Black genocide in the United States
Black genocide in the United States | |
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Deaths | |
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Perpetrators | Federal government of the United States State governments of the United States Various White Americans |
Motive | Racism/Negrophobia |
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Genocide |
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Issues |
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In the United States, black genocide is the argument that the systemic mistreatment of African Americans by both the United States government and white Americans, both in the past and the present, amounts to genocide. The decades of lynchings and long-term racial discrimination were first formally described as genocide by a now-defunct organization, the Civil Rights Congress, in a petition which it submitted to the United Nations in 1951. In the 1960s, Malcolm X accused the US government of engaging in a genocide against black people, citing long-term injustice, cruelty, and violence against blacks by whites.[8][9]
While some critics claim black genocide is a conspiracy theory, its proponents argue it is a useful framework for analyzing systemic racism.[2] Arguments against birth control, in particular, have been criticized as conspiratorial or exaggerated,[10] although many contemporary commentators argue that black suspicions toward the state were "well founded" due to historic experiences of Black population control[11][12] and programs such as the decades-long, government-sponsored compulsory sterilization of African Americans, as revealed in 1973.[10]
Other events around this time have also been argued to amount to black genocide, such as the
During the Vietnam War, the increasing use of black soldiers was also criticized as contributing to black genocide.[14] In recent decades, the disproportionately high black prison population has also been cited in support of black genocide claims.[15]
Slavery as genocide
Slavery in general and the Atlantic slave trade in particular was an archetypal example of a crime against humanity in the 19th century, a larger category of crimes that was expanded when genocide was included in it in the 20th century. George Washington Williams popularized the concept of crimes against humanity with regard to the history of slavery in the United States and during the Congo Free State propaganda war of the 1890s, the "laws of humanity" were included in the Martens Clause of the Hague Conventions and as a result, they were legally enshrined in international law.
In his book, The Broken Heart of America, Harvard professor Walter Johnson wrote that on many occasions throughout the history of the enslavement of Africans in the US, many instances of genocide occurred, instances which included the separation of men from their wives, effectively reducing the size of the African-American population. For a black American who lived during the era of U.S. slavery, no rights were guaranteed, whether they were personally enslaved or not.[17] In the United States a slave's life expectancy was 21 to 22 years, and a black child through the age of 1 to 14 had twice the risk of dying of a white child of the same age.[6]
Jim Crow as genocide
Petition to the United Nations
The United Nations (UN) was formed in 1945. The UN debated and adopted a Genocide Convention in late 1948, holding that genocide was the "intent to destroy, in whole or in part", a racial group.[18] Based on the "in part" definition, the Civil Rights Congress (CRC), a group composed of African Americans with Communist affiliations, presented to the UN in 1951 a petition called "We Charge Genocide." The petition listed 10,000 unjust deaths of African Americans in the nine decades since the American Civil War.[4] It described lynching, mistreatment, murder and oppression by whites against blacks, concluding that the US government was refusing to address "the persistent, widespread, institutionalized commission of the crime of genocide".[18] The petition was presented to the UN convention in Paris by CRC leader William L. Patterson, and in New York City by the singer and actor Paul Robeson who was a civil rights activist and a Communist member of CRC.[18]
The Cold War raised American concerns about Communist expansionism. The CRC petition was viewed by the US government as being against America's best interests with regard to fighting Communism. The petition was ignored by the UN; many of the charter countries looked to the US for guidance and were not willing to arm the enemies of the US with more propaganda about its failures in domestic racial policy. American responses to the petition were various: Radio journalist Drew Pearson spoke out against the supposed "Communist propaganda" before it was presented to the UN.[18]
Professor
The "We Charge Genocide" petition received more notice in international news than in domestic US media. French and Czech media carried the story prominently, as did newspapers in India. In 1952, African-American author J. Saunders Redding traveling in India was repeatedly asked questions about specific instances of civil rights abuse in the US, and the CRC petition was used by Indians to rebut his assertions that US race relations were improving. In the US, the petition faded from public awareness by the late 1950s.[18] In 1964, Malcolm X and his Organization of Afro-American Unity, citing the same lynchings and oppression described in the CRC petition, began to prepare their own petition to the UN asserting that the US government was engaging in genocide against black people.[8][9][19] The 1964 Malcolm X speech "The Ballot or the Bullet" also draws from "We Charge Genocide".[20]
After World War II and following many years of mistreatment of African Americans by white Americans, the US government's official policies regarding this mistreatment shifted significantly. The American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) said in 1946 that negative international opinion about US racial policies helped to pressure the US into alleviating the mistreatment of ethnic minorities.[18] In 1948, President Harry S. Truman signed an order desegregating the military, and black citizens increasingly challenged other forms of racial discrimination.[18] In 1948, even if African Americans worked side by side with their white counterparts, they were often segregated into separate neighborhoods due to redlining.[21]
Lynching and other racial killings
Walter Johnson has written that the first lynching to occur in the United States was that of Francis McIntosh, a free man of black and white ancestry.[17] He argued that this lynching ignited a series of them, all with the goal of "ethnic cleansing"[17] and that Abraham Lincoln, who was not yet president, was more concerned by the vigilantism of the lynching than the murder itself. Lincoln referred to McIntosh as "obnoxious" in his 1838 speech later dubbed the Lyceum Address.[17] According to the National Memorial for Peace and Justice 4,400 black people killed in lynchings and other racial killings between 1877 and 1950.[3]
Brandy Marie Langley argued, "The physical killing of black people in America, at this time period, was consistent with Lemkin's original idea of genocide."[22] Famous literary and social activist figures such as Mark Twain and Ida B. Wells were compelled to speak out about lynchings.[23] Twain's essay about lynchings titled "The United States of Lyncherdom," a remark on widespread occurrence of lynchings in the US.[23] According to Christopher Waldrep, the media and racist whites, both inadvertently and not, exaggerated the presence of black crime as a method of appeasing their own guilt surrounding the lynchings African Americans.[24]
Sterilization
Beginning in 1907, some US state legislatures passed laws allowing for the
In mid-1973 news stories revealed the forced sterilization of poor black women and children, paid for by federal funds. Two girls of the Relf family in Mississippi, deemed mentally incompetent at ages 12 and 14, and also 18-year-old welfare recipient Nial Ruth Cox of North Carolina, were prominent cases of involuntary sterilization.[19][28] Jet magazine presented the story under the headline "Genocide".[29] Critics said these stories were publicized by activists against legal abortion.[30] According to Gregory Price, government policies led to higher rates of sterilization amongst black Americans than white on the basis of racist beliefs.[31] He writes that in the early 1900s, the goal of eugenicists was to create a biologically fit population, but and that these standards of biological fitness deliberately excluded black people, who were claimed to not be capable of making legitimate contributions to the national economy.[31]
Systemic racism as genocide
We Charge Genocide estimated 30,000 more black people died each year due to various racist policies and that black people had an 8-year shorter life span than white Americans.[2] In this vein, Historian Matthew White estimates that 3.3 million more non-white people died from 1900 up to the 1960s than they would have if they had died at the same rate as white people.[32]
Effects of wars on black communities
African Americans pushed for equal participation in US military service in the first part of the 20th century and especially during World War II. Finally, President Harry S. Truman signed legislation to integrate the US military in 1948. However, Selective Service System deferments, military assignments, and especially the recruits accepted through Project 100,000 resulted in a greater representation of blacks in combat in the Vietnam War in the second half of the 1960s.[33][34] African Americans represented 11% of the US population but 12.6% of troops sent to Vietnam.[14] Cleveland Sellers said that the drafting of poor black men into war was "a plan to commit calculated genocide".[35] Former SNCC chairman Stokely Carmichael, black congressman Adam Clayton Powell Jr. and SNCC member Rap Brown agreed.[19][36] In October 1969, King's widow Coretta Scott King spoke at an anti-war protest held at the primarily black Morgan State College in Baltimore. Campus leaders published a statement against what they termed "black genocide" in Vietnam, blaming US President Richard Nixon as well as South Vietnamese leaders President Nguyễn Văn Thiệu and Vice President Nguyễn Cao Kỳ.[37]
Author James Forman Jr. has called the War on Drugs "a misstep [that] is so damaging that future generations are left shaking their heads in disbelief."[38] According to Forman, the war on drugs has had widespread effects, including an increased punitory criminal justice system that disproportionately affected Black Americans, especially those in low-income neighborhoods.[38] Forman further writes that one consequence is that, even though black and white people have similar rates of drug use, black people are more likely to be punished for it by the judicial system.[38]
Elizabeth Hinton writes that two other "wars" that have had detrimental effects on the black community - the War on Poverty and War on Crime. According to Hinton black men are imprisoned at a rate of 1 in 11.[39] This topic is also explored in Michelle Alexander's The New Jim Crow. Alexander argues that, despite many Americans wanting to believe that the election of President Obama ushered in a new age where race no longer mattered, or at least not as much, America is still deeply affected by its racial history.[40] Alexander writes that there has been a "systemic breakdown of black and poor communities devastated by mass unemployment, social neglect, economic abandonment, and intense police surveillance."[40] President Lyndon B. Johnson, stated in a commencement speech delivered at Howard University that there is a stark contrast between black and white poverty.[13] Keeanga-Yamahtta Taylor writes that the contrast is a result of systemic injustices carried out over the course of centuries against the black community.[13]
Prison
In 1969, H. Rap Brown wrote in his autobiography, Die Nigger Die!, that American courts "conspire to commit genocide" against blacks by putting a disproportionate number of them in prison.[41] Political scientist Joy A. James wrote that "antiblack genocide" is the motivating force which explains the way that US prisons are filled largely with black prisoners.[42] Author and former prisoner Mansfield B. Frazier contends that the rumor in American ghettos "that whites are secretly engaged in a program of genocide against the black race" is given "a measure of validity" by the number of "black men of child-producing age who are imprisoned for crimes for which men of other races are not.[15]
The book New Directions for Youth Development describes the school-to-prison pipeline along with ways to end it. It states that "The public school system in the United States, like the country as a whole, is plagued by vast inequalities—that all too frequently are defined along lines of race and class."[43] Over time, as schools have become harsher in enforcing their policies and disciplining students, the criminal justice system has also become harsher in dealing with children.[43] The book states that "Since 1992, fortyfive states have passed laws making it easier to try juveniles as adults, and thirty-one have stiffened sanctions against youths for a variety of offenses".[43]
The way in which certain drugs are criminalized also factors into the large disparities in involvement in the prison system between black and white communities.[44] For instance "conviction for crack selling (more heavily sold and used by people of color) [results] in a sentence 100 times more severe than for selling the same amount of powder cocaine (more heavily sold and used by whites)."[44]
Reproductive rights
Birth control
Although black women had been practising forms of birth control since their arrival in America, certain African-American leaders also taught that political power came with greater population and so opposed contraception.
The combined oral contraceptive pill, popularly known as "the Pill", was approved for sale as a medicine in US markets in 1957, and in 1961, the use of it for birth control was also approved. In 1962, civil rights activist Whitney Young told the National Urban League not to support birth control for blacks.[19] Marvin Davies, leader of the Florida chapter of the NAACP, said that black women should reject birth control and produce more babies so that black political influence would increase in the future.[19]
Ideas of reproductive fitness were still at the center of American family planning in the 1960s. Physicians preferred to prescribe the Pill to white middle-class women and the IUD to poor women, especially poor women of color, because the IUD granted them greater control over "unfit" women's behavior. Guttmacher viewed the IUD as an effective method of contraception for individuals in "underdeveloped areas where two things are lacking: one, money and the other sustained motivation."[47]
Once the method was approved for use in the United States, the majority of Pill users were white and middle class women.[47] In part, this trend reflects doctors' preference to prescribe the Pill to members of this population, and it also reflects the cost of the drug. Until the late 1960s, the Pill was prohibitively expensive for working-class and poor women.[47]
After President
From 1965 to 1970, black militant males, especially younger men from poverty-stricken areas, spoke out against birth control by denouncing it as part of a plot to commit a genocide against black people. The
Black Muslims said that birth control was against the teachings of the
In Newark, New Jersey, in July 1967, the Black power movement held its first convention: the National Conference on Black Power. The convention identified several means by which whites were attempting to annihilate blacks. Injustices in housing practices, reductions in welfare benefits, and government-subsidized family planning were all identified as elements of "black genocide".[50][19] Ebony magazine printed a story in March 1968 in which it was revealed that poor blacks believed that a conspiracy to commit genocide against black people was the impetus behind government-funded birth control.[49]
Reverend Martin Luther King Jr., was a strong proponent of birth control for blacks. In 1966, he won the Margaret Sanger Award in Human Rights, an award which honors the tireless birth control activism of Margaret Sanger, a co-founder of Planned Parenthood. King emphasized the fact that birth control gave the black man better command of his personal economic situation, keeping the number of his children within his monetary means.[19] In April 1968, Martin Luther King Jr., was shot and killed. In 1971, Charles V. Willie wrote that among African Americans, this event marked the beginning of serious reflection "about the possibility of [black] genocide in America. There were lynchings, murders, and manslaughters in the past. But the assassination of Dr. King was too much. Many blacks believed that Dr. King had represented their best... If America could not accept Dr. King, then many felt that no black person in America was safe."[51]
Black women were generally critical of the Black Power Movement's rejection of birth control. In 1968, a group of black radical feminists in
In
Other prominent black advocates for birth control included Carl Rowan, James Farmer, Bayard Rustin, Jerome H. Holland, Ron Dellums and Barbara Jordan.[19]
In the US in the 21st century, black women are most likely to be at risk for unintended pregnancies: 84% of black women of reproductive age use birth control, in contrast to 91% of Caucasian and Hispanic women, and 92% of Asian American women.[56] This situation results in black women having the highest rate of unintended pregnancies—in 2001, almost 10% of black women who gave birth between the ages of 15 and 44 had unintended pregnancies, which was more than twice the rate of unintended pregnancies among white women. Poverty contributes to these statistics, because low-income women are more likely to experience disruptions in their lives; disruptions which affect the steady use of birth control. People who live in poor areas are more suspicious of the health care system, and as a result, they may reject medical treatment and advice, especially, they may reject less-critical wellness treatments such as birth control.[57]
Abortion
Slave women brought with them from Africa the knowledge of traditional folk birth control practices, and of abortion obtained through the use of herbs, blunt trauma, and other methods of killing the fetus or producing strong uterine cramps. Slave women were often expected to breed more slave children to enrich their owners, but some quietly rebelled.[58] In 1856 a white doctor reported that a number of slave owners were upset that their slaves appeared to hold a "secret by which they destroy the foetus at an early age of gestation".[59][60][61] However, this folk knowledge was suppressed in the new American culture, especially by the nascent American Medical Association, and its practice fell away.[59][61]
After slavery ended, black women formed social groups and clubs in the 1890s to "uplift their race."[60] The revolutionary idea that a black woman might enjoy a full life without ever being a mother was presented in Josephine St. Pierre Ruffin's magazine The Woman's Era. Knowledge was secretly shared among clubwomen regarding how to find practitioners offering illegal medical or traditional abortion services. Working-class black women, who were more often forced into having sex with white men, continued to have a need for birth control and abortions. Black women who earned less than $10 per day paid $50 to $75 for an illegal and dangerous abortion. Throughout the 20th century, "backstreet" abortion providers in black neighborhoods were also sought out by poor white women who wanted to rid themselves of pregnancies. Abortion providers who were black were prosecuted much more often than white ones were.[59]
During this time the Black Panthers printed pamphlets which described abortion as black genocide, expanding on their earlier stance with regard to family planning.[62] However, most minority groups stood in favor of the decriminalization of abortion; The New York Times reported in 1970 that more non-white women than white women died as a result of "crude, illegal abortions".[63] Legalized abortion was expected to produce fewer deaths of the mother. A poll in Buffalo, New York, conducted by the National Organization for Women (NOW), found that 75% of blacks supported the decriminalization of abortion.[64]
After the January 1973 Roe v. Wade Supreme Court decision made abortion legal in the US, Jet magazine publisher Robert E. Johnson authored an article titled "Legal Abortion: Is It Genocide Or Blessing In Disguise?" Johnson cast the issue as one which polarized the black community along gender lines: black women generally viewed abortion as a "blessing in disguise" but black men such as Reverend Jesse Jackson viewed it as black genocide.[49][65] Jackson said he was in favor of birth control but not abortion.[65] The next year, Senator Mark Hatfield, an opponent of legal abortion, emphasized to Congress that Jackson "regards abortion as a form of genocide practiced against blacks."[66][67][68]
In Jet, Johnson quoted Lu Palmer, a radio journalist in Chicago, who said that there was inequity between the sexes: a young black man who helped create an unwanted pregnancy could go his "merry way" while the young woman who had been involved in it was stigmatized by society and saddled with a financial and emotional burden, often without a safety net of caregivers to sustain her.[65] Civil rights lawyer Florynce Kennedy criticized the idea that black women were needed to populate the Black Power revolution. She said that black majorities in the Deep South were not known to be hotbeds of revolution, and that limiting black women to the role of mothers was "not too far removed from a cultural past where black women were encouraged to be breeding machines for their slave masters."[65] In the Tennessee General Assembly in 1967, Dorothy Lavinia Brown, MD, the first African-American woman surgeon and a state assemblywoman, sponsored a proposed bill to fully legalize abortion.[59] Later Brown, would say black women "should dispense quickly the notion that abortion is genocide." Rather, they should look to the earliest Atlantic slave traders as the root of genocide.[59] Congresswoman Shirley Chisholm wrote in 1970 that the linking of abortion and genocide "is male rhetoric, for male ears."[69][70]
However, a link between abortion and black genocide has been claimed by later observers. Mildred Fay Jefferson, a surgeon and an activist against legal abortion, wrote about black genocide in 1978, saying "abortionists have done more to get rid of generations and cripple others than all of the years of slavery and lynching."[71][72][73] Jefferson's views were shared by Michigan state legislator and NAACP member Rosetta A. Ferguson, who led the effort to defeat a Michigan abortion liberalization bill in 1972. Ferguson described abortion as black genocide.[74]
In 2009,
After Stacey Abrams lost the 2018 Georgia gubernatorial election, anti-abortion activist Arthur A. Goldberg wrote that she lost in part because of her stance in favor of abortion rights, which he said ignored "the staggering number of abortions in the black community" which amounted to black genocide.[82] In 2019, The New York Times wrote that "the abortion debate is inextricably tied to race" in the view of black American communities that are challenged with many other racial disparities which together constitute black genocide.[83]
A Pew Research Center survey found that black Americans favour legalized abortion for "most or all cases" at a rate of 68 percent, as opposed to 59 percent of white Americans.[84]
Analysis
In 1976, sociologist Irving Louis Horowitz, who believed genocide requires "conscious choice and policy" on behalf of the state, published an analysis of black genocide in which he concluded that racist vigilantism and sporadic actions by individual whites were to blame for the various statistics which show higher rates of death for black people than white people. Horowitz concluded that the US government could not be implicated as a conspirator because there was no conspiracy to engage in a concerted black genocide, only “benign neglect".[85]
Critics of Horowitz point out the contradictions in his analysis (e.g., he admits the KKK often had support from the police and state),[22] and that his thesis fails because he uses only the Holocaust as a benchmark for genocide, which may be inappropriate or one-sided.[86] Brandy Marie Langley counters that because state actors and leaders were "purposefully neglecting to recognize the dignity and [federal, constitutional] civil rights" of emancipated black people, such neglect was neither benign nor unintentional.[87]
In 2013, political scientist Joy A. James wrote that the "logical conclusion" of American racism is genocide and members of the black elite are complicit, along with white Americans, in carrying out black genocide.[88]
Notes
- systemic racism (up to 1951)[2]
See also
- African-American history
- African Americans and birth control
- Afrophobia
- Black Lives Matter
- Black nationalism
- Black power movement
- Black separatism
- Black supremacy
- Birth control in the United States
- Discrimination in the United States
- Eugenics in the United States
- History of the Southern United States
- Impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on African-American communities
- List of conspiracy theories
- List of expulsions of African Americans
- List of genocides
- Lynching in the United States
- Mass racial violence in the United States
- Nadir of American race relations
- Native American genocide in the United States – the notion that Native Americans have been subjected to genocide because of racism against them
- Negrophobia
- Political positions of Herman Cain
- Politics of the Southern United States Race and health in the United States
- Racism against African Americans
- Racism in the United States
- Reconstruction era
- Reparations for slavery in the United States
- Sterilization law in the United States
- Sterilization of Native American women
- Trans genocide
- Tuskegee syphilis experiment
- Unethical human experimentation in the United States
- United States anti-abortion movement
- United States racial unrest (2020–present)
- White genocide conspiracy theory
- White supremacy#United States
- Medical Apartheid, by Harriet A. Washington (2007)
- The Delectable Negro, by Vincent Woodard (2014)
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