Billy Wright (loyalist)
Billy Wright | |
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Ulster loyalist leader |
William Stephen Wright (7 July 1960 – 27 December 1997), known as King Rat, was a Northern Irish
In 1994, the UVF and other paramilitary groups called a
During the July 1996 Drumcree crisis, Wright's unit carried out several attacks, including a sectarian murder. For breaking the ceasefire, Wright's Portadown unit was stood down by the UVF leadership. He was expelled from the UVF and threatened with assassination unless he immediately left Northern Ireland. Wright ignored these threats and formed the LVF with most of his brigade, becoming its leader. The LVF carried out a string of killings of Catholic civilians, while allegedly profiting from
In January 1997, Wright was arrested for making death threats against a woman, and that March was convicted and sent to the
Early life
William Stephen "Billy" Wright, named after his grandfather, was born in
In 1964, the family returned to Northern Ireland and Wright soon came under the influence of his maternal uncle Cecil McKinley, a member of the
Whilst attending
Early years in the UVF
In the more strongly loyalist environment of Portadown, nicknamed the "Orange Citadel",
In 1975, shortly after Wright joined the organisation, he was caught in possession of illegal weapons and sentenced to five years in a wing of
Wright later claimed that his decision to join the YCV had been influenced by the Kingsmill massacre of January 1976, when ten local Protestant civilians were killed by republicans. Wright's cousin Jim Wright, future father-in-law Billy Corrigan, and brother-in-law Leslie Corrigan, were also killed by republicans in this period.[7] Wright later said of the Kingsmill massacre, "I was 15 when those workmen were pulled out of that bus and shot dead. I was a Protestant and I realised that they had been killed simply because they were Protestants. I left Mountnorris, came back to Portadown and immediately joined the youth wing of the UVF. I felt it was my duty to help my people and that is what I have been doing ever since."[23] Locals say he was also "indoctrinated" by local loyalist paramilitaries;[7] however he had personally come to the conclusion that the UVF was the only organisation that had the "moral right" to defend the Protestant people.
Wright was released from the Maze Prison in 1980. Whilst inside he had nursed a deep resentment against the
Not long after his release from the Maze Prison, Wright was re-arrested, along with a number of UVF operatives in the area on evidence provided by Clifford McKeown, a "
Born-again Christian
Wright returned to Portadown and initially tried to avoid paramilitarism. He found a job as an insurance salesman and married his girlfriend Thelma Corrigan, by whom he had two daughters, Sara and Ashleen.
As a consequence of his religious conversion, Wright eschewed the highlife favoured by many of his loyalist contemporaries such as
You can't glorify God and seek to glorify Ulster because the challenges which are needed are paramilitary. That's a contradiction to the life God would want you to lead. If you were to get yourself involved in paramilitary activity in its present form, or the form in which it manifested itself during the Troubles, then I don't think you could walk with God... ...There's always the hope that in some way, someday – and there are precedents within scripture – your hope would be that God would draw you back to him. All those who have the knowledge of Christ would seek to walk with him again. People would say, 'Billy Wright, that's impossible,' but nothing's impossible if you have faith in God. I would hope that he would allow me to come back. I'm not walking with God.... Without getting into doctrine, without getting too deep, it is possible to have walked with God and to fall away and still belong to God.
When asked by Dillon whether or not the conflict was a religious war, he replied: "I certainly believe religion is part of the equation. I don't think you can leave religion out of it".[36]
Angela Wright later claimed that her brother had foreseen the
Mid-Ulster UVF commander
In the late 1980s, after a five-year absence from the organisation, Wright resumed his UVF activities. This was in consequence of the November 1985
Wright rapidly ascended to a position of prominence within the UVF ranks, eventually assuming leadership of the local Portadown unit. He became commander of the UVF's Mid-Ulster Brigade in the early 1990s, having taken over from his mentor Robin "the Jackal" Jackson, who had been the leader since July 1975 and one of Wright's instructors in the use of weaponry. Jackson was implicated in the 1974 Dublin car bombings, the Miami Showband killings and a series of sectarian attacks.[40] Founded in 1972 by its first commander Billy Hanna, the Mid-Ulster Brigade operated mainly around the Portadown and Lurgan areas. It was a self-contained, semi-autonomous unit which maintained a considerable distance from the Brigade Staff in Belfast. Holding the rank of brigadier, Wright directed up to 20 sectarian killings, according to the Northern Ireland security forces, although he was never convicted in connection with any of them.[7]
In March 1991, the Mid-Ulster UVF killed three Catholic civilians in the Craigavon mobile shop shootings. The gunman shot two teenage girls in the head, then forced a male customer to lie on the pavement and shot him also. Loyalist sources later told the Sunday World newspaper the attack had been ordered and planned in Portadown by Billy Wright and Mark Fulton.[41]
While most of Wright's unit's victims were Catholic civilians, some were republican paramilitaries. On 3 March 1991, the Mid-Ulster UVF shot dead three Provisional IRA men, along with a middle-aged civilian, in an ambush outside Boyle's Bar in Cappagh, County Tyrone. Wright was widely blamed by nationalists and much of the press for having led this attack. According to Paul Larkin in his book A Very British Jihad: collusion, conspiracy and cover-up in Northern Ireland, UVF members at Cappagh claimed they had to drag Wright into the car as he became so frenzied once he started shooting that he didn't want to stop.[42][43] British journalist Peter Taylor, however, stated in his book Loyalists that reliable UVF sources told him Wright was not involved.[44] The RUC arrested Wright after the shootings. During the interrogation he provided the RUC with an alibi which placed him in Dungannon when the Cappagh attack occurred, and the RUC confirmed this.[42][43] Wright considered Cappagh to have been a successful UVF operation. The Guardian newspaper quoted him as saying, "I would look back and say that Cappagh was probably our best".[42][43] The Cappagh attack surprised the Provisional IRA East Tyrone Brigade, as it had been carried out in a village which was an IRA stronghold, a departure from the usual arbitrary killings of Catholic civilians.[30][44] Wright boasted that he and his Mid-Ulster unit had "put the East Tyrone Brigade of the IRA on the run" and "decimated" them.[42][43]
The IRA tried unsuccessfully to kill Wright on five occasions. On 23 October 1992 they planted a bomb under his car on West Street, Portadown. Wright found the bomb, which had fallen off, after being told a man was seen crouching beside the car.[45] In June 1994, RUC officers visited Wright to warn him that someone had been seen tampering with his car. The officers were with him while he searched his car, but found nothing. Wright then sat in the car and started it, which detonated a bomb planted in the engine and set the car on fire. He escaped with minor injuries. The North Armagh Brigade of the IRA claimed responsibility.[45]
As part of the Northern Ireland peace process, the IRA called a ceasefire in July 1994. This was followed by the Combined Loyalist Military Command (CLMC) calling a ceasefire on 13 October 1994. Wright was initially caught up in the euphoria, calling it "the happiest day of my life".[46] However he became skeptical of the IRA's ceasefire,[3] and soon he publicly disagreed with the UVF leadership calling their ceasefire. Wright "detested what he saw as concessions to [Irish] nationalists enshrined in the tentative peace process, and accused the leaders of unionism and loyalism of betraying the cause".[47] He eventually denounced the peace process as a sell-out.[48][49]
Journalist
King Rat
Wright's unit called themselves the "Brat pack". The nickname "King Rat" was first given to Wright by the Mid-Ulster Ulster Defence Association (UDA) commander Robert John Kerr as a form of pub bantering. According to journalist and author Paul Larkin, Kerr sat inside a pub and jokingly bestowed a nickname on each patron as they entered. When Wright walked through the door, Kerr gave him the sobriquet of "King Rat".[42][51] Sunday World journalists Martin O'Hagan and Jim Campbell[3] picked up on it and satirically named them the "rat pack"; they also used the name "King Rat" to identify Wright. Much to Wright's annoyance, the name became popular with the media. In response, Wright had the newspaper's offices bombed and issued a death threat to O'Hagan and anyone who worked for the paper.[52]
In an interview with Martin Dillon, he blamed the police raids, republican death threats and the "King Rat" nickname as factors which eventually caused the break-up of his marriage.[39] He nevertheless maintained cordial relations with his ex-wife, Thelma, whom he described as a "good Christian".[39]
Drumcree standoff
The Drumcree conflict, stemming from an Orange Order protest at Drumcree Church after their parade had been banned from marching through the predominantly nationalist Catholic Garvaghy area of Portadown, returned to the headlines in 1995 with trouble expected in Wright's Portadown stronghold. Just before the July marching season Irish government representative Fergus Finlay held a meeting with Wright in which the latter pledged his loyalty to the peace process and David Ervine in particular, although Wright also warned Finlay that loyalist views had to be respected.[53] Cracks began to show however as Wright felt that the UVF response to the trouble had been inordinately low-key whilst his taste for the Progressive Unionist Party (PUP) strategy also began to wane as the party moved increasingly towards a form of socialism, an ideology repugnant to Wright.[54] A further problem arose when Wright, who by that time was a popular loyalist figure across Northern Ireland, travelled to the Shankill Road in Belfast in late 1995 to try to overturn a ban preventing an Orange Order parade entering a neighbouring Catholic area. Wright had hoped to bring local UVF units onto the streets of the Shankill to force an overturning of the ban but the Shankill commanders refused to put their units at Wright's disposal, having assured the British authorities that they would not in a series of secret negotiations. Wright returned to Portadown in disgust, accusing the Belfast UVF of having surrendered.[55] Nonetheless, when Wright was arrested in late 1995 for intimidation he was still on good terms with the UVF, whose magazine Combat called for his release.[56]
In January 1996, Wright once again travelled to Belfast where he dropped a verbal bombshell by announcing that the Mid-Ulster Brigade would no longer operate under the authority of the Brigade Staff.[57] That same year Wright was ordered to attend a meeting called by the Brigade Staff at "the Eagle", their headquarters above a chip shop (bearing the same name) on the Shankill Road, to answer charges of alleged drug dealing and being a police informer. The latter accusation came about after the loss of a substantial amount of weapons from the Mid-Ulster Brigade and a large number of its members had been arrested. Wright refused to attend and continued to flout Brigade Staff authority.[58]
Following the decision by RUC Chief Constable
Wright stood around 6 feet (1.8 m),[62] had close-cropped blond hair and cold, pale blue eyes.[63] Peter Taylor had been at Drumcree that July and got a close-up view of Wright. Taylor described Wright as a "charismatic leader". Clad in neat jeans, white T-shirt and wearing a single gold earring, he displayed a muscular build. Flanked by two bodyguards, Wright's sudden appearance at Drumcree had inspired much admiration from the young boys and girls who were present.[15] Journalist David McKittrick in the Belfast Telegraph described Wright as having been heavily tattooed, who walked with a "characteristic strut that radiated restrained menace"; and had a "bullet head, close-cropped with small ears and deep-set, piercing eyes".[64] Martin Dillon, who had interviewed him in his home in Portadown, admitted that he had been pleasant and charming throughout the interview, yet throughout the encounter Dillon had "sensed a dark side to his character".[65] Wright was also considered to have been a "political thinker and capable strategist".[66]
As a result of the Belfast leadership's inaction, Wright ordered several killings on his own initiative.[67] On 9 July 1996, at the height of the Drumcree standoff, the dead body of Catholic taxi driver, Michael McGoldrick, was found in his cab in a remote lane at Aghagallon, near Lurgan, a day after having picked up a fare in the town. He had been shot five times in the head.[68] Both the UVF and the UDA released statements emphatically denying involvement in McGoldrick's killing.[69] According to PUP leader David Ervine, Wright had ordered the killing for the purpose of incriminating the UVF Brigade Staff by making it appear as if they had sanctioned it. To further Wright's ploy, a handgun had been sent down to the Mid-Ulster Brigade from the Shankill UVF arms dump, but as the weapon had no forensic history the plot backfired.[70] Several years later, Clifford McKeown, the former supergrass, was convicted of the murder of McGoldrick. McKeown, who had claimed that the killing was a birthday present for Wright, was sentenced to 24 years imprisonment for his involvement in the murder.[71]
Leader of the Loyalist Volunteer Force
Wright, along with the Portadown unit of the Mid-Ulster Brigade, was stood down on 2 August 1996 by the UVF's Brigade Staff for the unauthorised attack on McGoldrick, insubordination, and undermining the peace process.[72] Wright was expelled from the UVF and also threatened with execution by the Combined Loyalist Military Command if he did not leave Northern Ireland.[73]
Wright expressed the following sentiments regarding the CLMC death threat in an interview with journalist Emer Woodful in late August 1996:
My heart goes out to my family at a time like this. Well, if you think you're right, then you're right. Although I have done nothing wrong except express an opinion that's the prevalent opinion of the people of Northern Ireland and I will always do that, dear, no matter what the price. Well, I've been prepared to die for long many a year. I don't wish to die, but at the end of the day no one will force their opinions down my throat – no one.[10]
Other units of the Mid-Ulster Brigade soon affirmed their loyalty to the leadership. Wright ignored an order to leave Northern Ireland by 1 September 1996, and hours before the deadline attended a
Ignoring the threat, Wright, in a public show of defiance, formed the
They were joined by other loyalists disaffected by the peace process, giving them a maximum strength estimated at around 250 activists. They operated outside the Combined Loyalist Military Command and ignored the ceasefire order of October 1994. Wright denounced the UVF leadership as "communists", for the left wing inclinations of some of their public statements about reconciliation with nationalists. Wright was strongly
Wright personally devised the LVF's codename of "Covenant" which was used to claim its attacks.[84] The LVF published a document stating their aims and objectives
The use of the Ulster conflict as a crucible for far-reaching, fundamental and decisive change in the United Kingdom constitution. To restore Ulster's right to self-determination. To end Irish nationalist aggression against Ulster in whatever form. To end all forms of Irish interference in Ulster's internal affairs. To thwart the creation and/or implementation of any All-Ireland/All-Island political super-structure regardless of the powers vested in such institutions. To defeat the campaign of de-Britishization and Gaelicisation of Ulster's daily life.[85]
Imprisonment
Despite a series of sectarian murders and attacks on Catholic property by the LVF from 1996 to early 1997 (although they were not claimed by the organisation), Wright was not arrested until January 1997. He was charged with committing an act with intent to pervert the course of justice, and making death threats against a woman, Gwen Read. This threat followed an altercation with Read's family and LVF members. On 7 March he was sentenced to eight years imprisonment for both offences and initially imprisoned at
He was sent to the Maze in April 1997. He demanded and was granted an LVF section in C and D wings of H-block 6 (H6) for himself and 26 fellow inmates. INLA prisoners were housed in the A and B wings, and the Irish Republican Socialist Party (IRSP, the political wing of the INLA) warned there would be trouble if the prisoners were not kept segregated. In August 1997, LVF prisoners, led by Wright, rioted over their visiting accommodation in the Maze.[87]
Wright continued to direct LVF operations from the prison, although his deputy Mark "Swinger" Fulton served as its nominal leader. LVF membership increased during Wright's imprisonment; by October 1997, membership in the organisation was between 150 and 200, many of them former UVF members disillusioned with the ceasefire.[88] It was afterwards discovered that he had kept an irregular diary whilst in prison. On some of the pages he had made subtle threats to Catholic human rights solicitor Rosemary Nelson (killed in 1999 by a Red Hand Defenders car bomb) and her client, IRA prisoner Colin Duffy, charged with killing two RUC constables (the charges against Duffy were later dropped).[66] Wright's appeal was scheduled to be heard in February 1998.
Assassination
A tense situation existed within the Maze Prison. INLA inmates had told staff "they intend given a chance to take out the LVF".[89] The Prison Officers Association said precautions had been put in place to ensure inmates from the two groups did not come into contact with each other. Prison officers, however, had grave concerns over security measures in H Block 6, where Wright and the LVF were housed. The situation was made more volatile because, unlike the IRA, the UVF, and the UDA, neither the LVF nor the INLA were on ceasefire.[90]
The decision to kill Wright inside the Maze was made in mid-December 1997 at an INLA
On the morning of Saturday 27 December 1997, just before 10.00 a.m., Wright was assassinated by INLA prisoners inside the Maze Prison.
The three INLA men rushed through the turnstile leading to A wing's exercise yard. Peeling away a pre-cut section of wire fence, they climbed onto the roof of A wing and dropped into the forecourt where the Renault van containing Wright had just started to move forward towards the exit gates.[92] The van was ordered to stop by the armed INLA men, however, the driver, John Park, thinking that he and the other officer were about to be taken hostage, intended to accelerate through the partially opened gates in a bid to escape. He was prevented from doing so when the gates were automatically shut. The other prison officers stationed at the forecourt gates had spotted the men on the roof, and assuming there was a prison escape in progress, activated the alarm system. The van was ten feet away from the gates when it came to a halt. Neither of the two prison officers inside the van were armed.
While an unarmed Kennaway physically restrained the driver, Glennon, armed with the Derringer, gave cover beside the van as McWilliams opened the side door on the left at the rear, and shouted the words: "Armed INLA volunteers". With a smile on his face, he then took up a firing stance and aimed his PA63 pistol inside the van at Wright, who was sitting sideways facing the side door beside Norman Green, with Prison Officer Stephen Sterritt seated behind the driver.[92][93] Wright had been in the middle of a conversation, discussing the "cost of Christmas", with both men.[94] After McWilliams ordered Sterritt to "fuck up and sit in his seat" and Green to get out of the way, the two men instantly dropped to the floor to protect themselves; however, Wright stood up and kicked out at his assailant who began firing at point blank range. Green pleaded with Wright to "get down", but McWilliams climbed into the van and continued shooting at Wright, hitting him a total of seven times.[67][92][95][96] Wright, despite being shot, continued to defend himself by moving forward, kicking and lashing out at McWilliams.[97] Wright was fatally wounded by the last shot, the bullet having lacerated his aorta. He slumped against the legs of Green. After screaming "they shot Billy", Green made an attempt to resuscitate Wright, but to no avail; he was taken to the prison hospital, where a doctor pronounced him dead at 10.53 a.m.[98] None of the others inside the van were hurt. Immediately following the shooting attack, the three gunmen returned the way they had come and surrendered to prison guards.[67][96] They handed over a statement
Billy Wright was executed for one reason and one reason only, and that was for directing and waging his campaign of terror against the nationalist people from his prison cell in Long Kesh [Maze].[67]
Aftermath
That night, LVF gunmen opened fire on a disco frequented by Catholic teenagers in Dungannon. Four civilians were wounded and one, a former Provisional IRA member, was killed.[99] Police believed that the disco itself was the intended target.[99]
Four masked and armed LVF men maintained a vigil beside Wright's body which was displayed in an open coffin prior to his paramilitary funeral which took place in Portadown on 30 December.
Wright's close friend and deputy, Mark "Swinger" Fulton assumed control of the LVF leadership after Wright's death. The LVF became more closely tied to the Ulster Freedom Fighters (UFF) organisation that was led by Johnny 'Mad Dog' Adair. The LVF committed a series of attacks on Catholic civilians, which it termed a "measured military response" in response to Billy Wright's death.[102] Other loyalist paramilitary groups also sought to avenge his killing. On 19 January 1998 the UDA's South Belfast Brigade shot dead Catholic taxi driver Larry Brennan outside his company offices in the Lower Ormeau Road.[69] Martin O'Hagan, the Sunday World journalist whom Wright especially disliked, was killed in September 2001 by the Red Hand Defenders, a cover-name used by the UDA and LVF.
On 20 October 1998, Christopher McWilliams, John Glennon, and John Kennaway were convicted of murdering Billy Wright, possession of a firearm and ammunition with intent to endanger life. The three men had pleaded not guilty. Although they were sentenced to life imprisonment, they only served two years of their sentence due to the early release provisions of the Good Friday Agreement.
Inquiry and allegations
The nature of Wright's killing, within a high security prison, has led to speculation that the authorities colluded with the INLA to have him killed as he was a danger to the emerging peace process. Four days before his death, Wright himself believed that he would shortly be killed within the Maze Prison by agents of the British and Irish governments in collusion with loyalist informers and the INLA.
June 2005 saw the Billy Wright inquiry open,[105] chaired by Lord MacLean. Also sitting on the inquiry were academic professor Andrew Coyle from the University of London and the former Anglican Bishop of Hereford, the Right Reverend John Oliver.[106] On 14 September 2010, the findings of the panel were released publicly at Stormont House in Belfast and found that there was no evidence of collusion between the authorities and the INLA.[107] The inquiry, which had cost £30 million,[69][107] did find a number of failings within the security of the prison.[107] There was the main question of how the weapons were smuggled inside the prison to the killers.[92] There was also the issue regarding the decision to house the INLA and LVF in H Block 6, when it was known that they were deadly rivals, neither of which was on ceasefire, and the INLA had vowed to kill Wright given the opportunity.[92][107] McWilliams and Kennaway had been transferred to the Maze from Maghaberry the previous May. One month before their transfer, when Wright had still been at Maghaberry, they had organised an unsuccessful hostage-taking incident at the prison. This was meant to end in the assassination of Wright; he was subsequently moved to the Maze.[92] Other questions were raised after the discovery that on the morning of the killing, Prison Officer Raymond Hill was stood down from his post in the watchtower overlooking A and B wings of H-Block 6 where the INLA prisoners were housed.[92] The CCTV camera placed in the area was also found to have been nonfunctioning for several days prior to the shooting.[92] The visitors lists for 27 December 1997 had been circulated in both the LVF and INLA wings the day before thereby giving Wright's assassins time to prepare for the killing as the list clearly stated that Wright was scheduled to receive a visit on 27 December.[92] The LVF prison van had been parked outside the INLA wing that morning instead of following the normal procedure which was to park outside the LVF wing.[92] And the gates leading from the forecourt were automatically locked as soon as the killers were spotted on the roof. This had prevented the van from driving off and thus effectively trapped Wright in the rear.[92]
In an interview with The Guardian before his own death, one of the killers, John Kennaway said the security inside the Maze was "a joke". He claimed the weapons had been smuggled to McWilliams and Glennon inside nappies. He added that as soon as the "screws" [prison officers] had seen the INLA men on A wing's roof, they assumed the men were staging an escape and sounded the alarm system. The gates were automatically locked-down therefore preventing the van from leaving. Kennaway suggested that had the prison officers not seen them and quickly sounded the alarm, the van could have driven away in time and Wright might have escaped with his life.[108]
Shortly before the findings of the inquiry into Wright's death were released in September 2010,
On 30 September 2011, Billy's father David Wright died in Portadown at the age of 78. After his funeral service at the Killicomain Baptist Church, he was buried, like Billy, in Seagoe Cemetery. Up until his death, he had continued to profess his belief that there had been state collusion in his son's killing. He denounced the findings of the inquiry released in 2010 as a "total whitewash and a failure to get at the truth".[109]
Alleged links with RUC Special Branch
There are allegations that RUC Special Branch colluded with Billy Wright, providing him with information on suspected IRA members as well as alibis and protection.[110] Before his assassination in 2001, journalist Martin O'Hagan revealed to fellow journalist Paul Larkin that a high-ranking RUC officer had told him Wright received help from RUC Special Branch, and bore the code name "Bertie".[110] Some in the UVF also suspected that Wright was a police informer. An IRA Intelligence officer told Larkin that Wright was selected and trained by Special Branch to take over from Robin Jackson, also an alleged Special Branch agent.[110]
A former member of the UVF Mid-Ulster Brigade, Laurence Maguire, claimed that police gave Wright information on targets, and that he was nearby in a car when some meetings with police took place "up alleyways". Two senior security sources also told a BBC Spotlight team that Wright was working for the police.[111]
Loyalist icon
For years after his death, Wright's image adorned murals in housing estates in Portadown and elsewhere throughout Northern Ireland.
One teenage girl in North Belfast set up a shrine to Wright in her bedroom complete with his photographs. She explained to a journalist, "I'm not interested in pop stars. Billy was a real Loyalist hero and I like to go to sleep at night looking at him".[118] Gunmen at a paramilitary display in Portadown in 2000 told journalists: "He [Wright] did what he had to do to ensure that our faith and culture were kept intact."[4] In the immediate aftermath of Wright's killing, Adair told his main gunmen Stephen McKeag and Gary Smyth that they had a free hand to "avenge" Wright's death, with McKeag almost immediately launching a machine gun attack on a bar in a mainly Catholic area despite the UDA being officially on ceasefire.[119] In a leaflet circulated to foment a feud between the UDA and the UVF, the West Belfast UDA later referenced Wright as a true loyalist who had been a victim of the UVF.[120] Despite this, the two men had had a fractured relationship during Wright's life and according to Adair's sometime girlfriend Jackie "Legs" Robinson, Adair had told her that Wright was a "bastard". Robinson wrote the incident off as jealousy on Adair's part as Wright was already well-established as a leading figure in loyalism by that stage whilst Adair was still making his name.[121]
The Belfast Telegraph newspaper summed up Wright as having been "one of the most fear-inspiring loyalist paramilitaries in Northern Ireland since the Shankill Butchers in the 1970s".[122] Peter Taylor offered an alternative insight into the reputation of Billy Wright by suggesting that popular myth had laid many killings and atrocities at Wright's door when there was actually little evidence to back them up.[90]
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- ^ Moriarty, Gerry (20 July 1996). "'King Rat' justifies atrocities as part of the war Hardline loyalist Billy Wright reckons he has spent a year under RUC interrogation. Gerry Moriarty profiles the man feared by Catholics and a hero to some working-class loyalists". Dublin, Ireland: The Irish Times via HighBeam Research. Archived from the original on 25 February 2016. Retrieved 2 October 2012.
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Bibliography
- Anderson, Chris (2002). The Billy Boy: The life and death of LVF leader Billy Wright. Edinburgh: Mainstream Publishing. ISBN 978-1-84018-639-0.
- Cusack, Jim; McDonald, Henry (1997). UVF. Dublin: Poolbeg.
- ISBN 978-0-415-92363-7.
- Dillon, Martin (2003). The Trigger Men. Edinburgh: Mainstream Publishing.
- Gold, John Robert; Revill, George (2000). Landscape of Defence. Harlow, England: Pearson Educational Limited.
- Larkin, Paul (2004). A Very British Jihad: collusion, conspiracy and cover-up in Northern Ireland. Belfast: Beyond the Pale publications. ISBN 978-1-900960-25-0.
- Lister, David; Jordan, Hugh (2004). Mad Dog: The Rise and Fall of Johnny Adair and C Company. Edinburgh: Mainstream.
- McDonald, Henry; Cusack, Jim (2004). UDA – Inside the Heart of Loyalist Terror. Dublin: Penguin Ireland.
- ISBN 978-0-7475-4519-4.
Further reading
- Sean McPhilemy The Committee: Political Assassination in Northern Ireland (Hardcover), Roberts Rinehart, May 1998, ISBN 978-1-57098-211-8
External links
- Cory Collusion Inquiry Report -Billy Wright HMSO. 2004
- Billy Wright on YouTube
- Archived Billy Wright Inquiry Website