Blót
Blót (
After the
Etymology and meaning
Etymology
The verb form is seen in
The noun form is seen in
The shared Germanic root has been proposed to be related to *blōtan ("to blow; to bloom; to blossom"), which is further connected to *blōđan ("blood").
Usage
In the context of "to worship" or "to worship with sacrifice", the Old Norse verb blóta is typically used with that being worshipped in the accusative case, and rarely with it in the dative case. The dative case is more typically used for the object being sacrificed. The verb is often followed by the aim of the blót, for example til friðar, sigrs, langlífis, árs, byrjar ("for peace, victory, long life, good season, fair wind").[5]
In compounds
Components of the practice
Location
It has been proposed that during the Migration Period, religious organisation drastically changed, with rulers gaining enough power to centralise sacrifices and ceremonies to their own homes rather than in outdoor spaces such as bogs and lakes, as had been done before. These indoor cultic buildings are referred to in Old Norse soures variously as hof, hǫrgar, goðahús, blóthús.[9]
Sources do still record
Killing of animals and humans
The written sources and the archaeological record indicate that in Old Norse religious practice, the sacrifice of animals, particularly pigs and horses, played a significant part in the blót. Closer in conception to a gift, it usually involved killing animals, and sometimes humans, in ritual fashion.[11]
Adam of Bremen's account of the temple at Uppsala notes that only the heads were offered.[12] This practice is possibly supported by the archaeological record. At the temple-hall of Hofstaðir in northern Iceland, oxen were decapitated in seasonal rituals for many years and the heads displayed at the hall. Osteological analysis of the bones shows that the animals were killed with blows to the neck by axe or sword. This method was perhaps intended to produce the spectacle of a shower of arterial blood.[11] Similar observations have been made at other sites such as the Viking Age birch stump found underneath the church at Frösön ("Freyr's island") in Jämtland, and a site of a possible cult-house in Borg in Östergötland. Both of these sites had a significant enrichment of skulls relative to other bones. It has been proposed that there was a widespread practice to offer the heads to the gods, whilst cooking the meat for the feast that followed. It has also been suggested that the number of skulls that a hall displayed would act as a status signal, indicating the size of the feast that could be hosted within.[13]
The written sources speak of sacrifices made of prisoners of war; Roman descriptions of Germanic tribes sacrificing their defeated enemies to Mars or Mercury have a similarity with customs related to the cult of Óðinn in Old Norse religion. The Icelandic skáld Helgi Trausti mentions his killing an enemy as a sacrifice to Óðinn;
Role of blood and stallar
In
While
Along with having a role in divination, other suggestions for the importance of blood in blót have been put forward by scholars. It has been put forward that the violence used to kill the animals found at Hofstaðir may have acted as a way to remove tensions in the community. Olof Sundqvist instead proposes that the blood was used in a performative setting, creating a feeling of spectacle and that the event was strongly separate from usual daily life. If true, those participating in the ceremony would likely have become emotionally engaged in the ritual drama. He further suggests, consistent with ideas by Bruce Lincoln, that there may have been a perceived connection between the killing during the blót and the killing of Ymir during the creation account told in Gylfaginning, which acted as its mythic counterpart. In this context, the bloodshed may have signalled a renewal of the world, in which conditions would improve for those who performed the blót. [21]
Feasting and drinking
Sacrificial feasts (
Horses are often recorded as being eaten in blótveizlur and the
The ritual killing of animals was followed by feasts on the meat, as described in the Eddic and Scaldic poetry, the Icelandic sagas, and on rune stones.[25] The meat was boiled in large cooking pits with heated stones, either indoors or outdoors, and ale or mead was drunk in the ceremony.[26]
Sites suggesting religious feasting have been found in Scandinavia such as in
Function
More than just a simple sacrifice, blót was central to all the ritual activities that took place in Norse sacral structures.[11]
Help from the gods
Bulls have been noted to have been often sacrificed when seeking help from the gods in legal matters.
Divination
Divination is suggested to have occurred at some blót and is recorded in Ynglinga saga in connection to a sonarblót ("boar sacrifice"). This is not accepted universally by scholars, with Düwel arguing the link is only seen in Snorri's works. The link has been proposed to be seen elsewhere though, such as the compound word blótspánn ("chip used in divination").[19][30]
According to Eyrbyggja saga, Þórólf Mostrarskeggi made preparations for his settlement of Iceland by performing a blót before he left Norway:
Þórólfr Mostrarskegg fekk at blóti miklu ok gekk til fréttar við Þór, ástvin sinn, hvárt hann skyldi sættast við konung eða fara af landi brott ok leita sér annarra forlaga, en fréttin vísaði Þórólfi til Íslandi.[31] |
Þórólfr Mostrarskeggi prepared a great sacrifice and enquired of Thór, his beloved friend, whether he should be reconciled with the king or leave the country to seek a new destiny for himself; and the answer directed Þórólfr to Iceland.[32] |
According to the Sturlubók and Hauksbók versions of Landnámabók, a man named Ingólf prepared to settle in Iceland with his brother Hjörleif by performing a blót in a similar way to Þórólf:
Þenna vetr fekk Ingólfr at blóti miklu ok leitaði sér heilla um forlög sín, en Hjörleifr vildi aldri blóta. Fréttin vísaði Ingólfi til Íslands.[33] |
That winter Ingólfr prepared a great sacrifice and sought omens for his destiny, but Hjorleifr would never sacrifice. The answer directed Ingólfr to Iceland.
|
Hjörleif was later killed by his thralls which Ingólf attributed to his refusal to uphold heathen customs. The book later states that no one dared live where Hjörleif had settled for fear of the landvættir.[34]
Legitimisation of rulers
The holding of blót and associated feasts were an opportunity for rulers to demonstrate their wealth and generosity and praise of these traits is recorded in sources such as the skaldic poem
Religious and cultic leaders
Scholars have debated the concept of religious leaders in Late Iron Age Scandinavia, with some such as Folke Ström supporting the idea that there was no professional priesthood and that rulers instead held this role. While this remains debated by scholars, there is no strong evidence for formal training into religious role whilst the organisation of sanctuaries and blót by elites is well attested in Old Norse texts.[36]
Certain elites are highlighted for their participation in blót such as
Sources further describe how in both Norway and Svetjud, taking part in public blót was required for the ruler to be accepted by their subjects. Hákonar saga góða tells how the Christian King Hákon came to Trøndelag and did not want to take part in the blót, upsetting the local farmers and chieftains. At the
There is evidence of blót being led by women such as the húsfreyja ("housewife") in
Calendrical blót
Yearly
Beginning of winter
Blót taking place at the beginning of winter in Norway and Iceland to celebrate vetrnætr ("winter-nights") are recorded in multiple sources, such as
In Anglo-Saxon contexts, blót are recorded as occurring in
Later in winter
Other blót are also recorded as having taken place in winter, such as the miðsvetrarblót in
Summer
Óláfs saga Tryggvasonar mentions a miðsumarsblót ("midsummer sacrifice") at Mære.[47][51] Furthermore, Ynglinga saga describes how Odin instituted three festivals in Sweden, one of which was the sigrblót ("sacrifice for victory"), which was to take place at the start of summer.[52][53]
Other
Every nine years
Lejre
Latin text[56] | Warner translation[57] |
---|---|
Sed quia ego de hostiis eorundem antiquis mira audivi , haec indiscussa praeterire nolo. Eit unus in his partibus locus, caput istius regni, Lederun nomine, in pago qui Selon dicitur, ubi post VIIII, annos mense Ianuario post hoc tempus, quo nos theophaniam domini celebramus, omnes convenerunt et ibi diis suismet LXXXX et VIIII. homines et totidem equos, cum canibus et gallis pro accipitribus oblatis immolant, pro certo, ut praedixi, putantes, hos eisdem apud inseros fervituros et commissa crimina apud eosdem placaturos. Quam bene Rex noster fecit, qui eos a tam execrando ritu prolhibuit! | Because I have heard marvellous things about their ancient sacrifices, I will not allow these to pass by unmentioned. In those parts, the centre of the kingdom is a place called Leire, in the region of Seeland. Every nine years, in the month of January, after the day on which we celebrate the appearance of the Lord [6 January], they all convene here and offer their gods a burnt offering of ninety-nine human beings and as many horses, along with dogs and cocks – the latter being used in place of hawks. As I have said, they were convinced that these would do service for them with those who dwell beneath the earth and ensure their forgiveness for any misdeeds. Our king did well when he forbade them to practise such an execrable rite. |
It has been noted that at the time of Thietmar's writing, Denmark had been nominally Christian for nearly 50 years and it is unlikely that large scale blót were still being performed at the end of the 10th century in Lejre. It has been further noted that Thietmar was determined to show the heathen Danes as being as ferocious and backwards as possible, using large numbers to show their barbarity. He further potentially based his description on existing literature available to him, which formed part of a long tradition of supposing that heathens in general commonly sacrificed humans. Such sources would have allowed him to further dehumanise the Danish heathen population and depict them as evil.[58]
Uppsala
The chronicler Adam of Bremen has described a blót being performed every 9 years at Temple at Uppsala in Sweden in Gesta Hammaburgensis ecclesiae pontificum, written in the mid 11th century CE:[59]
Latin text[60] | Tschan translation[61] |
---|---|
Omnibus itaque diis suis attributos habent sacerdotes, qui sacrificia populi offerant. Si pestis et famis imminet, Tbor ydolo lybatur, si bellum, Wodani, si nuptiae celebrandae sunt, Fricconi. Solet quoque post novem annos communis omnium Sueoniae provintiarum sollempnitas in Ubsola celebrari. Ad quam videlicet sollempnitatem nulli praestatur immunitas. Reges et populi, omnes et singuli sua dona tramsmittunt ad Ubsolam, et quod omni poena crudelius est, illi qui iam induerunt christianitatem, ab illis se redimunt cerimoniis. Sacriticium itaque tale est. Ex omni animante, quod masculinum est, novem capita offeruntur, quorum sanguine deos placari mos est. Corpora autem suspenduntur in lucum, oui proximus est templo. Is enim lucus tam sacer est gentilibus, ut singulae arbores eius ex morte vel tabo immolatorum divinae credantur. Ibi etiam canes et equi pendent cum hominibus... Ceterum neniae, quae in eiusmodi ritu libationis fieri solent, multiplices et inhonestae ideoque melius reticendae. | For all their gods there are appointed priests to offer sacrifices for the people. If plague and famine threaten, a libation is poured to the idol Thor; if war, to Wotan; if marriages are to be celebrated, to Frikko. It is customary also to solemnize in Uppsala, at nine-year intervals, a general feast of all the provinces of Sweden. From attendance at this festival no one is exempted. Kings and people all and singly send their gifts to Uppsala and, what is more distressing than any kind of punishment, those who have already adopted Christianity redeem themselves through these ceremonies. The sacrifice is of this nature: of every living thing that is male, they offer nine heads, with the blood of which it is customary to placate gods of this sort. The bodies they hang in the sacred grove that adjoins the temple. Now this grove is so sacred in the eyes of the heathen that each and every tree in it is believed divine because of the death or putrefaction of the victims. Even dogs and horses hang there with men... Furthermore, the incantations customarily chanted in the ritual of a sacrifice of this kind are manifold and unseemly; therefore, it is better to keep silence about them. |
Rudolf Simek has argued that Adam of Bremen had a strong motive in his work to present both that a Christian mission to Scandinavia would be successful, while also emphasising the urgency as the heathens were still supposedly performing what he perceived as evil practices, such as performing blood sacrifices to idols. He proposes that he likely drew on accounts such as Thietmar of Merseburg's chronicle and this could have been the source of certain details such as it recurring every nine years, although the possibility does remain that similar sacrifices were held at both religious sites. Despite this, he argues there that the account is still informed by reliable sources and notable details are not found in sources that he would have had access to, such as the hanging of the sacrificed in trees.[62]
Reception by medieval Christians
Blót strengthening evil spirits
Several conversion
The conversion þáttr Óláfs þáttr Geirstaðaálfs gives an account of Óláfr digrbeinn, a king who the author says predicted his own death and warned his people not to perform blót to him after he dies, claiming that doing so turns the dead into trolls. Following this, Óláfr explains that these demons can bring good harvests but are also harmful. After his death, bad harvests occur and the people ignore his requests and worship him, calling him "Geirstaðaálfr" ("the elf of Geirstad"). Shortly after this, the harvests improve though when they stop their blót, the evil spirits that were receiving the gifts become angered. It has been proposed that this tale is the result of the author imperfectly trying to combine the ideas of Christian demonology and "the noble heathen", who is meant to maintain his dignity after death.[65]
Similarly in another conversion þáttr,
Banning and suppression
The
Early Norwegian law codes explicitly forbid performing of blót , making it a punishable offence. The Older Gulaþing Law, dating to around the mid 11th century CE, bans performing of blót to heathen gods,
The Af blotan section of
Incorporation into Christian culture
Upon adoption of Christianity by the elite, ritual drinking at blót was sometimes
...felldi blót ok blótdrykkjur, ok lét í stað koma í vild við lýðinn hátíðardrykkjur jól ok páskar, Jóansmessu mungát, ok haustöl at Mikjálsmessu.[75] |
...abolished pagan feasts and sacrifices, in place of which, as a favour to the people, he ordained the holiday feasts Yule and Easter, St John's Mass ale, and an autumn-ale at Michaelmas.[75] |
This process of incorporating pre-existing heathen traditions into Christian traditions is likely also seen with the ritual formula til árs ok friðar ("for good harvest and peace"). In Hákonar saga góða it is used as part of
Modern period
After the banning of blót by church officials, the giving of food and drink to beings believed to inhabit the landscape continued as part of local folk practices. This includes the offering to house spirits such as
Reconstructionist adherents of contemporary Germanic paganism have developed traditions of blót rituals celebrated in a contemporary context since the 1970s.[80] In these practices, animal sacrifice is usually replaced with offerings of food or drink, although there remains a large focus on sharing food and strengthening relationships.[81]
See also
- Eucharist, a Christian rite involving eating and drinking
- Lác, an Old English word derived from a term for ritual
- Shechita, ritual slaughter in Judaism
- Qurban (Islamic ritual sacrifice)
Notes
References
- ^ Santesson 1989, p. 221.
- ^ a b Kroonen 2013, p. 70.
- ^ a b c d e f g Orel 2003, pp. 50–51.
- ^ BT_ge-blót.
- ^ a b c d Zoëga 1910, p. 60.
- ^ a b CV_blót.
- ^ a b Kroonen 2013, pp. 70–71.
- ^ Zoëga 1910, pp. 60–61.
- ^ Sundqvist 2015, pp. 96, 163, Chapter 4. Ceremonial Buildings and Sanctuaries, chapter 5. The Religious Leadership of the Sanctuaries and the Economic system.
- ^ Sundqvist 2015, pp. 260–261, Chapter 6. The Ritual Structure of the Sanctuaries and Cosmic Symbolism.
- ^ a b c Price 2020, p. 212.
- ^ Sundqvist 2015, pp. 340–341, Chapter 9. Ceremonial Feasts as Ritual Strategies.
- ^ Sundqvist 2015, pp. 340–341, 347, Chapter 9. Ceremonial Feasts as Ritual Strategies.
- ^ Wikström_af_Edholm 2019, p. 265.
- ^ CV_blóta.
- ^ Sundqvist 2015, pp. 260, 348, Chapter 6. The Ritual Structure of the Sanctuaries and Cosmic Symbolism, chapter 9. Ceremonial Feasts as Ritual Strategies.
- ^ Sundqvist 2015, pp. 334–335, Chapter 9. Ceremonial Feasts as Ritual Strategies.
- ^ a b c Sundqvist 2015, pp. 317–318, Chapter 9. Ceremonial Feasts as Ritual Strategies.
- ^ a b Sundqvist 2015, p. 337, Chapter 9. Ceremonial Feasts as Ritual Strategies.
- ^ Sundqvist 2015, pp. 331–334, Chapter 9. Ceremonial Feasts as Ritual Strategies.
- ^ Sundqvist 2015, pp. 331–343, Chapter 9. Ceremonial Feasts as Ritual Strategies.
- ^ Hultgärd 2008, pp. 215–216.
- ^ Sundqvist 2015, p. 353, Chapter 9. Ceremonial Feasts as Ritual Strategies.
- ^ a b Sundqvist 2015, p. 347, Chapter 9. Ceremonial Feasts as Ritual Strategies.
- ^ Magnell 2019, p. 303.
- ISBN 978-3-944180-52-6.
- ^ Sundqvist 2015, pp. 345–347, 349–350, Chapter 9. Ceremonial Feasts as Ritual Strategies.
- ^ Kovárová 2011, pp. 190–194.
- ^ Sundqvist 2015, pp. 311–313, 321, Chapter 8. Sacred Sites, Ritual Restrictions and Religious Strategies, chapter 9. Ceremonial Feasts as Ritual Strategies.
- ^ Zoëga 1910, p. 61.
- ^ Eyrbyggja saga, Chapter 4.
- ^ a b Aðalsteinsson 1999, p. 16.
- ^ Landnámabók, Fyrsti hluti, Chapter. 5.
- ^ Meyland 2013.
- ^ Sundqvist 2015, pp. 359–360, Chapter 9. Ceremonial Feasts as Ritual Strategies.
- ^ Sundqvist 2015, pp. 164–172, Chapter 5. The Religious Leadership of the Sanctuaries and the Economic system.
- ^ Sundqvist 2015, pp. 325, 328, 330–331, Chapter 9. Ceremonial Feasts as Ritual Strategies.
- ^ Sundqvist 2015, pp. 325–327, 344–348, Chapter 9. Ceremonial Feasts as Ritual Strategies.
- ^ Sundqvist 2015, pp. 365–370, Chapter 9. Ceremonial Feasts as Ritual Strategies.
- ^ Sundqvist 2015, pp. 363–371, 373–375, Chapter 9. Ceremonial Feasts as Ritual Strategies.
- ^ Sundqvist 2015, pp. 286–287, Chapter 7. The Relation between Rulers and Cultic Images.
- ^ Magnell & Iregren 2010, p. 241.
- ^ Simek 2008, pp. 60–61, 320.
- ^ Sundqvist 2015, pp. 365–366, 370, Chapter 9. Ceremonial Feasts as Ritual Strategies.
- ^ Simek 2008, pp. 7–8.
- ^ BT_blót-mónaþ.
- ^ a b Sundqvist 2015, pp. 320, Chapter 7. The Relation between Rulers and Cultic Images.
- ^ Nordberg 2006, pp. 155–156.
- ^ Kovárová 2011, p. 195.
- ^ Simek 2008, p. 327.
- ^ KOTS, Chapter 72.
- ^ Gunnell 2018, pp. 110.
- ^ OIC_sigrblót.
- ^ Simek 2008, pp. 89–90.
- ^ Simek 2022, p. 223.
- ^ Thietmar von Merseburg 1807, pp. 12–13.
- ^ Warner 2013, Book 1, chapter 17.
- ^ Simek 2022, pp. 224, 227–228.
- ^ Simek 2022, p. 218.
- ^ Adam of Bremen 1876, pp. 73–74.
- ^ Adam of Bremen 2002, pp. 207–208.
- ^ Simek 2022, pp. 225, 228.
- ^ Simensen 2021, pp. 36–37.
- ^ Heinrichs 1994, pp. 47–49, 50, 54–56.
- ^ Heinrichs 1994, pp. 47–49.
- ^ Heinrichs 1994, pp. 54–56.
- ^ Sanmark 2004, pp. 150–151.
- ^ Thorpe 2012, pp. 296–299.
- ^ Sanmark 2004, p. 158.
- ^ Simensen 2021, pp. 8–9, 36–37.
- ^ Grønlie, p. 9.
- ^ Sundqvist 2015, p. 355, Chapter 9. Ceremonial Feasts as Ritual Strategies.
- ^ a b Sanmark 2004, p. 159.
- ^ Peel_2009, 4. Concerning sacrifice.
- ^ a b Driscoll 2008, pp. 30–33.
- ^ Sundqvist 2015, pp. 356–357, Chapter 9. Ceremonial Feasts as Ritual Strategies.
- ^ Nygaard 2019.
- ^ Orkney, Vol.XVI.
- ^ Orkney, Vol.XV.
- ^ Rabinovitch 2004, pp. 126–127.
- ^ BBC Heathenry.
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{{cite web}}
: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - Tichy, Martin Rocek, Ondrej. "ge-blót". Bosworth-Toller's Anglo-Saxon Dictionary online. Retrieved 11 December 2023.
{{cite web}}
: CS1 maint: multiple names: authors list (link) - "Old Norse Dictionary - Blót". Cleasby & Vigfusson - Old Norse Dictionary. Retrieved 11 December 2023.
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