Betsy Bakker-Nort

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

Betsy Bakker-Nort
Black and white photograph of a woman
Betsy Bakker-Nort in 1922
Member of the House of Representatives
In office
Personal details
Bertha Nort

(1874-05-08)8 May 1874
University of Utrecht

Bertha "Betsy" Bakker-Nort (8 May 1874 – 23 May 1946) was a Dutch lawyer and politician who served as a member of the House of Representatives for the Free-thinking Democratic League (VDB) from 1922 to 1942.

Born in Groningen, she became involved with the feminist movement in 1894, joining the Dutch Association for Women's Suffrage (VVVK), where she was mentored by Aletta Jacobs, one of the pioneering activists of the 19th century.

At age 34, Bakker-Nort started

International Woman Suffrage Alliance's actions for the 1930 League of Nations conference on international law. In 1933, she acted as a judge in a counter-trial in London of the arson case of the Reichstag fire

After the German invasion of the Netherlands in May 1940, Bakker-Nort did not return to parliament. From December 1942, she was interned at Westerbork transit camp and Camp Barneveld before the Germans moved her in September 1944 to the Theresienstadt concentration camp in Bohemia. She was liberated in June 1945. She died the following year. According to VDB chairman Pieter Oud, Bakker-Nort had accomplished the task Jacobs had given her: leading the women's movement.

Early life

Bertha "Betsy" Nort was born on 8 May 1874 in

feminist novels and children's books, into Dutch.[4] She observed that in Scandinavia, a woman's position in society was much better than in the Netherlands.[5]


International Woman Suffrage Alliance
conference held in June 1908 in Amsterdam

After returning to the Netherlands in 1894, Nort became actively involved in the first wave of Dutch feminism. She joined the Dutch Association for Women's Suffrage (VVVK), and helped start its local Groningen chapter.[6][7] Together with Aletta Jacobs, she went door to door to recruit new members.[8][9] Jacobs, a fellow Groninger who was 20 years Nort's senior, was the first female student at a Dutch university and was one of the founders of the VVVK. She became Nort's mentor.[8][10] In his 2007 history of the Free-thinking Democratic League (VDB), Meine Henk Klijnsma wrote that Jacobs likely recruited Nort for the VDB.[5] They went from town to town to advocate for women's rights in speeches.[11] In 1899 Nort started writing about women's issues, drawing upon her Scandinavian experience; her early work was published as columns in the feminist magazine Belang en Recht ("The Importance of the Law"). The historian Marianne Braun wrote that this early work showed her calm and determined approach and social-liberal orientation.[12] In 1904, she married Gerrid Bakker, who was a grain merchant, translator, and fellow member of the VVVK, and changed her name to Bakker-Nort.[5][12] They had no children.[1]

In 1908, at age 34, Bakker-Nort started

University of Utrecht for her thesis on the legal position of married women across Western Europe.[6][15] Bakker-Nort was the first woman to earn a doctorate in law at a Dutch university based on a fully-fledged research study.[16] From her comparative study, she concluded that the position of Dutch married women was most unfavourable, not because the laws were that different, but because the Dutch courts interpreted them in a stricter way.[8] Unable to restrict herself to comparisons, she added a reasoned plea for abolishing the part of the marital law that declared married women "incompetent to act". As described in the 1838 civil code, the status of married women was legally similar to that of minors and people with severe mental health problems.[17][A] This meant that married women could not open a bank account, apply for a mortgage or insurance, or sign a labour agreement without their husbands' permission. Similar laws existed in other countries.[19][20][21] After completing her thesis Bakker-Nort started to work as a lawyer and attorney, first in Groningen and, from 1930 onwards, in the Hague.[7][12] She acted as the main legal expert for the VVVK.[12]

Bakker-Nort considered getting women the right to vote to be a principal means to achieve the overhaul of marriage law, a standard view among first wave feminists.[22] She said that getting the vote was essential to make progress on women's issues and that it was a fundamental right for women to have a say in all matters.[23] In 1917 Dutch women obtained the right to stand in elections (passive suffrage), though they could not vote (active suffrage).[24] Bakker-Nort continued to campaign with the VVVK for active suffrage.[12] The women's suffrage campaign was won in 1919, when the women's right to vote became law, instigated by the VDB's Henri Marchant.[25] Once the VVVK had achieved its goal, it changed its name to Association of Women Citizens (VVS) and widened its scope to gain more rights for women.[24] Bakker-Nort co-authored a report for the VVS outlining provisions she thought should be included in a modern marriage law and wrote in a column in its monthly magazine that the old laws, which made married women legally incapacitated, denied them any say over their children and property and thus needed to be reformed.[26] She singled out women's legal status of "incompetent to act", calling it humiliating.[24] She joined the Association of Women with Higher Education [nl] (VVAO), a more conservative group than the VVVK which did not always appreciate her progressive ideas and, for example, did not include her in their legal committee, despite her expertise.[27]

Political career


newspaper page with dozens of headshots
Bakker-Nort was one of seven women elected in the 1922 general election

By 1918, Bakker-Nort was one of two female board members of the VDB, Mien van Itallie-Van Embden being the other.[28] In the 1918 general elections, the VDB reserved two spots for women on their candidate list and assigned them to Bakker-Nort and her mentor Jacobs. Both Bakker-Nort and Jacobs failed to be elected. However, Suze Groeneweg of the Social Democratic Workers' Party did succeed and became the first female member of the House of Representatives.[29][30]

For the 1922 election, the first one in which women could vote, the VDB decided that a woman should be assigned the second position on its list of candidates, behind Marchant, whose bill had given women the vote. Due to serious illness, Jacobs could not take the position. Instead, it was given to Bakker-Nort, whom Jacobs saw as her successor.[31] The party's election campaign focussed on legal reform, including the abolition of the Senate, the introduction of referendums, and the strengthening of the legal position of women.[32] The VDB retained its five seats, and Bakker-Nort was elected member of the House of Representatives in July 1922 as the party's first female representative.[7][33] She was one of seven women elected altogether out of 100 members.[34][35] In her maiden speech, she introduced parliament to her views of the "scandalous" marriage law.[12]

In her first year, Bakker-Nort introduced a bill for a so-called "sister-pension", to entitle sisters who had lived with and looked after widowed brothers to the right to their pension once they died. The bill passed in the House but failed in the Senate.[12][36] Also, in her first year, she tried to amend the Ruijs de Beerenbrouck government's proposed legislation to make minor changes to the marriage law, proposing more comprehensive reform with equal rights for women. However, the three Christian parties of the coalition government rejected her amendment.[37] Within the VDB, she was a role model for younger female party members Corry Tendeloo and Nancy Zeelenberg.[36]


In the run-up to the 1925 election, Bakker-Nort argued the case in parliament against a government bill to allow councils to fire female teachers at state schools once they married, but with the majority of the House being members of Christian parties and opposing this, her arguments to stop the bill failed. Moreover, she considered it morally unacceptable that the state forced women into economic dependency on their husbands, adding that the husband and wife themselves should decide, not the state.[38][39] Nevertheless, Bakker-Nort was re-elected, and the VDB went from holding five to seven parliamentary seats.[40]

Soon after the First De Geer cabinet was formed, Bakker-Nort planned a new bill to reform marriage law. To that end, she created a broader platform and organised a cross-party committee consisting of members of the Liberal State Party, the Democratic Party, and the VDB. She appointed a male, Samuel van Houten, an 89-year-old veteran of Dutch politics, as the committee's president. Throughout 1927, members of the local chapters of the parties involved made and discussed proposals. However, in 1928, Bakker-Nort again made a plea in parliament to end the legal incompetency of married women, but it was rejected by the Christian majority.[41]


In the 1929 election, Bakker-Nort kept her seat and was joined by van Itallie-Van Embden as the second female member of the VDB.[42] At the end of the 1920s, Bakker-Nort was moderately optimistic about the future of women's rights in the Netherlands. While she expressed dismay at the fact that women still were banned from taking up public offices such as judge, notary, or mayor, she observed that women within the Catholic organisations were slowly taking up more feminist viewpoints, and she welcomed the first female member of parliament for any Christian party, Frida Katz. However, her optimism soon disappeared when the Great Depression led to fast-rising unemployment, and married women were fired to make way for male job-seekers.[43] Nevertheless, she said that for the VDB, the economic downturn did not alter the principle of the individual’s right of self-determination, of equal pay for equal work, and of equal rights generally.[44]

Bakker-Nort took a leading role in preparing the

International Woman Suffrage Alliance's actions for the 1930 League of Nations conference on international law. Women from 35 countries were present at the conference at the Peace Palace in the Hague, though they were not formally invited. The Alliance's main focus was nationality law, as, despite decades-long protests against laws that made married women automatically lose their nationality and take on their husbands, in many countries, little progress had been made towards achieving equality.[45][46]

The women staged protest marches, carrying their national flags and wearing dresses ranging from white (equality) to black (absolutely unequal). The different dress shades symbolically reflected the gap between the nationality law demanded by the Alliance and the law of the land they represented. Bakker-Nort said the black dresses of the Dutch women amidst colourful ones of other nations created a "rather painful situation" for the hosts and showed how far behind the Netherlands was, as its laws were "still based on the obsolete principle of subjection of women to men".[45][46] The activists were able to get meetings with the League of Nations delegates but eventually antagonised the conference president so much that he ordered the police to remove the women from the Peace Palace. The Hague Convention resulted in little progress, only preventing women from becoming stateless.[47] Bakker-Nort continued to fight for the right of a married woman to choose to keep her nationality.[48]

During parliamentary debates on retracting the ban on women being appointed mayor, Bakker-Nort ridiculed those who said women lacked physical power by suggesting that, if required, the minister should organise boxing or wrestling matches to appoint suitable candidates. She also pointed out how female mayors performed flawlessly in neighboring countries. Following a vote, the ban was lifted.[49][50] In 1931, she introduced a bill to remove restrictions on women being appointed notaries, a cause she had been arguing for as early as 1917 but was voted down.[6][7][51]

black-and-white photo of a building on fire

In 1933 Bakker-Nort accepted an invitation from German communist leader Willi Münzenberg to travel to London and join an international commission of foreign legal experts participating in a counter-trial of the arson case of the Reichstag fire.[52] Five men, all communists, were about to go on trial in Leipzig, but it was feared the Nazis would not give them a fair trial.[53] So, for one week, Bakker-Nort and the other acting judges went through the evidence and concluded that the defendants were innocent and the Nazis were behind the fire.[54]

When the Leipzig judge invited committee members to the proceedings in Germany, Bakker-Nort declined.[55] She denied allegations of bias by critics of the counter-trial and explained that she had taken part because the defendants lacked legal support in Germany, as many lawyers who had defended communists had been imprisoned in Nazi concentration camps, deterring others.[56] After the Leipzig trial found one of the defendants, the Dutchman Marinus van der Lubbe, guilty, and the Nazis executed him, Bakker-Nort lamented the unfair trial, particularly the unlawfulness of applying the death penalty based on a law adopted only after the Reichstag fire. She urged the Dutch people to value the freedom and justice that democracy provided and to fight all who aimed to curtail them.[57][B]


As the economic crisis continued, the government intervened in the labour market. Where city councils previously had been allowed to fire female teachers who married, they were now required to do so. This erosion of women's rights was particularly painful for Bakker-Nort because it happened during the Second Colijn cabinet, of which the VDB was one of the coalition parties. She had tried to make the firing of married teachers temporary, but her amendment failed. According to Klijnsma, the VDB had made a mistake in not negotiating the protection of women's rights during the formation of the coalition.[59]

At a parliamentary budget review in 1935, Bakker-Nort condemned Germany's new marriage law, called the German Blood Protection Law, which banned Aryans, a now-obsolete historical race concept describing people of Proto-Indo-European heritage as a racial grouping, from marrying Jews.[60][61] Both the Netherlands and Germany had signed the 1902 Hague Marriage Convention, which laid out the rules for recognising the validity of international marriages. The new German law caused the Dutch parliament to debate how to apply the rules of the convention to marriages involving German nationals. Bakker-Nort argued that because it was impossible to determine who was Jewish and who was Aryan, the rules of the treaty did not apply, and the Dutch would not have to revoke the convention's agreement. However, she asked Minister Josef van Schaik to revoke it anyway as a sign of protest. Van Schaik agreed with her that the German law would not apply to Dutch Jews but decided not to revoke the agreement.[60]


In 1937 Bakker-Nort wrote a piece about fascism in the election issue of the VDB's monthly magazine entitled "Democracy or Dictatorship", in which she attacked the fascist party the National Socialist Movement in the Netherlands (NSB) in an unusually sarcastic way. For the 1937 election, the NSB used the image of its leader Anton Mussert and the slogan, "Without this man, the Netherlands does not have a future." Bakker-Nort argued it should say, "With this man, the Netherlands does not have a future, especially the women."[62] The NSB won four seats in parliament, fewer than expected; the VDB retained its six seats and did not return to the new coalition government, the Fourth Colijn cabinet.[63] The election results did not disappoint Bakker-Nort; she said voters had not punished the VDB and had understood why the party had to allow some women's rights to erode.[64] In early 1938 Minister Carl Romme prepared a bill to ban paid work for married women altogether. This rejuvenated the feminists inside the VDB, both in parliament and in the local chapters. They were spurred on by the activities of the VVGS, whose youth committee's president Tendeloo and other feminists such as Willemijn Posthumus-van der Goot organised protests across the country.[65][66] Bakker-Nort said Romme pretended to base his exclusion of married women from the workforce on principle grounds that the husband was the breadwinner and the wife had to look after the family, but illogically did not apply this principle when companies needed the women.[64][67] The feminists' efforts did not go unrewarded: Romme never introduced his bill.[66] In a later debate on labour issues, Bakker-Nort asked the government to address the widespread sexual harassment to which female factory workers were subjected.[68] In 1939 her husband Gerrid died.[12]

The late 1930s saw a rise in

Criminal Law.[6][7]


photo of a sign over a gate
"Work is liberating" sign in the Theresienstadt concentration camp

As the German occupiers started to arrest and deport some Jewish Dutch citizens in the summer of 1940, Bakker-Nort must have felt threatened, according to Klijnsma.[77] She had never belonged to a Jewish denomination and had renounced her Jewishness, but she did value Jewish traditions.[6][9][78] In 1942, she was one of the few members of parliament who accepted an offer to resign and take their pension. However, this did not prevent her from being arrested by the Germans and imprisoned in the Westerbork transit camp in the northeast of the Netherlands in December 1942.[77]

Following an intervention, possibly by VDB leader Dolf Joekes, Bakker-Nort was made part of Plan Frederiks and moved to Camp Barneveld in February 1943;[68][77] Plan Frederiks was an agreement civil servant Karel Frederiks had made with the occupiers to keep a small group of Dutch Jews in the Netherlands and exclude them from deportation to the concentration camps.[79][80] However, in April 1944, the Germans moved all Jews from Barneveld back to Westerbork and then in September 1944 onwards to the Theresienstadt concentration camp in Bohemia in what is now the Czech Republic.[81] After the defeat of the Germans, Bakker-Nort was found alive at the camp in June 1945 by a Dutch repatriation mission, together with 400 other Dutch survivors.[77] She moved to Utrecht and did not return to parliament.[68][77] Her seat for the VDB was taken by Tendeloo.[82]

Death and legacy

Silent clip of Betsy Bakker-Nort in 1923

Bakker-Nort died in Utrecht on 23 May 1946, aged 72.

suffragettes, and her tireless efforts to reform marital law and labour laws. He urged the country's young women to realise how much they owed to the pioneers of the women's movement, of whom Bakker-Nort was one of the most prominent.[85] In his 1968 memoirs, Oud wrote that her dedication to public office was equal to none and that although he did not consider her oratory skills the best, she quickly became a competent parliamentarian through her high work rate.[36][86] Her successor Tendeloo was instrumental in ending married women's incompetency to act.[82]

Braun wrote in 2013 that in the 21st century, Bakker-Nort is seen as a transition figure who was part of the first wave of feminism in the Netherlands that got women the vote but continued the fight for more rights. Once women's suffrage was achieved, the strength of activism had significantly reduced: member numbers for groups such as the VVS dwindled. The newly acquired right to study at university quickly became standard, and the fight was almost forgotten. Despite the political climate in the 1920s and 1930s being dominated by Christian parties that aimed to reduce women's rights based on their interpretation of the Bible, Bakker-Nort's efforts, in and outside parliament, were relentless.[12]

In 2003, many lost papers, notes, photos, pamphlets, and lectures that Bakker-Nort had kept resurfaced. At some point in the 1930s, she donated her documents to the International Archives for the Women's Movement in Amsterdam. The archives also housed personal documents of, among others, Jacobs and Rosa Manus and documents of women's organizations and journal issues.[87][88] In July 1940, the Germans transported the entire archives to Germany.[89] After the Soviet Red Army took Berlin in 1945, they moved all these stolen materials to Moscow.[90] In 1992, the feminists' materials were identified in the Russian Military State Archives and recorded on microfilm, and ten years later returned to the International Archives of the Women's Movement.[91] A lack of archives or access to them impacts how history is presented and whether women's stories can be uncovered.[92] For example, the retrieval of the IAV records led to new biographies of Jacobs and Manus.[10][93]


  • Bakker-Nort, Betsy (1910). "Waarop berust de maritale macht?" [On What Ground Is the Marital Power Based?]. Maandblad van de VVVK (in Dutch). 15 (2): 4.
  • Bakker-Nort, Betsy (1915). Schets van de rechtspositie der getrouwde vrouw [Sketch Of The Legal Position Of Married Women] (in Dutch). the Hague: Belinfante.
  • Bakker-Nort, Betsy (1917). Zijn vrouwen benoembaar tot notaris volgens de Nederlandsche wet? [Can Women Be Appointed Notary According To Dutch Law?] (in Dutch).
  • Bakker-Nort, Betsy (1920). Hoofdlijnen voor een moderne huwelijkswetgeving [Main Points For a Modern Marriage Law] (Report) (in Dutch). VVS.
  • Bakker-Nort, Betsy (1926). "De vrouwen tegen den Code Napoléon, naklanken van het congres te Parijs" [Women Against The Napoleonic Code, After Effects Of The Paris Convention]. Het Nieuwe Leven (in Dutch). 12 (4/5): 97–109.
  • Bakker-Nort, Betsy (1930). "Een belangrijk wetsontwerp" [An Important Bill]. De opbouw, democratisch tijdschrift voor nederland en Indië (in Dutch): 276–286.
  • Bakker-Nort, Betsy (1931). Moet de maritale macht in onze huwelijkswetgeving behouden blijven of worden afgeschaft? [Should Marital Power Be Kept Or Abolished In Our Marriage Law?] (in Dutch). pp. 1–16.


  1. ^ In the country's first civil code, dating from 1809 and based on the Napoleonic Code, which in turn borrowed heavily from Roman private law, the rights of married women were limited in ways similar to what the Romans called "patria potestas".[18]
  2. ^ In 2008, 75 years after the fire, the German government granted Van der Lubbe a posthumous pardon.[58]


  1. ^
    Atria Institute on Gender Equality and Women's History (in Dutch). 28 September 2018. Archived from the original
    on 20 June 2022. Retrieved 20 June 2022.
  2. ^ a b Braun 2013; Meijer 2019, p. 165; Klijnsma 2007, p. 285.
  3. ^ von Bóné 2010, p. 545.
  4. ^ Braun 2013; Meijer 2019, p. 165; Broomans 2004, p. 308; Braun 1992, p. 344.
  5. ^ a b c Klijnsma 2007, p. 286.
  6. ^ a b c d e Meijer 2019, p. 165.
  7. ^ a b c d e f "Mr. B. (Betsy) Bakker-Nort". Archived from the original on 25 August 2019.
  8. ^ a b c von Bóné 2010, p. 547.
  9. ^ a b van den Brand, Iris. "Betsy Bakker-Nort (1874–1946): Rechtvaardig Feministe" [Betsy Bakker-Nort (1874–1946): Fair Feminist]. (in Dutch). Archived from the original on 30 May 2022. Retrieved 27 May 2022.
  10. ^ a b Bosch 2005a.
  11. ^ Posthumus-van der Goot & Waal 1968, p. 246.
  12. ^ a b c d e f g h i j k Braun 2013.
  13. ^ Braun 1992, p. 268.
  14. ^ de Wilde 1998, pp. 262–265.
  15. ^ de Wilde 1998, p. 265.
  16. ^ Pitstra, Anneke (21 February 1987). "In het Spoor van Aletta Jacobs" [In the Tracks of Aletta Jacobs]. Algemeen Dagblad (in Dutch). Retrieved 26 May 2022.
  17. ^ Sikkema 2011, pp. 118–119.
  18. ^ Holland (Kingdom) 1809, pp. 23–25; Hartkamp 1975, p. 1059; von Bóné 2010, p. 541.
  19. ^ Bosch 2005b, p. 82.
  20. ^ Oostveen, Margriet (1 June 2021). "Gezocht: De 'handelingsonbekwame' vrouwen en hun echtgenoten" [Wanted: The “Incompetent To Act” Women and Their Husbands]. de Volkskrant (in Dutch). Archived from the original on 25 September 2021. Retrieved 25 September 2021.
  21. ^ Stretton & Kesselring 2013, p. 4.
  22. ^ Klijnsma 2007, p. 286; von Bóné 2010, p. 547; Cornelis & Hinderink 1989, pp. 14, 30, 35, 37.
  23. ^ de Jong 2005, p. 203.
  24. ^ a b c von Bóné 2010, p. 548.
  25. ^ van der Kaaij 2012, p. 110.
  26. ^ von Bóné 2010, p. 548; Klijnsma 2007, pp. 286–287; van de Loo 2005, p. 31.
  27. ^ de Wilde 1993, p. 52.
  28. ^ Klijnsma 2007, p. 263.
  29. ^ Klijnsma 2007, p. 236.
  30. ^ Pass Freidenreich 1996, p. 189.
  31. ^ Klijnsma 2007, p. 269; Posthumus-van der Goot & Waal 1968, p. 344; Oud 1968, p. 24.
  32. ^ Klijnsma 2007, p. 280.
  33. ^ Klijnsma 2007, pp. 282, 285.
  34. ^ Hemels 2018, p. 4.
  35. ^ "Artikel 81: Omvang Tweede Kamer; Wijze van verkiezing" [Article 81: Size of the House of Representatives; Election Process]. (in Dutch). Archived from the original on 22 May 2022. Retrieved 15 July 2022.
  36. ^ a b c Klijnsma 2007, p. 287.
  37. ^ Klijnsma 2007, p. 290.
  38. ^ Klijnsma 2007, p. 306.
  39. ^ "Tweede Kamer" [House of Representatives]. De Maasbode. 12 March 1925. Retrieved 21 May 2022.
  40. ^ Klijnsma 2007, p. 320.
  41. ^ Klijnsma 2007, p. 364.
  42. ^ Klijnsma 2007, p. 400.
  43. ^ Klijnsma 2007, p. 365.
  44. ^ Klijnsma 2007, p. 425.
  45. ^ a b DuBois 2013, p. 21.
  46. ^ a b Brennan 2020, pp. 46–51.
  47. ^ Brennan 2020, p. 51.
  48. ^ de Hart 2012, p. 48.
  49. ^ Aerts 2005, p. 57.
  50. ^ "Herziening gemeentewet" [Revised City Law]. Haagsche Courant (in Dutch). 9 May 1930. Retrieved 25 May 2022.
  51. ^ Braun 1992, p. 349.
  52. ^ Fay 1933, p. 226; Rabinbach 2008, p. 114; Klinghoffer & Klinghoffer 2002, p. 19.
  53. ^ Fay 1933, p. 226.
  54. ^ Costello 1988, p. 294.
  55. ^ Rabinbach 2008, p. 114.
  56. ^ "De Brand in den Rijksdag" [The Fire in the Reichstag]. Het volk (in Dutch). 21 November 1933.
  57. ^ "Het proces Rijksdagbrand" [The Reichstag Fire Trial]. Het Volk (in Dutch). 12 January 1934. Retrieved 18 May 2022.
  58. ^ "75 Years on, Executed Reichstag Arsonist Finally Wins Pardon". the Guardian. 12 January 2008. Archived from the original on 15 July 2015. Retrieved 18 May 2022.
  59. ^ Klijnsma 2007, p. 475.
  60. ^ a b Lenaerts 2014, pp. 208–210.
  61. ^ Dunlap 1944, p. 296.
  62. ^ Klijnsma 2007, p. 547.
  63. ^ Klijnsma 2007, p. 552.
  64. ^ a b "Vrijz. Democratische Bond" [Free-thinking Democratic League]. Leeuwarder Nieuwsblad (in Dutch). 14 January 1938. Retrieved 22 May 2022.
  65. Atria Institute on Gender Equality and Women's History (in Dutch). Archived
    from the original on 15 April 2021. Retrieved 18 October 2021.
  66. ^ a b Klijnsma 2007, p. 568.
  67. ^ van Schaik 1998, p. 32.
  68. ^ a b c "Vechten voor vrouwenrechten: Betsy Bakker-Nort" [Fighting for Women's Rights: Betsy Bakker-Nort]. (in Dutch). 14 April 2020. Archived from the original on 30 May 2022. Retrieved 29 May 2022.
  69. ^ van Voolen, Edward. "Askhenazi Jews in Amsterdam" (PDF). Joods Historisch Museum. Archived from the original (PDF) on 29 September 2007. Retrieved 15 July 2022.
  70. ^ a b Klijnsma 2007, pp. 576–577.
  71. ^ Gijsenbergh 2019, p. 86.
  72. ^ "Mevr. B. Bakker-Nort" [Ms B. Bakker-Nort]. De Sumatra post (in Dutch). 4 May 1940. Retrieved 4 May 2022.
  73. ^ "Het Landverraadontwerp in den Tweede Kamer" [The Treason Bill in the House of Representatives]. de Volkskrant (in Dutch). 10 May 1940. Retrieved 22 May 2022.
  74. ^ de Jong 1970, p. 1.
  75. ^ Amersfoort & Kamphuis 2005, p. 184.
  76. ^ Klijnsma 2007, p. 616.
  77. ^ a b c d e Klijnsma 2007, p. 626.
  78. ^ de Wilde 1998, pp. 45–46.
  79. ^ van Oord 2011, pp. 126–127.
  80. ^ Presser 1965, p. 440.
  81. ^ van Oord 2011, p. 127.
  82. ^ a b "Mr. N.S.C. (Corry) Tendeloo". (in Dutch). Archived from the original on 18 April 2021. Retrieved 25 September 2021.
  83. ^ Braun 2013; Klijnsma 2007, p. 564.
  84. Algemeen Handelsblad
    . 24 May 1946. Retrieved 28 May 2022.
  85. ^ Oud 1946, p. 6.
  86. ^ Oud 1968, p. 24.
  87. ^ de Haan & Mevis 2008, p. 42.
  88. Atria Institute on Gender Equality and Women's History. Archived
    from the original on 30 May 2022. Retrieved 26 May 2022.
  89. ^ de Haan 2004, pp. 156–157.
  90. ^ de Haan 2004, p. 160.
  91. Atria Institute on Gender Equality and Women's History (in Dutch). Archived
    from the original on 30 May 2022. Retrieved 20 May 2022.
  92. ^ de Haan & Mevis 2008, pp. 27, 29, 39, 41.
  93. ^ Everard & de Haan 2016, p. xi.