Black nationalism
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Black nationalism is a
As an ideology, black nationalism encompasses a diverse range of beliefs which have variously included forms of
Historically, black nationalism has been the target of suppression campaigns by state agencies such as COINTELPRO, led by the FBI in the 1970s, and the post-2017 crackdowns on "black identity extremists".[11][12][13][14]
Concepts
Black nationalism reflects the idea that, in racialized societies, people of diverse African descent are often treated as a single racial, ethnic and cultural group (such as African Americans in the US or Black Britons in the UK).[15][16] Because of a shared history of oppression and a distinct culture shaped by that history, black nationalism argues that black people in the diaspora therefore form a distinct nation (or multiple distinct nations) and so have a right to representation or self-governance.[17][18][19][20] Black nationalists therefore seek to acquire political and economic power to improve the quality of life and freedoms of black people collectively.[1]
Black nationalists tend to believe in self-reliance and self-sufficiency for black people, solidarity among black people as a nation, and pride in black achievement and culture, in order to overcome the effects of institutionalized inequality, self-hate and internalized racism.[21]
The roots of black nationalism extend back to the time of the transatlantic trade in enslaved Africans, when some enslaved Africans revolted or formed independent black settlements (such as the Maroons), free of European control. By the 19th century, African Americans such as Paul Cuffe and Martin Delany called for free and fugitive black people to emigrate to Africa to help establish independent nations.[22] In the early 20th century, Jamaican activist Marcus Garvey moved to the US and, inspired by Zionism and Irish independence, promoted black nationalist and Pan-African ideas, which collectively became known as Garveyism.[23][22]
Modern black nationalist ideas coalesced as a distinct movement during the era of racial segregation in America, as a response to centuries of institutionalized white supremacy, the discrimination African Americans experienced as a result, and the perceived failures of the nonviolent civil rights movement of the time.[1][22][10][5] After the assassination of Malcolm X in 1965, the black nationalism movement gained increased traction in various African American communities. A focus on returning to Africa became less popular, giving way to the idea that black people constituted a "nation within a nation," and therefore should seek better rights and political power within a multicultural US.[11]
Black nationalists often fought racism, colonialism, and imperialism,
Similarity to black separatism
There are similarities between black separatism and black nationalism, since they both advocate for the civil rights of black people. While black separatists believe that black people should be physically separated from other races, primarily whites, black nationalism focuses primarily on civil rights, self-determination, and democratic representation. It is possible to be both black separatist and black nationalist. Examples of black separatist organizations include the Nation of Islam and the New Black Panther Party.
Black nationalists often reject conflation with
History
Overview
According to
First period
When the first Africans were brought to the Americas as slaves, many rebelled, and some escaped their captors. Especially in the Caribbean, escaped slaves began to form independent black communities either in exile or with indigenous American groups. Others were freed or bought their own freedom, and began to seek their own independence, away from white society. This often included calls to emigrate to Africa and help build independent black nations there.[27][28][29]
When runaway slaves banded with Amerindians or subsisted independently, often forming bands or even armed camps, they were called "maroons". Maroons had to survive attacks by armed and hostile colonists while also obtaining food for subsistence living and setting up their own communities.[31][32] The existence of self-contained black communities would presage the many black nations that would gain independence across the Americas in future centuries.
The First Slave Rebellion
In the New World, as early as 1512, African slaves escaped from Spanish captors and either joined indigenous peoples or eked out a living on their own.[33] The first recorded slave rebellion in the region occurred in what is today the Dominican Republic, on the sugar plantations owned by Admiral Diego Columbus, on 26 December 1522.[34] As many of the slaves were able to escape, the first maroon communities of the Americas were established following this revolt.
Recognition of Maroon Communities
On some of the larger Caribbean islands, maroon communities were able to grow crops and hunt for food. As more slaves escaped from plantations, their numbers could grow. Seeking to separate themselves from colonisers, the maroons gained in power amid increasing hostility. They raided and pillaged plantations until the planters began to fear a massive slave revolt.[35]
As early as 1655, escaped Africans had formed communities in inland Jamaica, and by the 18th century, Nanny Town and other Jamaican maroon villages began to fight for independent recognition.[36] Jamaican Maroons consistently fought British colonists, leading to the First Maroon War (1728–1740). By 1740, the British governor of the Colony of Jamaica, Edward Trelawny had signed two treaties promising them 2,500 acres (1,012 ha) in Cudjoe's Town (Trelawny Town) and Crawford's Town, bringing an end to the warfare between the communities and effectively freeing the Maroons a century before the Slavery Abolition Act came into effect in 1838.[37]
In
Second period
In the mid-to-late 18th century,
After the Revolutionary War, educated Africans within the colonies (specifically within New England and Pennsylvania) had become disgusted with the social conditions of black people. Individuals such as Prince Hall, Richard Allen, Absalom Jones, James Forten, Cyrus Bustill and William Gray sought to create organizations that would unite black people, who had been excluded from white society, and improve their situation collectively. Institutions such as black Masonic lodges, the Free African Society, and the African Episcopal Church of St. Thomas lay the groundwork for the independent black organizations and communities that would follow.[30]
Meanwhile, black people were relocated from the Americas and Britain to new colonies in Sierra Leone and Liberia, paving the way for black-led nations in those countries. Back in the Caribbean, the Haitian Revolution proved to disparate black communities across the Americas that they could achieve independence or equality in the law, if they cooperated and worked together.[41][42][43][44][45]
Nova Scotia
Between 1713 and 1758, the Fortress of Louisbourg on Île-Royale (now Cape Breton Island) became the first of 52 black communities in Nova Scotia, many of which survive to this day. During this early period, 381 black people, some free and others enslaved, escaped or were brought to the Fortress, mostly from the Francophone Caribbean colonies.[46] It was home to a mix of freed and unfree enslaved Africans, who undertook a variety of trades and professions, such as gardeners, bakers, stone masons, musicians, soldiers, sailors, fishermen, hospital workers, and more.[47][46]
First Great Awakening
The
The message of spiritual equality appealed to many enslaved people and, as African religious traditions continued to decline in North America, black people accepted Christianity in large numbers for the first time. Black people even began to take active roles in these mixed churches, sometimes even preaching.[49][48] Many leaders of the revivals also proclaimed that enslaved people should be educated so that they could read and study the Bible. This helped establish a new class of educated black people in America.[50]
Revolutionary War
Before the American Revolutionary War of 1775–1783, few slaves were manumitted. On the eve of the American Revolution, there was an estimated 30,000 free African Americans in Colonial America which accounts for about 5% of the total African American population. The Revolutionary War greatly disrupted slave societies and showed black people that freedom from white rule was possible.[51]
With the 1775
Relocation to Nova Scotia and Sierra Leone
After the Revolutionary War, General Washington urged the British to return the Black Loyalists as stolen property, under the Treaty of Paris (1783). The British attempted to keep their promise to the Loyalists by relocating them outside the US.[54] The British transported more than 3,000 Black Loyalists and Jamaican Maroons to resettle in Nova Scotia (part of present-day Ontario). Between 1749 and 1816, approximately 10,000 black people settled in Nova Scotia.[55] Those settlers who remained in Nova Scotia would go on to found large communities of freed black people, forming 52 black settlements in total, and would develop their own black national identity as Black Nova Scotians.[56][57][58][59]
Meanwhile, in 1786, the
Black Mutual Aid Societies and Black Churches
Since most sources of welfare at the time were controlled by whites, free blacks across the early United States created their own mutual aid societies. These societies offered cultural centers, spiritual assistance, and financial resources to their members.[61] The Free African Union Society, founded in 1780 in Newport, Rhode Island, was America's first African benevolent society. Founders and early members included Prince Amy, Lincoln Elliot, Bristol Yamma, Zingo Stevens and Newport Gardner. It became the model for multiple similar organizations across the Northeast.[62]
In 1787, Richard Allen and Absalom Jones formed the Free African Society of Pennsylvania. It became famous for its members' work as nurses and aides during the Yellow Fever Epidemic of 1793, when many other residents abandoned the city.[63] Notable members included African-American abolitionists such as Cyrus Bustill, James Forten, and William Gray, as well as survivors of the Haitian Revolution in Saint-Domingue, as well as fugitive slaves escaping from the South.[64]
The FSA provided social and moral guidance, medical care, and financial advice. The latter became particularly important, and would establish a model for later African American banks. It operated ten private schools for blacks across Pennsylvania, performed burials and weddings, and recorded births and marriages. Its activity and open doors served as motivator for growth for the city, inspiring many other black mutual aid societies to pop up.
In 1793, Jones and several other FAS members also founded the St. Thomas African Episcopal Church, a nondenominational church specifically for black people. This in turn paved the way for the first independent black churches in the United States.[65][66] The church and its members played a key role in the abolition/anti-slavery and equal rights movement of the 1800s and it would later be involved in the civil rights movement.[67][68]
Mutual aid became a foundation of
Liberia
Following the
In Boston, black Quaker and activist
In 1816, modeled after Cuffe's work and the British resettlement of black people in Sierra Leone,[73] Robert Finley founded the American Colonization Society (ACS). The ACS and organizations like it aimed to encourage and support the migration of freeborn people of color and emancipated slaves to the continent of Africa.[74] The African American community, who wanted to keep their homes, overwhelmingly opposed the ACS, as did the abolitionist movement.[75][76] Many African Americans, both free and enslaved, were pressured into emigrating anyway.[77][78][79][80][81][82]
By 1833, the Society had transported only 2,769 individuals out of the U.S. and close to half the arrivals in Liberia died from tropical diseases. During the early years, 22% of the settlers in Liberia died within one year.
Between 1822 and the outbreak of the
Haitian Revolution
The Haitian Revolution was a successful
The successful revolution was a defining moment in the history of the Atlantic World[44][45] and the revolution's effects on the institution of slavery were felt throughout the Americas. Independence and the abolition of slavery in the former colony was followed by a successful defense of the freedoms the former slaves had won, and with the collaboration of already free people of color, of their independence from white Europeans. This had the effect of encouraging other black communities suffering under slavery or colonialism to imagine independence and self-rule.[41][42][43]
Third period
The third period of black nationalism arose during the post
Meanwhile, activists and intellectuals began to shape a black nationalism for black people in white majority societies. Key figures included Marcus Garvey, Benjamin "Pap" Singleton, Henry McNeal Turner, Martin Delany, Henry Highland Garnet, Edward Wilmot Blyden, Paul Cuffe, and others.
Martin Delany
Beginning in 1847, Delany worked alongside
After the Civil War, Delany went to the South, settling in South Carolina. There he worked for the
Scientific racism
In the immediate aftermath of the European
Decline and Resurgence of the Back-to-Africa Movement
After Emancipation, the back-to-Africa movement eventually began to decline. In 1877, at the end of the
Anténor Firmin
In 1885,
20th century
New Imperialism and the Scramble for Africa
During the period known as New Imperialism (1833 to 1914), European nations colonized and occupied Africa in the "Scramble for Africa". This mobilized black people in the diaspora to activism in their home nations.
Bedwardism
Born in 1848 in
After spending time in
In the 1880s, he started to gather large groups of followers by conducting services which included reports of mass healings. He identified himself with Paul Bogle, the Baptist leader of the Morant Bay rebellion, and he stressed the need for changes to the inequalities in race relations in Jamaican society.[116][114]
In 1889, Harrison "Shakespeare" Woods, an
Bedwardian literature describes Bedwardism as the successor to Christianity and Judaism, though its actual teachings differ little from those of most Christian denominations. Even so, because the movement likened the ruling classes to the
The movement lost steam in 1921 after Bedward and hundreds of his followers marched into Kingston, where he failed to deliver on his claim to ascend into Heaven, and many were arrested. In 1930, Bedward died in his cell of natural causes.[114][115]
Many of his followers became Garveyites and
Marcus Garvey
In 1914, Jamaican activist
Marcus Garvey encouraged African people around the world to be proud of their race and see beauty in their own kind. Garvey used his own personal magnetism and the understanding of black psychology and the psychology of confrontation to create a movement that challenged bourgeois blacks for the minds and souls of African Americans. Garvey's movement, known as Garveyism, was opposed by mainline black leaders, and crushed by government action. However, its many alumni remembered its inspiring rhetoric.[118]
A central idea to Garveyism was that African people in every part of the world were one people and they would never advance if they did not put aside their cultural and ethnic differences and unite under their own shared history. He was heavily influenced by the earlier works of Booker T. Washington, Martin Delany, and Henry McNeal Turner.[119] Garvey's beliefs are articulated in The Philosophy and Opinions of Marcus Garvey as well as Message To The People: The Course of African Philosophy.
Garveyism also influenced Bedwardism, even though the latter came first. By the 1910s, Alexander Bedward became convinced that God had intended for him to be
Rastafari
Rastafari would both emerge from early black nationalism and shape the black nationalism that followed.[120][121] One key influence on Rastafari was Christian Revivalism, with the Great Revival of 1860–61 drawing many Afro-Jamaicans to join churches or found their own.[122] Increasing numbers of American Pentecostal missionaries arrived in Jamaica during the early 20th century, climaxing in the 1920s.[123][121] Another key influence was the Ethiopian movement within black churches, which accorded special status to the east African nation of Ethiopia because it was mentioned in various Biblical passages.[124][123] For adherents of Ethiopianism, "Ethiopia" was regarded as a synonym of Africa as a whole.[123]
By 1916, some Garveyists, Ethiopianists and Pan-Africanists believed Africa was poised for a great event, which was prophesied in the Bible with Psalm 68:31: "Princes shall come of Egypt; Ethiopia shall soon stretch forth its hands unto God" (in the original Hebrew, actually כּוש Cush).[125][126][127][128] This Psalm had become popular in the black Christian community as a promise of God's plan to lift up black people from oppression, as with the Israelites and early Christians before them, and was seen as a source of pride for early black nationalists.[127]
By the 1920s, many Afrocentric and Ethiopianist Christian groups had begun to develop their own canon of religious texts, sometimes in opposition to the Eurocentric practices of the mainstream Christian churches.[129]
In 1922,
Around 1926, Jamaican preacher Fitz Balintine Pettersburg wrote The Royal Parchment Scroll of Black Supremacy, which was a stream-of-consciousness text decrying white colonialism and the oppression of black people.[131] In the book, Fitz Balintine Pettersburg declares himself "King Alpha" and his wife as "Queen Omega", further establishing the idea of a black king and queen who would emerge to fulfill the Ethiopianist promise of Psalm 68.[132][131]
In August 1930, Marcus Garvey's play Coronation of an African King was performed in Kingston; it was also related to the Psalm 68 prophecy. Featuring the fictional Prince Cudjoe, who is crowned King of Sudan, the play anticipated the coronation of Haile Selassie later that year (Selassie had already assumed his role as emperor in April, though the coronation occurred later).[112]
In November 1930, Haile Selassie was crowned Emperor of Ethiopia, known in Ethiopian as Nəgusä Nägäst (literally "King of Kings", a common epithet for Jesus), becoming the first sovereign monarch crowned in Sub-Saharan Africa since 1891 and the first Christian one since 1889.[123][133][134] According to Ethiopian tradition, Haile Selassie's family line was descended from King David, King Solomon, and the Queen of Sheba, as chronicled in the medieval Ethiopian religious and national text, Kebra Nagast. A number of Jamaica's Christian clergymen saw Selassie's coronation as proof that he was the black messiah they saw prophesied in the Book of Revelation, the Book of Daniel, and Psalms.[123][133][134]
In 1930, Jamaican seaman Archibald Dunkley became a street preacher, after his studies of the Bible had convinced him that the newly crowned Haile Selassie was the returned Messiah, and that Rastafari was a name of God. By 1933, he had relocated to Kingston, where he founded the King of Kings Ethiopian Mission.[135]
In 1931, farmer Joseph Hibbert returned to Jamaica after 20 years spent in Cuba, where he had been a member of the Ancient Order of Ethiopia
In 1932,
Under his Hindu pen name G. G. Maragh (for Gong Guru), Howell published a book called
This new black religious canon was seen as a threat to existing political power, due to the anti-colonial message of the emerging Rastafari movement, which preachers like Dunkley, Hibbert and Howell were perpetuating, along with sermons promoting the idea of a positive black identity. Colonial authorities hoped to quell this growing movement early so as to snuff out support early on. Although this resulted in early Rastafari preachers being arrested, tried for sedition, and imprisoned, the emerging philosophies of Dunkley, Hibbert and Howell were foundational in the emerging Rastafari movement.[121][135]
On August 25, 1937, the Ethiopian World Federation (EWF) was founded in New York City, U.S.A., by Dr. Malaku Bayen and Dorothy E. Bayen, under the advice of Emperor Haile Selassie I.[140] Dr. Bayen was the cousin and personal physician of the Emperor, and a prince.[144][145] Dunkley, Hibbert and Howell would also join the organization.[135] The aims were to mobilize African American support for the Ethiopians during the Italian invasion of 1935-41, and to embody the unity of black people at home and abroad.[140][146] The success of Ethiopia in resisting European imperialism for so long made it a source of great pride among black people in the diaspora.[108][109][135]
Nation of Islam
Like Rastafari, Nation of Islam was partly influenced by Garveyism.[147] Wallace D. Fard founded the controversial Nation of Islam in the 1930s as a reaction to what was seen as the white supremacy of Christianity.[148][149][147] Since 1977, it has been under Louis Farrakhan's leadership. High-profile members included the black nationalist activist Malcolm X and the boxer Muhammad Ali. The group believed that Christianity was exclusively a white man's religion forced on black people during slavery. The Nation preached that Islam was the original religion of black people and that a distinct black identity could be reclaimed through Islam.[147]
Deviating significantly from mainstream Islam, Elijah Muhammad also taught that Fard was a Messiah and that he himself was sent by God to prepare black people for global supremacy and destruction of "the white devil".[150] The Nation of Islam promoted economic self-sufficiency for black people, seeking to establish a separate black nation in Georgia, Alabama, and Mississippi.[151]
World War Two
During World War II, Liberia supported the United States war effort against Germany, and in turn received considerable American investment in infrastructure, which aided the country's wealth and development. President William Tubman encouraged economic and political changes that heightened the country's prosperity and international profile; Liberia was a founding member of the League of Nations, United Nations, and the Organisation of African Unity.[87]
Frantz Fanon
While in France, Frantz Fanon wrote his first book, Black Skin, White Masks, an analysis of the impact of colonial subjugation on the African psyche. This book was a very personal account of Fanon's experience being black — as a man, an intellectual, and a party to a French education — but changed the way people thought of blackness more generally. While in North Africa, Fanon produced The Wretched of the Earth, where he analyzes the role of class, race, national culture and violence in the struggle for decolonization. In this work, Fanon expounded his views on the liberating role of violence for the colonized, as well as the general necessity of violence in the anti-colonial struggle. Both books established Fanon as one of the leading anti-colonial thinkers of the 20th century, influencing black nationalist and decolonial movements worldwide.[152]
Malcolm X
Between 1953 and 1964, while most African leaders worked in the
In April 1964, Malcolm X participated in a
In 1965, Malcolm X expressed reservations about black nationalism, saying, "I was alienating people who were true revolutionaries dedicated to overturning the system of exploitation that exists on this earth by any means necessary. So I had to do a lot of thinking and reappraising of my definition of black nationalism. Can we sum up the solution to the problems confronting our people as black nationalism? And if you notice, I haven't been using the expression for several months."[157]
Stokely Carmichael and Charles V. Hamilton
In his 1967, Stokely Carmichael and political scientist Charles V. Hamilton wrote Black Power: The Politics of Liberation, drawing on black nationalist ideas to define the concept of Black Power. Stokely Carmichael stated that white supremacy, colonialism, and the systemic continuation of these dynamics were drivers of disenfranchisement and racism.[158] The authors believed Black Power not only lay in dismantling white supremacy, but also in establishing camaraderie within the African American community. In Black Power, the authors disavowed the legitimacy of liberal, conformist politics, and instead sought a degree of sovereignty for black community, similar to the goals of black nationalism.[159]
Black Power
Ignited by the 1965 assassination of Malcolm X, and the urban riots of 1964 and 1965, the black power movement emerged from the civil rights movement of the United States.[160] Seen as a reaction to the mainstream civil rights movement's more moderate tendencies and motivated by a desire for safety, the movement was partially inspired by ideologies and individuals who were outside of the United States, such as American expatriates in newly independent Ghana,[161] but it also impacted others outside of the United States, such as the Black Power Revolution in Trinidad and Tobago.[162]
New organizations that supported Black Power philosophies ranging from the adoption of socialism by certain sects of the movement to black nationalism, including the Black Panther Party (BPP), grew to prominence.[162] Black power activists founded black-owned bookstores, food cooperatives, farms, media, printing presses, schools, clinics and ambulance services.[163][164][165][166][167][168]
Black Panther Party
The Black Panther Party (originally the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense) was a
The party was active in the United States between 1966 and 1982, with chapters in many major American cities, including San Francisco, New York City, Chicago, Los Angeles, Seattle, and Philadelphia.[173] They were also active in many prisons and had international chapters in the United Kingdom and Algeria.[174]
The British Black Panther Movement
The British Black Panthers emerged after a 1967 visit by Stokey Carmichael and Malcolm X to London. The British chapter was officially formed the following year by Obi Egbuna and Darcus Howe. Egbuna had ambitions for the BBPM to be a militant, underground revolutionary organization. When Althea Jones-LeCointe later came to lead the organization, she wanted it to remain a grassroots organization, focused on the plight of workers, the unemployed, and young people. The BBPM also published a newspaper, Black Peoples News Service, and focused on injustice in education, policing, and government. The chapter was dissolved in 1972, but famous members included Neil Kenlock, Linton Kwesi Johnson, Olive Morris, Barbara Beese, Liz Obi and Beverley Bryan.[175]
The Black Liberation Front
The Black Liberation Front (BLF) formed in 1971 and ceased activities in 1993.[176] Much more secretive than the British Black Panthers, most of their members remained anonymous,[175] but it was nevertheless considered one of the most effective Black Power organizations in the UK, despite threats and attacks from the National Front, the media and the police, as well as state surveillance.[176]
The BLF's politics were informed by Pan-African socialism and black nationalism.[175] The BLF had links with Pan-African groups worldwide, often sending money back to Africa, and helped organize the Africa Liberation Day celebrations in the 1970s and 1980s. They also published the Grassroots Newspaper, which often featured creative work, alongside news on anti-colonial movements back in Africa and the Caribbean.[176]
BLF was especially concerned with
BLF ran prisoner welfare schemes, and schemes to support black women. Ujima Housing Association was established by the BLF to address issues around discrimination in housing. Young people and mothers were especially welcome. By 2008, when Ujima was merged into London and Quadrant, its assets were valued at £2 billion.[176]
Political hip hop
As hip hop is a music genre originally created and dominated by
In the 2010s, artists such as
The modern period
21st century
Modern black nationalism encompasses multiple different movements, organizations and philosophies. Shaped by circumstances in America, black nationalists began to "do what other 'ethnic' groups had done" — i.e., "pursue their interests in a pluralistic political system, subsumed by a capitalistic economic one".[8] In Black Nationalism in America, John H. Bracey Jr., August Meier and Elliott Rudwick argue, "In the arena of politics, black nationalism at its mildest is bourgeois reformism, a view which assumes that the United States is politically pluralistic and that liberal values concerning democracy and the political process are operative."[178] Dean E. Robinson, meanwhile, argues that "modern black nationalism drew upon strategies for political and economic empowerment that had analogies in the wider political landscape."[8]
According to the SPLC, black nationalist groups face a "categorically different" environment than white nationalist groups in the United States; while white supremacy has been championed by influential figures within the
Patrisse Cullors, a co-founder of the Black Lives Matter Global Network Foundation, has called for racial reparations in the form of "financial restitution, land redistribution, political self-determination, culturally relevant education programs, language recuperation, and the right to return (or repatriation)" and cited Frantz Fanon's work for "understanding the current global context for Black individuals on the African continent and in our multiple diasporas."[179]
The
John Fitzgerald Johnson, also known as Grand Master Jay and John Jay Fitzgerald Johnson, claims leadership of the NFAC
Revolutionary black nationalism
Revolutionary black nationalism combines cultural nationalism with scientific socialism in order to achieve black self-determination. Proponents of the ideology argue that revolutionary black nationalism is a movement that rejects all forms of oppression, including class-based exploitation under capitalism.[190] Revolutionary black nationalist organizations such as the Black Panther Party and the Revolutionary Action Movement also adopted a set of anti-colonialist politics inspired by the writings of notable revolutionary theorists including Frantz Fanon, Mao Zedong, and Kwame Nkrumah.[191] In the words of Ahmad Muhammad (formerly known as Max Stanford) the national field chairman of the Revolutionary Action Movement:
We are revolutionary black nationalist[s], not based on ideas of national superiority, but striving for justice and liberation of all the oppressed peoples of the world. ... There can be no liberty as long as black people are oppressed and the peoples of Africa, Asia, and Latin America are oppressed by Yankee imperialism and neo-colonialism. After four hundred years of oppression, we realize that slavery, racism and imperialism are all interrelated and that liberty and justice for all cannot exist peacefully with imperialism."[192]
Professor and author Harold Cruse saw revolutionary black nationalism as a necessary and logical progression from other leftist ideologies, as he believed that non-black leftists could not properly assess the particular material conditions of the black community and other colonized people:
Revolutionary nationalism has not waited for Western Marxian thought to catch up with the realities of the "underdeveloped" world...The liberation of the colonies before the socialist revolution in the West is not orthodox Marxism (although it might be called Maoism or Castroism). As long as American Marxists cannot deal with the implications of revolutionary nationalism, both abroad and at home, they will continue to play the role of revolutionaries by proxy.[193]
In Africa
Black nationalism in Africa largely refers to the ideology of black nationalism brought by black communities who have migrated to Africa from the diaspora. It should not be confused with indigenous African nationalism, which is an umbrella term for a group of political ideologies in sub-Saharan Africa, based on the idea of national self-determination and the creation of African nation states.[194]
Differences between black nationalism and African nationalism
African nationalism emerged during the mid-19th century among the emerging black middle classes in
Black nationalism in Africa
Repatriation and emigration
Ex-slave repatriation or the emigration of
Americo-Liberian people
Americo-Liberian people are a Liberian
Rastafari
Many Rastafari believe that Ethiopia is the Promised Land of the black people. While some take this to mean Africa in the figurative sense, others take it literally and seek to join or establish independent black nations in Africa. In the 1960s, a Rasta settlement was established in Shashamane, Ethiopia, on land made available by Haile Selassie's Ethiopian World Federation.[199] The community faced many problems; 500 acres were confiscated by the Marxist government of Mengistu Haile Mariam.[199] There were also conflicts with local Ethiopians, who largely regarded the incoming Rastas, and their Ethiopian-born children, as foreigners.[199] The Shashamane community peaked at a population of 2,000, although subsequently declined to around 200.[199]
Some Rastas have settled in Ghana, Nigeria, Gambia and Senegal.[199][200]
Sierra Leone Creole people
Sierra Leone Creole people are an
Criticism
General criticism
In his Letter from Birmingham Jail, Martin Luther King Jr. characterized black nationalism with "hatred and despair", writing that support for black nationalism "would inevitably lead to a frightening racial nightmare."[203]
Norm R. Allen Jr., former director of
On the one hand, Reactionary Black Nationalists (RBNs) advocate self-love, self-respect, self-acceptance, self-help, pride, unity, and so forth—much like the right-wingers who promote 'traditional family values.' But—also like the holier-than-thou right-wingers—RBNs promote bigotry, intolerance, hatred, sexism, homophobia, anti-Semitism, pseudo-science, irrationality, dogmatic historical revisionism, violence, and so forth.[204]
Tunde Adeleke, Nigerian-born professor of History and Director of the African American Studies program at the University of Montana, argues in his book UnAfrican Americans: Nineteenth-Century Black Nationalists and the Civilizing Mission that 19th-century African American nationalism embodied the racist and paternalistic values of Euro-American culture and that black nationalist plans were not designed for the immediate benefit of Africans but to enhance their own fortunes.[205]
In Black Nationalism in America, John H. Bracey Jr., August Meier and Elliott Rudwick argue, "In the arena of politics, black nationalism at its mildest is bourgeois reformism, a view which assumes that the United States is politically pluralistic and that liberal values concerning democracy and the political process are operative."[178]
Dean E. Robinson, meanwhile, argues that "modern black nationalism drew upon strategies for political and economic empowerment that had analogies in the wider political landscape" and that, shaped by circumstances in America, black nationalists merely began to "do what other 'ethnic' groups had done" — i.e., "pursue their interests in a pluralistic political system, subsumed by a capitalistic economic one".[8]
Criticism by black feminist activists
Black feminists in the U.S., such as Barbara Smith, Toni Cade Bambara, and Frances Beal, have also lodged sustained criticism of certain strands of black nationalism, particularly the political programs which are advocated by cultural nationalists. Black cultural nationalists envisioned black women only in the traditional heteronormative role of the idealized wife-mother figure.
Patricia Hill Collins criticizes the limited imagining of black women in cultural nationalist projects, writing that black women "assumed a particular place in Black cultural nationalist efforts to reconstruct authentic Black culture, reconstitute Black identity, foster racial solidarity, and institute an ethic of service to the Black community."[206]
A major example of black women as only the heterosexual wife and mother can be found in the philosophy and practice called Kawaida exercised by the
Black nationalist hate groups
The
The SPLC has designated a number of black nationalist groups as hate groups, including the Black Riders Liberation Party, The Israelite Church of God in Jesus Christ, the Israelite School of Universal Practical Knowledge, the New Black Panther Party, the Revolutionary Black Panther Party and The United Nuwaupians Worldwide.
The SPLC also says:
Regardless, the environment for black nationalist [hate] groups is categorically different than it is for white hate groups. Unlike white hate groups, whose champions found themselves in influential White House positions over the past two years, black nationalists have little or no impact on mainstream politics and no defenders in high office.[10]
Black nationalism and antisemitism
Due to the high-profile nature of changing African American–Jewish relations,[209][210][211][212][213][214] there is ample research on the link between black nationalism and antisemitism.[215][216][217] In the late 1950s, both Muslim and non-Muslim black nationalists often embraced antisemitism.[215] Some of them argued that American Jews, as well as Israel, were "the central obstacle to black progress"[215] and they also argued that Jews were "the most racist whites",[216] or they portrayed Jews as "parasitic intruders who accumulated wealth by exploiting the toil of black people in America's ghettos and South Africa".[216] Some black nationalists allege that black people "are the original Semites",[218] engage in Holocaust trivialization,[216] or may even be Holocaust deniers.[219][217]
Notable black nationalist leaders who profess antisemitic sentiments include Amiri Baraka, Louis Farrakhan, Kwame Ture, Leonard Jeffries and Tamika Mallory among others.[220]
Black nationalism and the Southern Poverty Law Center
The Southern Poverty Law Center has previously been criticized for conflating black nationalism with hate more generally.[221] It has since clarified that "black nationalists are assessed as a loose-knit network of various hate groups, charismatic leaders, as well as unaffiliated individuals who may identify as black nationalists, but [who] do not associate with black nationalist groups," and reiterated that "violent black nationalists" were distinct from other forms of black activism.[222] They also challenged the notion that black activists of diverse ideologies should be grouped as "black identity extremists" by the FBI.[222]
In October 2020, the SPLC announced that it would no longer use the category "black separatism", in order to foster a more accurate understanding of violent extremism and avoid creating a false equivalency between black separatism and white supremacist extremism. This change in the terminology which is used by the SPLC also includes the removal of "black nationalism" as a category of hate groups from the SPLC's website.[223][224] Many groups previously listed under the black separatist/nationalist category are now listed under "general hate" category.[1] The black separatist page is now dead (and the black nationalist page redirects to it).
See also
- African-American culture
- African-American history
- African-American Muslims — groups of African Americans who practice Islam
- African diaspora
- African nationalism
- Afrocentrism
- Afrophobia
- Back-to-Africa movement
- Basking in reflected glory
- Black church
- Black Consciousness Movement – South African anti-apartheid movement, 1960s
- Black genocide in the United States – the notion that African Americans have been subjected to genocide because of racism against African Americans
- Black Hebrew Israelites – groups of African Americans who believe that they are the descendants of the ancient Israelites
- Black is beautiful
- Black Judaism – Judaism that is practiced by people of African descent, both within Africa and the African diaspora, as well as within the Jewish diaspora
- Black Lives Matter
- Black-Palestinian solidarity
- Black power
- Black power movement
- Black separatism
- Black supremacy
- Critical race theory – Intellectual movement and framework
- Culture of Africa
- Ethnic nationalism
- History of Africa
- Hoteps – groups of African Americans who believe that they are the descendants of the Ancient Egyptians
- Identity politics
- Korean ethnic nationalism
- Négritude – Cultural and political movement developed by a francophone African elite
- Negrophobia
- Pan-Africanism
- Political hip hop § Black nationalism
- Racial nationalism
- Racism against African Americans
- Racism in the United States
- Religion of black Americans
- Secession in the United States
- Supremacism#Racial
- Tulsa race massacre
- Woke – Term meaning alert to racial or social injustices
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Further reading
- Gavins, Raymond, ed. The Cambridge Guide to African American History (2015).
- Levy, Peter B. ed. The Civil Rights Movement in America: From Black Nationalism to the Women's Political Council (2015).
- Bush, Roderick D. We Are Not What We Seem: Black Nationalism and Class Struggle in the American (2000)
- Moses, Wilson. Classical Black Nationalism: From the American Revolution to Marcus Garvey (1996), excerpt and text search
- Ogbar, Jeffrey O.G. Black Power: Radical Politics and African American Identity (2019), excerpt and a text search
- Price, Melanye T. Dreaming Blackness: Black Nationalism and African American Public Opinion (2009), excerpt and a text search
- Robinson, Dean E. Black Nationalism in American Politics and Thought (2001)
- Taylor, James Lance. Black Nationalism in the United States: From Malcolm X to Barack Obama (Lynne Rienner Publishers; 2011)* ALA Award "Best of the Best"Book.
- Ture, Kwame. Black Power The Politics of Liberation (1967)