfit.[115] In 1929, he wrote that people deemed "mentally defective" and "feebleminded" should be sexually sterilised because they "are apt to have enormous numbers of illegitimate children, all, as a rule, wholly useless to the community."[116] Russell was also an advocate of population control:[117][118]

The nations which at present increase rapidly should be encouraged to adopt the methods by which, in the West, the increase of population has been checked. Educational propaganda, with government help, could achieve this result in a generation. There are, however, two powerful forces opposed to such a policy: one is religion, the other is nationalism. I think it is the duty of all to proclaim that opposition to the spread of birth is appalling depth of misery and degradation, and that within another fifty years or so. I do not pretend that birth control is the only way in which population can be kept from increasing. There are others, which, one must suppose, opponents of birth control would prefer. War, as I remarked a moment ago, has hitherto been disappointing in this respect, but perhaps bacteriological war may prove more effective. If a Black Death could be spread throughout the whole world once in every generation survivors could procreate freely without making the world too full.

On 20 November 1948, in a public speech at

human race
. Russell later relented from this stance, instead arguing for mutual disarmament by the nuclear powers.

In 1956, before and during the Suez Crisis, Russell expressed his opposition to European imperialism in the Middle East. He viewed the crisis as another reminder of the pressing need for an effective mechanism for international governance, and to restrict national sovereignty in places such as the Suez Canal area "where general interest is involved". At the same time the Suez Crisis was taking place, the world was also captivated by the Hungarian Revolution and the subsequent crushing of the revolt by intervening Soviet forces. Russell attracted criticism for speaking out fervently against the Suez war while ignoring Soviet repression in Hungary, to which he responded that he did not criticise the Soviets "because there was no need. Most of the so-called Western World was fulminating". Although he later feigned a lack of concern, at the time he was disgusted by the brutal Soviet response, and on 16 November 1956, he expressed approval for a declaration of support for Hungarian scholars which Michael Polanyi had cabled to the Soviet embassy in London twelve days previously, shortly after Soviet troops had entered Budapest.[119]

In November 1957 Russell wrote an article addressing US President Dwight D. Eisenhower and Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev, urging a summit to consider "the conditions of co-existence". Khrushchev responded that peace could be served by such a meeting. In January 1958 Russell elaborated his views in The Observer, proposing a cessation of all nuclear weapons production, with the UK taking the first step by unilaterally suspending its own nuclear-weapons program if necessary, and with Germany "freed from all alien armed forces and pledged to neutrality in any conflict between East and West". US Secretary of State John Foster Dulles replied for Eisenhower. The exchange of letters was published as The Vital Letters of Russell, Khrushchev, and Dulles.[120]

Russell was asked by

UN Security Council.[120]

He was in contact with

nuclear plants and rocket weaponry.[122] In October 1965 he tore up his Labour Party card because he suspected Harold Wilson's Labour government was going to send troops to support the United States in Vietnam.[16]

Final years, death and legacy

Plas Penrhyn in Penrhyndeudraeth
Russell on a 1972 stamp of India

In June 1955, Russell had leased Plas Penrhyn in Penrhyndeudraeth, Merionethshire, Wales and on 5 July of the following year it became his and Edith's principal residence.[123]

Bust of Russell in Red Lion Square

Russell published his three-volume autobiography in 1967, 1968, and 1969. He made a cameo appearance playing himself in the anti-war Hindi film Aman, by Mohan Kumar, which was released in India in 1967. This was Russell's only appearance in a feature film.[124]

On 23 November 1969, he wrote to The Times newspaper saying that the preparation for show trials in Czechoslovakia was "highly alarming". The same month, he appealed to Secretary General

Soviet Union of Writers
.

On 31 January 1970, Russell issued a statement condemning "Israel's aggression in the Middle East", and in particular, Israeli bombing raids being carried out deep in Egyptian territory as part of the War of Attrition, which he compared to German bombing raids in the Battle of Britain and the US bombing of Vietnam. He called for an Israeli withdrawal to the pre-Six-Day War borders. This was Russell's final political statement or act. It was read out at the International Conference of Parliamentarians in Cairo on 3 February 1970, the day after his death.[125]

Russell died of influenza, just after 8 pm on 2 February 1970 at his home in Penrhyndeudraeth, aged 97.[126] His body was cremated in Colwyn Bay on 5 February 1970 with five people present.[127] In accordance with his will, there was no religious ceremony but one minute's silence; his ashes were later scattered over the Welsh mountains.[128] Although he was born in Monmouthshire, and died in Penrhyndeudraeth in Wales, Russell identified as English.[129][130][131] Later in 1970, on 23 October, his will was published showing he had left an estate valued at £69,423 (equivalent to £1.1 million in 2021).[128] In 1980, a memorial to Russell was commissioned by a committee including the philosopher A. J. Ayer. It consists of a bust of Russell in Red Lion Square in London sculpted by Marcelle Quinton.[132]

Lady Katharine Jane Tait, Russell's daughter, founded the Bertrand Russell Society in 1974 to preserve and understand his work. It publishes the Bertrand Russell Society Bulletin, holds meetings and awards prizes for scholarship, including the Bertrand Russell Society Award.[133][134] She also authored several essays about her father; as well as a book, My Father, Bertrand Russell, which was published in 1975.[135] All members receive Russell: The Journal of Bertrand Russell Studies.

For the

Conway Hall in Red Lion Square, London, on 18 May, the anniversary of his birth.[137] For its part, on the same day, La Estrella de Panamá published a biographical sketch by Francisco Díaz Montilla, who commented that "[if he] had to characterize Russell's work in one sentence [he] would say: criticism and rejection of dogmatism."[138]

Bangladesh's first leader,

Mujibur Rahman, named his youngest son Sheikh Russel
in honour of Bertrand Russell.

Marriages and issue

In 1889, Russell at 17 years of age, met the family of

Quaker five years older, who was a graduate of Bryn Mawr College near Philadelphia.[139][140] He became a friend of the Pearsall Smith family. They knew him as "Lord John's grandson" and enjoyed showing him off.[141]

He fell in love with Alys, and contrary to his grandmother's wishes, married her on 13 December 1894. Their marriage began to fall apart in 1901 when it occurred to Russell, while cycling, that he no longer loved her.[142] She asked him if he loved her and he replied that he did not. Russell also disliked Alys's mother, finding her controlling and cruel. A lengthy period of separation began in 1911 with Russell's affair with Lady Ottoline Morrell,[143] and he and Alys finally divorced in 1921 to enable Russell to remarry.[144]

During his years of separation from Alys, Russell had affairs (often simultaneous) with a number of women, including Morrell and the actress

Vivienne Haigh-Wood, the English governess and writer, and first wife of T. S. Eliot.[146]

In 1921, his second marriage was to Dora Winifred Black MBE (died 1986), daughter of Sir Frederick Black. Dora was six months pregnant when the couple returned to England.

This was dissolved in 1935, having produced two children:

  • John Conrad Russell, 4th Earl Russell
    (1921–1987)
  • Lady Katharine Jane Russell (1923–2021), who married Rev. Charles Tait in 1948 and had issue

Russell's third marriage was to Patricia Helen Spence (died 2004) in 1936, with the marriage producing one child:

Russell's third marriage ended in divorce in 1952. He married Edith Finch in the same year. Finch died in 1978.[147]

Views

Philosophy

Russell is credited with being one of the founders of

epistemology. When Brand Blanshard asked Russell why he did not write on aesthetics, Russell replied that he did not know anything about it, though he hastened to add "but that is not a very good excuse, for my friends tell me it has not deterred me from writing on other subjects".[148]

On ethics, Russell wrote that he was a

utilitarian in his youth, yet he later distanced himself from this view.[149]

For the advancement of science and protection of liberty of expression, Russell advocated

The Will to Doubt
, the recognition that all human knowledge is at most a best guess, that one should always remember:

None of our beliefs are quite true; all have at least a penumbra of vagueness and error. The methods of increasing the degree of truth in our beliefs are well known; they consist in hearing all sides, trying to ascertain all the relevant facts, controlling our own bias by discussion with people who have the opposite bias, and cultivating a readiness to discard any hypothesis which has proved inadequate. These methods are practised in science, and have built up the body of scientific knowledge. Every man of science whose outlook is truly scientific is ready to admit that what passes for scientific knowledge at the moment is sure to require correction with the progress of discovery; nevertheless, it is near enough to the truth to serve for most practical purposes, though not for all. In science, where alone something approximating to genuine knowledge is to be found, men's attitude is tentative and full of doubt.[110]

Religion

Russell described himself in 1947 as an agnostic or an

British Humanist Association and President of Cardiff Humanists until his death.[151]

Society

Political and social activism occupied much of Russell's time for most of his life. Russell remained politically active almost to the end of his life, writing to and exhorting world leaders and lending his name to various causes. He was a prominent campaigner against Western intervention into the Vietnam War in the 1960s, writing essays, books, attending demonstrations, and even organising the Russell Tribunal in 1966 alongside other prominent philosophers such as Jean-Paul Sartre and Simone de Beauvoir, which fed into his 1967 book War Crimes in Vietnam.[152]

Russell argued for a "scientific society", where war would be abolished, population growth would be limited, and prosperity would be shared.

private ownership of the major means of production, which therefore needed to be put under social control (which does not mean state control)."[160]

Russell was an active supporter of the Homosexual Law Reform Society, being one of the signatories of A. E. Dyson's 1958 letter to The Times calling for a change in the law regarding male homosexual practices, which were partly legalised in 1967, when Russell was still alive.[161]

He expressed sympathy and support for the Palestinian people and was critical of Israel's actions. He wrote in 1960 that, "I think it was a mistake to establish a Jewish State in Palestine, but it would be a still greater mistake to try to get rid of it now that it exists."[162] In his final written document, read aloud in Cairo three days after his death on 31 January 1970, he condemned Israel as an aggressive imperialist power, which "wishes to consolidate with the least difficulty what it has already taken by violence. Every new conquest becomes the new basis of the proposed negotiation from strength, which ignores the injustice of the previous aggression." In regards to the Palestinian people and refugees, he wrote that, "No people anywhere in the world would accept being expelled en masse from their own country; how can anyone require the people of Palestine to accept a punishment which nobody else would tolerate? A permanent just settlement of the refugees in their homeland is an essential ingredient of any genuine settlement in the Middle East."[163]

Russell advocated – and was one of the first people in the UK to suggest[164] – a universal basic income.[165] In his 1918 book Roads to Freedom, Russell wrote that "Anarchism has the advantage as regards liberty, Socialism as regards the inducement to work.  Can we not find a method of combining these two advantages? It seems to me that we can. [...] Stated in more familiar terms, the plan we are advocating amounts essentially to this: that a certain small income, sufficient for necessaries, should be secured to all, whether they work or not, and that a larger income – as much larger as might be warranted by the total amount of commodities produced – should be given to those who are willing to engage in some work which the community recognizes as useful...When education is finished, no one should be compelled to work, and those who choose not to work should receive a bare livelihood and be left completely free."[166]

In "Reflections on My Eightieth Birthday" ("Postscript" in his Autobiography), Russell wrote: "I have lived in the pursuit of a vision, both personal and social. Personal: to care for what is noble, for what is beautiful, for what is gentle; to allow moments of insight to give wisdom at more mundane times. Social: to see in imagination the society that is to be created, where individuals grow freely, and where hate and greed and envy die because there is nothing to nourish them. These things I believe, and the world, for all its horrors, has left me unshaken".[167]

Freedom of opinion and expression

Russell supported freedom of opinion and was an opponent of both censorship and indoctrination. In 1928, he wrote: "The fundamental argument for freedom of opinion is the doubtfulness of all our belief... when the State intervenes to ensure the indoctrination of some doctrine, it does so because there is no conclusive evidence in favour of that doctrine ... It is clear that thought is not free if the profession of certain opinions make it impossible to make a living".[168] In 1957, he wrote: "'Free thought' means thinking freely ... to be worthy of the name freethinker he must be free of two things: the force of tradition and the tyranny of his own passions."[169]

Education

Russell has presented ideas on the possible means of control of education in case of scientific dictatorship governments, of the kind of this excerpt taken from chapter II "General Effects of Scientific Technique" of "The Impact of Science on society":[170]

This subject will make great strides when it is taken up by scientists under a scientific dictatorship. Anaxagoras maintained that snow is black, but no one believed him. The social psychologists of the future will have a number of classes of school children on whom they will try different methods of producing an unshakable conviction that snow is black. Various results will soon be arrived at. First, that the influence of home is obstructive. Second, that not much can be done unless indoctrination begins before the age of ten. Third, that verses set to music and repeatedly intoned are very effective. Fourth, that the opinion that snow is white must be held to show a morbid taste for eccentricity. But I anticipate. It is for future scientists to make these maxims precise and discover exactly how much it costs per head to make children believe that snow is black, and how much less it would cost to make them believe it is dark grey. Although this science will be diligently studied, it will be rigidly confined to the governing class. The populace will not be allowed to know how its convictions were generated. When the technique has been perfected, every government that has been in charge of education for a generation will be able to control its subjects securely without the need of armies or policemen. As yet there is only one country which has succeeded in creating this politician's paradise. The social effects of scientific technique have already been many and important, and are likely to be even more noteworthy in the future. Some of these effects depend upon the political and economic character of the country concerned; others are inevitable, whatever this character may be.

He pushed his visionary scenarios even further into details, in the chapter III "Scientific Technique in an Oligarchy" of the same book,[171] stating as an example:

In future such failures are not likely to occur where there is dictatorship. Diet, injections, and injunctions will combine, from a very early age, to produce the sort of character and the sort of beliefs that the authorities consider desirable, and any serious criticism of the powers that be will become psychologically impossible. Even if all are miserable, all will believe themselves happy, because the government will tell them that they are so.

Selected works

Below are selected Russell's works in English, sorted by year of first publication:

  • 1896. German Social Democracy. London: Longmans, Green
  • 1897. An Essay on the Foundations of Geometry.[172] Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
  • 1900. A Critical Exposition of the Philosophy of Leibniz. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
  • 1903. The Principles of Mathematics.[173] Cambridge University Press
  • 1903. A Free man's worship, and other essays.[174]
  • 1905.
    ISSN 0026-4423
    . Basil Blackwell
  • 1910. Philosophical Essays. London: Longmans, Green
  • 1910–1913. Principia Mathematica.[175] (with Alfred North Whitehead). 3 vols. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
  • 1912. The Problems of Philosophy.[176] London: Williams and Norgate
  • 1914. Our Knowledge of the External World as a Field for Scientific Method in Philosophy.[177] Chicago and London: Open Court Publishing.[178]
  • 1916. Principles of Social Reconstruction.[179] London, George Allen and Unwin
  • 1916. Why Men Fight. New York: The Century Co
  • 1916. The Policy of the Entente, 1904–1914 : a reply to Professor Gilbert Murray.[180] Manchester: The National Labour Press
  • 1916. Justice in War-time. Chicago: Open Court
  • 1917. Political Ideals.[181] New York: The Century Co.
  • 1918. Mysticism and Logic and Other Essays. London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1918. Proposed Roads to Freedom: Socialism, Anarchism, and Syndicalism.[182] London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1919.
    ISBN 0-415-09604-9 for Routledge paperback)[185]
  • 1920. The Practice and Theory of Bolshevism.[186] London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1921. The Analysis of Mind.[187] London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1922. The Problem of China.[188] London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1922. Free Thought and Official Propaganda, delivered at South Place Institute[110]
  • 1923. The Prospects of Industrial Civilization, in collaboration with Dora Russell. London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1923. The ABC of Atoms, London: Kegan Paul. Trench, Trubner
  • 1924. Icarus; or, The Future of Science. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner
  • 1925. The ABC of Relativity. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner (revised and edited by Felix Pirani)
  • 1925. What I Believe. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner
  • 1926. On Education, Especially in Early Childhood. London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1927. The Analysis of Matter. London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner
  • 1927. An Outline of Philosophy. London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1927. Why I Am Not a Christian.[189] London: Watts
  • 1927. Selected Papers of Bertrand Russell. New York: Modern Library
  • 1928. Sceptical Essays. London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1929. Marriage and Morals. London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1930. The Conquest of Happiness. London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1931. The Scientific Outlook,[190] London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1932. Education and the Social Order,[191] London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1934. Freedom and Organization, 1814–1914. London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1935. In Praise of Idleness and Other Essays.[192] London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1935. Religion and Science. London: Thornton Butterworth
  • 1936. Which Way to Peace?. London: Jonathan Cape
  • 1937. The Amberley Papers: The Letters and Diaries of Lord and Lady Amberley, with Patricia Russell, 2 vols., London: Leonard & Virginia Woolf at the Hogarth Press; reprinted (1966) as The Amberley Papers. Bertrand Russell's Family Background, 2 vols., London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1938. Power: A New Social Analysis. London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1940. An Inquiry into Meaning and Truth. New York: W. W. Norton & Company.[193]
  • 1945. The Bomb and Civilisation. Published in the Glasgow Forward on 18 August 1945
  • 1946. A History of Western Philosophy and Its Connection with Political and Social Circumstances from the Earliest Times to the Present Day[194] New York: Simon and Schuster
  • 1948. Human Knowledge: Its Scope and Limits. London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1949. Authority and the Individual.[195] London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1950. Unpopular Essays.[196] London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1951. New Hopes for a Changing World. London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1952. The Impact of Science on Society. London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1953. Satan in the Suburbs and Other Stories. London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1954. Human Society in Ethics and Politics. London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1954. Nightmares of Eminent Persons and Other Stories.[197] London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1956. Portraits from Memory and Other Essays.[198] London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1956. Logic and Knowledge: Essays 1901–1950, edited by Robert C. Marsh. London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1957. Why I Am Not A Christian and Other Essays on Religion and Related Subjects, edited by Paul Edwards. London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1958. Understanding History and Other Essays. New York: Philosophical Library
  • 1958. The Will to Doubt. New York: Philosophical Library
  • 1959. Common Sense and Nuclear Warfare.[199] London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1959. My Philosophical Development.[200] London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1959. Wisdom of the West: A Historical Survey of Western Philosophy in Its Social and Political Setting, edited by Paul Foulkes. London: Macdonald
  • 1960. Bertrand Russell Speaks His Mind, Cleveland and New York: World Publishing Company
  • 1961. The Basic Writings of Bertrand Russell, edited by R. E. Egner and L. E. Denonn. London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1961. Fact and Fiction. London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1961. Has Man a Future? London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1963. Essays in Skepticism. New York: Philosophical Library
  • 1963. Unarmed Victory. London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1965. Legitimacy Versus Industrialism, 1814–1848. London: George Allen & Unwin (first published as Parts I and II of Freedom and Organization, 1814–1914, 1934)
  • 1965. On the Philosophy of Science, edited by Charles A. Fritz, Jr. Indianapolis: The Bobbs–Merrill Company
  • 1966. The ABC of Relativity. London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1967. Russell's Peace Appeals, edited by Tsutomu Makino and Kazuteru Hitaka. Japan: Eichosha's New Current Books
  • 1967. War Crimes in Vietnam. London: George Allen & Unwin
  • 1951–1969. The Autobiography of Bertrand Russell,[201] 3 vols., London: George Allen & Unwin. Vol. 2, 1956[201]
  • 1969. Dear Bertrand Russell... A Selection of his Correspondence with the General Public 1950–1968, edited by Barry Feinberg and Ronald Kasrils. London: George Allen and Unwin

Russell was the author of more than sixty books and over two thousand articles.[202][203] Additionally, he wrote many pamphlets, introductions, and letters to the editor. One pamphlet titled, I Appeal unto Caesar': The Case of the Conscientious Objectors, ghostwritten for Margaret Hobhouse, the mother of imprisoned peace activist Stephen Hobhouse, allegedly helped secure the release from prison of hundreds of conscientious objectors.[204]

His works can be found in anthologies and collections, including The Collected Papers of Bertrand Russell, which McMaster University began publishing in 1983. By March 2017 this collection of his shorter and previously unpublished works included 18 volumes,[205] and several more are in progress. A bibliography in three additional volumes catalogues his publications. The Russell Archives held by McMaster's William Ready Division of Archives and Research Collections possess over 40,000 of his letters.[206]

See also

Explanatory notes

  1. ^ a b At the time of Russell's birth, some considered Monmouthshire to be part of Wales and some part of England. See Monmouthshire (historic)#Ambiguity over status.
  2. British Idealism which, for nearly 90 years, had been dominating British philosophy. Russell would later recall that "with a sense of escaping from prison, we allowed ourselves to think that grass is green, that the sun and stars would exist if no one was aware of them ..."[9]

References

Citations

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  3. ^ "Structural Realism" Archived 3 July 2008 at the Wayback Machine: entry by James Ladyman in the Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy
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  83. . I found the Nazis utterly revolting – cruel, bigoted, and stupid. Morally and intellectually they were alike odious to me. Although I clung to my pacifist convictions, I did so with increasing difficulty. When, in 1940, England was threatened with invasion, I realised that, throughout the First War, I had never seriously envisaged the possibility of utter defeat. I found this possibility unbearable, and at last consciously and definitely decided that I must support what was necessary for victory in the Second War, however difficult victory might be to achieve, and however painful in its consequences
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General and cited sources

Primary sources

  • 1900, Sur la logique des relations avec des applications à la théorie des séries, Rivista di matematica 7: 115–148.
  • 1901, On the Notion of Order, Mind (n.s.) 10: 35–51.
  • 1902, (with Alfred North Whitehead), On Cardinal Numbers, American Journal of Mathematics 24: 367–384.
  • 1948, BBC Reith Lectures: Authority and the Individual A series of six radio lectures broadcast on the BBC Home Service in December 1948.

Secondary sources

  • John Newsome Crossley. A Note on Cantor's Theorem and Russell's Paradox, Australian Journal of Philosophy 51, 1973, 70–71.
  • Ivor Grattan-Guinness. The Search for Mathematical Roots 1870–1940. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2000.
  • Alan Ryan. Bertrand Russell: A Political Life, New York: Oxford University Press, 1981.

Further reading

Books about Russell's philosophy

Biographical books

External links

Peerage of the United Kingdom
Preceded by Earl Russell
1931–1970
Succeeded by