Bona Dea
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Bona Dea (Latin: [ˈbɔna ˈdɛ.a]; 'Good Goddess') was a goddess in ancient Roman religion. She was associated with chastity and fertility among married Roman women, healing, and the protection of the state and people of Rome.[1] According to Roman literary sources, she was brought from Magna Graecia at some time during the early or middle Republic, and was given her own state cult on the Aventine Hill.
Her rites allowed women the use of strong wine and blood-sacrifice, things otherwise forbidden them by Roman tradition. Men were barred from some of her mysteries and only initiates were given the possession of her true name. Given that male authors had limited knowledge of her rites and attributes, ancient speculations about her identity abound, among them that she was an aspect of Terra, Ops, Cybele, or Ceres, or a Latin form of a Greek goddess, "Damia" (perhaps Demeter). Most often, she was identified as the wife, sister, or daughter of the god Faunus, thus an equivalent or aspect of the fertility nature-goddess Fauna, who could prophesy the fates of women.
The goddess had two main annual festivals. One was held at her
Bona Dea's cults in the city of Rome were led by the
Titles, names and origins
Bona Dea ("The Good Goddess") is a name, an honorific title and a respectful pseudonym; the goddess' true or cult name is unknown. Her other, less common names or pseudonyms include Feminea Dea ("The Women's Goddess"),[2] Laudanda ... Dea ("The Goddess who must be Praised"),[3] and Sancta ("The Holy One").[4] She is a goddess of "no definable type", with several origins and a range of different characteristics and functions.[5]
Based on what little they knew of her rites and attributes, Roman historians speculated about her true name and identity.
Festival and cult
Republican era
The known features of Bona Dea's cults recall those of various earth and fertility goddesses of the Graeco-Roman world, especially the Thesmophoria festival to Demeter. They included nocturnal rites conducted by predominantly or exclusively female initiates and female priestesses, music, dance and wine, and sacrifice of a sow.[11] During the Roman Republican era, two such cults to Bona Dea were held at different times and locations in the city of Rome.
One was held on
The goddess also had a winter festival, attested on only two occasions (63 and 62 BC). It was held in December, at the home of a current senior annual
Festival rites
The house was ritually cleansed of all unauthorized male persons. Then the magistrate's wife and her assistants[16] made bowers of vine-leaves, and decorated the house's banqueting hall with "all manner of growing and blooming plants" except for myrtle, whose presence and naming were expressly forbidden. A banquet table was prepared, with a couch (pulvinar) for the goddess and the image of a snake. The Vestals brought Bona Dea's cult image from her temple[17] and laid it upon her couch, as an honoured guest. The goddess' meal was prepared: the entrails (exta) of a sow, sacrificed to her on behalf of the Roman people (pro populo Romano), and a libation of sacrificial wine.[18] The festival continued through the night, a banquet with female musicians, fun and games (ludere), and wine; the last was euphemistically referred to as "milk", and its container as a "honey jar".[19] The rites sanctified the temporary removal of customary constraints imposed on Roman women of all classes by Roman tradition, and underlined the pure and lawful sexual potency of virgins and matrons in a context that focused on female lust, instead of the lust of men.[20] According to Cicero, any unauthorized man who caught even a glimpse of the rites could be punished by blinding, but he offers no example of this.[21] Later Roman writers assume that apart from their different dates and locations, Bona Dea's December and May 1 festivals were essentially the same.[22]
Clodius and the Bona Dea scandal
The Winter festival rites of 62 BC were hosted by
Caesar publicly distanced himself from the affair as much as possible – and certainly from Pompeia, whom he divorced because "Caesar's wife must be above suspicion".
Clodius' prosecution was at least partly driven by politics. In an otherwise seemingly thorough account, Cicero makes no mention of Bona Dea's May festival, and claims the goddess' cult as an aristocratic privilege from the first; the impeccably patrician Clodius, Cicero's social superior by birth, is presented as an innately impious, low-class oaf, and his popularist policies as threats to Rome's moral and religious security. After two years of legal wrangling, Clodius was acquitted – which Cicero put down to jury-fixing and other backroom dealings – but his reputation was damaged.[26] The scandalous revelations at the trial also undermined the sacred dignity and authority of the Vestals, the festival, the goddess, office of the pontifex maximus and, by association, Caesar and Rome itself. Some fifty years later, Caesar's heir Octavian, later the princeps Augustus, had to deal with its repercussions.[27]
Imperial Era
Octavian presented himself as restorer of Rome's traditional religion and social values, and as peacemaker between its hitherto warring factions.
Livia's best efforts to restore Bona Dea's reputation had only moderate success in some circles, where scurrilous and titillating stories of the goddess' rites continued to circulate. Well over a century after the Clodius scandal, Juvenal describes Bona Dea's festival as an opportunity for women of all classes, most shamefully those of the upper class – and men in drag ("which altars do not have their Clodius these days?") – to get drunk and cavort indiscriminately in a sexual free-for-all.[37]
From the late 2nd century, an increasing religious syncretism in Rome's traditional religions presents Bona Dea as one of many aspects of Virgo Caelestis, the celestial Virgin, Great Mother of the gods, whom later Mariologists identify as prototype for the Virgin Mary in Christian theology.[38] Christian writers present Bona Dea – or rather, Fauna, whom they clearly take her to be – as an example of the immorality and absurdity at the heart of traditional Roman religion; according to them, she is no prophetess, merely "foolish Fenta", daughter and wife to her incestuous father, and "good" (bona) only at drinking too much wine.[39]
Temples
The
Most provincial sanctuaries and temples to Bona Dea are too decayed, despoiled or fragmentary to offer firm evidence of structure and layout, but the remains of four are consistent with the sparse descriptions of her Aventine temple. In each, a perimeter wall surrounds a dense compound of annexes, in which some rooms show possible use as dispensaries. The layout would have allowed the concealment of inner cults or mysteries from non-initiates. There is evidence that at least some remained in use to the 4th century AD as cultic healing centres.[46]
Dedications and iconography
Despite the exclusively female, aristocratic connections claimed by Cicero for her winter festival at Rome and her high status as a protecting deity of the Roman state, elite dedications to Bona Dea are far outnumbered by the personal dedications of the Roman plebs, particularly the ingenui. The greatest number of all are from freedmen and slaves, male and female. An estimated one-third of all dedications are from men, one of whom, a provincial Greek, claims to be a priest of her cult. Others describe themselves as sacerdotes, magistri or ministri (priests and ministers) of the goddess. While almost all Roman literary sources present the exclusion of men as an official and absolute rule of her cult, this is more likely a ritualised element of her annual festival, at least in Cicero's account of the same, than an everyday prohibition or an aspect of mystes vitiated by Clodius' unlawful presence.[47][48] Inscriptions of the Imperial era show her appeal as a personal or saviour-goddess, extolled as Augusta and Domina; or as an all-goddess, titled as Regina Triumphalis (Triumphal Queen), or Terrae marisque Dominatrici (Mistress of sea and land).[49] Private and public dedications associate her with agricultural deities such as Ceres, Silvanus, and the virgin goddess Diana.[50] She is also named in some dedications of public works, such as the restoration of the Claudian Aqueduct.[51]
Most inscriptions to Bona Dea are simple and unadorned but some show serpents, often paired. Cumont (1932) remarks their similarity to the serpents featured in domestic shrines (
Images of the goddess show her enthroned, clad in
Mythology
Cicero makes no reference to any myth pertaining to Bona Dea. Later Roman scholars connected her to the goddess
Cult themes in modern scholarship
Bona Dea's is the only known festival in which women could gather at night, drink strong, sacrificial-grade wine and perform a blood sacrifice. Although women were present at most public ceremonies and festivals, the religious authorities in Roman society were the male pontiffs and augurs, and women could not lawfully perform rites at night, unless "offered for the people in proper form".[62] Women were allowed wine at these and other religious occasions. At other times, they might drink weak, sweetened, or diluted wine in moderation but Roman traditionalists believed that in the more distant and virtuous past, this was forbidden,[63] "for fear that they might lapse into some disgraceful act. For it is only a step from the intemperance of Liber pater to the forbidden things of Venus".[64] Some ancient sources infer that women were banned from offering blood-and-wine sacrifice in their own right; even banned from handling such materials; both claims are questionable.[65] Nevertheless, the strong, sacrificial grade wine used in the rites to Bona Dea was normally reserved for Roman gods, and Roman men.[66]
The unusual permissions implicit at these rites probably derived from the presence and religious authority of the Vestals. They were exceptional and revered persons; virgins, but not subject to their fathers' authority; and matrons, but independent of any husband. They held forms of privilege and authority otherwise associated only with Roman men, and were answerable only to the Senior Vestal and the
The euphemistic naming of strong wine at this festival has been variously described as an actual substitution for milk and honey, relatively late in the cult's development; as a theological absurdity;[68] and as an ingenious justification for behaviours that would be considered unacceptable outside this specific religious sphere. Fauna's myths illustrate the potential of wine as an agent of sexual transgression; wine was thought to be an invention of Liber-Dionysus, who was present as the male principle in certain "soft fruits", including semen and grapes; and ordinary wine was produced under the divine patronage of Venus, the goddess of love and sexual desire. Its aphrodisiac effects were well known.[69][70]
For Staples, the euphemisms are agents of transformation. The designation of wine as "milk" conceives it as an entirely female product, dissociated from the sexually and morally complex realms of Venus and Liber. Likewise, the wine jar described as a "honey jar" refers to bees, which in Roman lore are sexually abstinent, virtuous females who will desert an adulterous household.[71] Myrtle, as the sign of Venus, Faunus' lust and Fauna's unjust punishment, is simply banned; or as Versnel puts it, "Wine in, Myrtle out".[20] The vine-leaf bowers and the profusion of plants – any and all but the forbidden myrtle – transform the sophisticated, urban banqueting hall into a "primitive" dwelling, evoking the innocence of an ancestral golden age in which women rule themselves, without reference to men or Venus, drinking "milk and honey", which are "markers par excellence of utopian golden times"[72] – under the divine authority of Bona Dea.[73]
References
Citations
- ^ Brouwer 1989, pp. 163, 211–212, 325–327, 339.
- ^ In Propertius, 4, 9, 25.
- ^ Lygdamus, Elegia, 5, 8.
- ^ Brouwer 1989, pp. 236–238.
- ^ Brouwer 1989, p. 323.
- ^ Staples 1998, p. 14, cites Dumézil's theory that "Damia" was probably an ancient misreading or mistranslation of "Demeter", later institutionalised.
- ^ Brouwer 1989, pp. 237–238, 240–242, citing Festus, Epitome of Flaccus, de Verborum Significatu
- ^ Macrobius cites Cornelius Labeo as his source for Bona, Fauna, and Fatua as indigitamenta of Terra in the Libri Pontificales
- Varro. See Brouwer 1989, p. 356 (footnote 255)
- ^ Brouwer 1989, pp. 239, citing Lactantius, Divinae Institutiones, 1, 22, 9–11
- ^ Versnel 1992, pp. 31–33.
- ^ Ovid, Fasti, 2, 35; he is the only source for this assertion.
- ^ Brouwer 1989, p. 398: "And considering the fact that the aristocracy were only a small percentage of the population, it is not surprising that most expressions of Bona Dea worship originate from the lower classes."
- ^ Wildfang 2006, pp. 92–93, citing Cicero, De Domo Sua, 53.136.
- ^ Brouwer 1989, p. 398.
- ^ Possibly, her own female servants.
- ^ Presumably her Aventine Temple.
- ^ The sacrifice could have been offered by the Vestals or, according to Plutarch, by the hostess; see Cult themes in this article.
- ^ Winter festival summary based on Brouwer (1989) as summarised in Versnel 1992, p. 32, and Wildfang 2006, p. 31. For Roman sources, cf. Plutarch, Lives: Life of Caesar, ix (711E), Life of Cicero, xix (870B); Juvenal, vi.339 (a satirical treatment); and Plutarch, Roman Questions, (Loeb), 20–35, available via link to Bill Thayer's website
- ^ a b Versnel 1992, p. 44.
- ^ Cicero, De Haruspicum Responsis XVII.37 – XVIII.38; cited in Brouwer, pp. 165–166.
- ^ See W. Warde Fowler, The Roman Festivals of the period of the Republic, MacMillan (New York, 1899): pp. 102–106. [1] Archived 2012-06-24 at the Wayback Machine
- ^ Beard et al., pp. 129–130, 296–7. Clodius' mere presence would have been sacrilegious: the possibility of his intrusion for sexual conquest would be an even more serious offense against Bona Dea. See also Brouwer, p. xxiii, and Herbert-Brown 1994, p. 134
- ^ The proverbial phrase "Caesar's wife must be above suspicion" is based on Caesar's own justification of this divorce, following the scandal. See Cicero, Letters to Atticus, 1.13; Plutarch, Caesar 9-10; Cassius Dio, Roman History 37.45 and Suetonius, Julius 6.2 and 74.2 Archived 2012-05-30 at archive.today
- ^ Herbert-Brown 1994, pp. 134, 141–143.
- plebeian gens, and was elected tribune of the people. To his opponents, he was a dangerous social renegade; he was murdered in 53.
- ^ Herbert-Brown 1994, pp. 141–143.
- deified the dead Caesar and established his cult, but he took pains to distance himself from Caesar's mortal aspirations, and cultivated an aura of personal modesty. His religious reforms reflect an ideology of social and political reconciliation, with a single individual (himself) as focus of empire and its final arbiter.
- ^ His restoration of the Vestals began even before his pontificate. On his return from the final battle of the civil war, at Actium he was greeted by a procession of women, headed by the Vestals.
- ^ Herbert-Brown 1994, p. 146.
- Gracchi, and was probably a victim of the turbulent factional politics of the time. Livia's actions may also have helped to repair and elevate Licinia's posthumous reputation. Augustus is known to have called in, examined and censored many oracles, including the Sybilline books. According to Herbert-Brown 1994, p. 144, he might have removed the prophecies that had been used to condemn Licinia.
- ^ Herbert-Brown 1994, pp. 130, citing Ovid, Fasti V. 148–158. As a non-divinity, Livia could not have appeared on the religious calendar. Claudius deified her long after her death.
- ^ Brouwer 1989, pp. 237–238.
- ^ Brouwer 1989, p. 412.
- ^ Brouwer 1989, pp. 402, 407.
- ^ Parker 2004, p. 571.
- ^ Juvenal, Satires, 6.316–344. See Brouwer, p. 269, for further commentary.
- , the one goddess ritually excluded from Bona Dea's rites.
- Varroas his source for Fenta Fatua. Fenta appears to be a proper name; Fatua is translatable as "female seer" (one who foretells fate), or a divinely inspired "holy fool", either of which might carry Varro's intended meaning: but also as merely "foolish" (in Arnobius, for getting drunk in the first place, or because stupefied by drinking wine, or perhaps both). Arnobius gives two 1st century BC sources (now lost) as his authority: Sextus Clodius, and Butas. See Brouwer, pp. 233-4, 325.
- Remustook his auspices on the Saxum, the Aventine's lesser height and probably identical with Ennius' Mons Murcia.
- ^ Wildfang 2006, pp. 92–93, citing Cicero, De Domo Sua, 53.136. Licinia may have been attempting to assert the independence of her order against the dominant traditionalists in of the Senate. Scaevola removed her donations as not made "by the will of the people". Thereafter, the Temple's official status is unknown until Livia's restoration in the Augustan era.
- ^ Ovid, Fasti, V.157–158, refers to the Augustan restoration. Historia Augusta, Hadrian, 19, is the sole source for a rebuilding under Hadrian: Fecit et... Aedem Bonae Deae. Brouwer, p. 401, regards this as the most likely meaning, rather than a new building.
- ^ The temple is listed in the 4th century Notitia Regionis, (Regio XII)
- ^ Samuel Ball Platner (revised by Thomas Ashby): A Topographical Dictionary of Ancient Rome, London: Oxford University Press, 1929, p.85.courtesy link to Bill Thayer's website
- ^ The meaning is uncertain: see Ovid, Ars Amatoria, III, 637-638: ...cum fuget a templis oculos Bona Diva virorum, praeterquam siquos illa venire iubet. (...Bona Dea bars the eyes of men from her temple, except such as she bids come there herself). Cited in Brouwer, p. 183. See also p. 210, citing Festus, epitome of Flaccus, De Verborum Significatu, 56: the entry of men to Bona Dea's temple is religiosus (contrary to the divine will and law). Presumably, men were allowed in the precincts but not the sanctuary.
- ^ Brouwer 1989, pp. 410, 429.
- ^ Brouwer 1989, p. 258.
- ^ The estimate is in Peter F. Dorcey, The cult of Silvanus: a study in Roman folk religion, Columbia studies in the Classical tradition, BRILL, 1992, p. 124, footnote 125. The claim to be a male priest of Bona Dea is from Inscriptiones Graecae, XIV 1499.
- ^ Brouwer 1989, pp. 384–386.
- ^ Brouwer 1989, p. 21.
- ^ Brouwer 1989, pp. 79–80.
- ^ Brouwer 1989, p.293, Inscript. 8
- ^ Franz Cumont, "La Bona Dea et ses serpents", Mélanges d'archéologie et d'histoire, 1932, Vol. 49, Issue 49, pp. 1–5. link to French language article at Persée.
- ^ Brouwer 1989, p. 401: Macrobius may have been referring to her Aventine cult statue (now lost): cf. the sceptre as an attribute of Juno, and a dedication at Aquincum to Bonae Deae Iunoni.
- ^ Versnel 1992, p. 46; citing Plutarch, Roman Questions, 35: cf. Arnobius, Adversus Nationes, 5.18: Lactantius Divinae Institutiones, 1.22.9–11: Servius, In Aeneidos, 8, 314..
- ^ Macrobius, Saturnalia, 1.12.20–29.
- ISBN 978-1-107-03821-9.
- ^ Brouwer 1989, pp. 340–341.
- ^ Brouwer 1989, pp. 218, 221.
- ^ See Brouwer, p. xxiii, 266ff.
- ^ Versnel 1992, pp. 35, 47 Thesomphoria was a three-day festival; its participants, exclusively female, slept on "primitive" beds made of lugos, a willow species known to the Romans as agnos, or vitex agnus castis: supposedly an infertile tree, and a strong anaphrodisiac. Though wine is not attested at Thesmophoria, it may have been used. Like the Vestals, Demeter's priestesses were virgin.
- ^ Cicero, De Legibus, 2.9.21.
- ^ Aulus Gellius, Noctes Atticae, 10.23.1. He claims the principal source for this prohibition is the 2nd century BC agriculturalist and moralist, Cato the Elder. See also Versnel 1992, p. 44.
- ^ Valerius Maximus, 2.1.5.
- ^ Prohibitions against the handling of wine and the preparation of meat by Roman women occur in Roman literature as retrospective examples of time-hallowed tradition, in which the Vestals, whose duties include the supervision of Bona Dea's rites, are the significant exception. Some modern scholarship challenges these traditional assumptions. While female drunkenness was disapproved of, so was male drunkenness, and the moderate consumption of wine by women was probably a commonplace of domestic and religious life. Lawful blood-and-wine sacrifice is indicated many female-led cults, particularly in Graeca Magna and Etruria. See Emily A. Hemelrijk, in Hekster, Schmidt-Hofner and Witschel (Eds.), Ritual Dynamics and Religious Change in the Roman Empire, Proceedings of the Eighth Workshop of the International Network Impact of Empire (Heidelberg, July 5–7, 2007), Brill, 2009, pp. 253–267.
- ^ Versnel 1992, p. 32: "...the most surprising aspect is the nature of the drinks: during this secret, exclusively female, nocturnal festival the women were allowed to drink – at the very least to handle – wine". See also Versnel 1992, p. 45, and Wildfang 2006, p. 31.
- ^ Modern scholarship on the Vestals is summarised in Parker 2004, pp. 563–601. See also discussion in Wildfang 2006, pp. 31–32.
- ^ Versnel, H.S., Inconsistencies in Greek and Roman Religion: Transition and reversal in myth and ritual, BRILL, 1994, p. 233. Brouwer 1989 regards the wine as a substitution for earlier sacrifices of milk and honey.
- ^ Staples 1998, pp. 85–90.
- ^ Versnel 1992, p. 45.
- ^ Staples 1998, pp. 125–126.
- ^ Versnel 1992, p. 45, citing Graf F., "Milch, Honig und Wein. Zum Verstindnis der Libation im Griechischen Ritual', In G. Piccaluga (ed.), Perennitas. Studi in onore di A. Brelich, Rome, 1980, pp. 209–21. Some myths credit Liber-Dionysus with the discovery of honey; but not its invention.
- ^ Versnel 1992, p. 45: "On the other hand, the mimicry may also have functioned as fuel for 'laughter of the oppressed"... "'say, dear, would you be so kind as to pass on the milk?'"
Bibliography
- Beard, M., Price, S., North, J., Religions of Rome: Volume 1, a History, illustrated, Cambridge University Press, 1998.
- Brouwer, Hendrik H. J. (1989). Bona Dea: The Sources and a Description of the Cult. Brill. ISBN 978-90-04-08606-7.
- Herbert-Brown, Geraldine (1994). Ovid and the Fasti: An Historical Study. Clarendon Press. ISBN 978-0-19-814935-4.
- Parker, Holt N. (2004). "Why Were the Vestals Virgins? Or the Chastity of Women and the Safety of the Roman State". The American Journal of Philology. 125 (4): 563–601. JSTOR 1562224.
- Staples, Ariadne (1998). From Good Goddess to Vestal Virgins: Sex and Category in Roman Religion. Routledge. ISBN 978-0-415-13233-6.
- Versnel, H. S. (1992). "The Festival for Bona Dea and the Thesmophoria". Greece & Rome. 39 (1): 31–55. S2CID 162683316.
- Wildfang, Robin Lorsch (2006). Rome's Vestal Virgins. Taylor & Francis. ISBN 978-0-203-96838-3.
Further reading
- Delplace, Christiane (2019). "Cultes féminins dans l'Adriatique romaine : autour de Bona Dea". In Christiane, Delplace; Tassaux, Francis (eds.). Les cultes polythéistes dans l'Adriatique romaine (in French). Ausonius Éditions. ISBN 978-2-35613-260-4.