Brazil–United States relations

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

Brazilian–American relations
Map indicating locations of Brazil and USA

Brazil
United States
Diplomatic mission
Embassy of Brazil, Washington, D.C.Embassy of the United States, Brasília
Envoy
Brazilian Ambassador to the United States Nestor ForsterAmerican Ambassador to Brazil Todd C. Chapman
U.S. President Joe Biden (left) meets Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva at Washington, D.C. in February 2023.

The

South American nation to send troops to fight in Europe alongside the Allies in World War II
.

While Brazilian-American relations have been significantly strengthened since the 1990s, there has been a period of tension in relations over the June 2013

Russia-Ukraine war
.

The relationship between both countries represents the two most populated and powerful countries on

Group of 20
.

History

Early history

U.S. President Ulysses S. Grant and Emperor Pedro II of Brazil during the opening ceremonies of the Centennial Exposition in Philadelphia, 1876.

Before 1900, Brazil and the United States had minimal interactions and connections. Nevertheless, some notable exchanges and events did occur between the two nations. In 1822, the United States was one of the first nations to acknowledge Brazil's independence from Portugal, and this led to the establishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries. In the mid-1800s, Brazil and the United States began to expand their trade and commerce, with Brazilian coffee exports becoming an essential commodity for American markets. Furthermore, American investors and merchants started to establish themselves in Brazil. In 1864, Brazil and the United States collaborated in a military expedition against Paraguay, which culminated in the defeat of Paraguay in 1870, strengthening the ties between the two countries. Another significant event was the overthrow of the Brazilian monarchy and the establishment of a republic in 1889, which Washington quickly recognized. This was followed by the further consolidation of ties. Although Brazil and the United States had limited interactions before 1900, these events laid the groundwork for future cooperation and engagement between the two nations.[2]

Following the transfer of the

Brazil's 1822 declaration of independence from Portugal in 1824, one year after Argentina recognized Brazil's independence.[1][4] Recognizing the independence of countries of the Americas from their European metropolies was a policy of the United States, which hoped to undermine European influence in the region.[citation needed
]

Relations between the two countries were damaged in 1864, during the American Civil War, when a Union warship attacked and captured a Confederate warship in the Brazilian port of Bahia Harbor. This event, called the Bahia incident, led the Brazilian government to claim that the Union Navy had acted illegally and violated Brazil's neutrality.

During the 19th century and the first half of the 20th century, interaction between the two was limited to multilateral fora, such as the Conference of American States. At the first Pan-American Conference in 1890, many countries of the Americas, the U.S. and Brazil included, discussed a series of regional integration projects. Those ranged from military to economic integration. The United States planned to create a Pan-American, anti-European economic bloc, a customs union. It meant to suspend external tariffs applied to inter-American trade but not to European-American trade.

The Brazilian Revolution of 1930 overthrew the oligarchic coffee plantation owners and brought to power urban middle class and business interests that promoted industrialization and modernization. Aggressive promotion of new industry turned around the economy by 1933, and encouraged American investors. Brazil's leaders in the 1920s and 1930s decided that Argentina's implicit foreign policy goal was to isolate Portuguese-speaking Brazil from Spanish-speaking neighbors, thus facilitating the expansion of Argentine economic and political influence in South America. Even worse, was the fear that a more powerful Argentine Army would launch a surprise attack on the weaker Brazilian Army. To counter this threat, Brazil forged closer links with the United States. Meanwhile, Argentina moved in the opposite direction.[5]

World War II

During World War II, Brazil was a staunch ally of the United States and sent its military to fight against Germany, even as German u-boats sank Brazilian shipping. The U.S. provided $100 million in

Lend Lease money in return for use of airfields to ferry troops and supplies across the Atlantic, and naval bases to fight u-boats. In sharp contrast, Argentina was officially neutral and at times favored Germany.[6]

Presidents Getúlio Vargas (left) and Franklin D. Roosevelt (right) in Rio de Janeiro, 1936
American propaganda film Brazil at War (1943), praising Brazil as "a powerful new ally" and pointing out the similarities between both countries.

Brazil–U.S. interactions increased during World War II. In 1942, during the first Getúlio Vargas presidential mandate (1930–1945), Brazil made some contributions to the Allies—the United States, the Soviet Union, and the United Kingdom—against the Axis powers. This led to the creation of the Joint Brazil–U.S. Defense Commission, which was chaired by Major General James Garesche Ord and worked to strengthen military ties between the two countries, reducing the likelihood of Axis attacks on US shipping as soldiers traveled across the Atlantic to Africa and Europe, and minimizing the influence of the Axis in South America.[7]

Brazil temporarily conceded the U.S. some space in

U.N. Security Council
, a promise the U.S. was later unable to fulfill due to resistance from the Soviet Union and the U.K.

The presidency of

Carta testamento
, in which he points to media denigration and pressure from foreign banks as the blame for his depression and death.

Cold War

President John F. Kennedy (left) and President João Goulart during a review of troops on April 3, 1962.

In 1956

Dwight Eisenhower found the plan of no interest, but the administration of President John F. Kennedy appropriated funds in 1961 for the Alliance for Progress
.

Relations again cooled slightly after President

Bay of Pigs invasion. He visited the Caribbean nation after the event, and when Cuban revolutionary Ernesto "Che" Guevara retributed the visit, he was decorated with Brazil's highest honor. As a result of the political instability within the country—something provoked by his breakup with the UDN and tensions with the military—Quadros resigned. At that time, his vice-president, João Goulart, was on a diplomatic mission in Communist China
.

In that year, Goulart took office (1961–1964). Political instability, however, continued high—for not only Goulart kept Quadros's unusual foreign policy (which the Brazilian press slammed as "Communist infiltrated"), but he also showed a clear leftist streak in domestic affairs. He had a pro-trade union stance and increased the minimum wage (which the fiscally austere Quadros had previously squeezed). By the end of 1963, the U.S. downgraded its relations with Brazil and reduced aid to the country. Washington's worries were that Brazil would turn into a nonaligned emerging power such as Egypt. But those worries dissipated on March 31, 1964. On that day a military coup overthrew the civil government. A U.S.-friendly military regime replaced it.

U.S. government support for the coup

Further information:
Brazil–United States relations during the João Goulart administration
Kennedy greeting Goulart during his visit to the US, 1962.

Though never admitted by the U.S. government, the U.S. secretly provided arms and other support for the military coup plotters. U.S. government documents released on March 31, 2004, the 40th anniversary of the Brazilian coup, expose the U.S. role. An audio tape released that day, for instance, showed American President

Kennedy administration strategized on how to support a coup against Goulart or pressure him to remove leftists from his government and alter his foreign policy.[8] U.S. ambassador to Brazil, Lincoln Gordon, a holdover from the Kennedy Administration, was perhaps the most enthusiastic pro-coup U.S. authority. Lincoln and chief Latin American advisor Richard N. Goodwin had a meeting with the President when preparations for the coup began in July 1962.[8] US Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy, another Kennedy Administration holdover and brother to the late President, was also highly enthusiastic about the coup. An audio tape released on the 50th anniversary of the coup in 2014 revealed that Robert Kennedy had characterized Goulart as a "wily" politician" who "figures he's got us by the ass."[8]

Four days prior to the coup, Gordon wrote Central Intelligence Agency agents in detailing how the U.S. should help the plotters: "If our influence is to be brought to bear to help avert a major disaster here—which might make Brazil the China of the 1960s—this is where both I and all my senior advisors believe our support should be placed." To assure the success of the coup, Gordon recommended "that measures be taken soonest to prepare for a clandestine delivery of arms of non-US origin, to be made available to Castello Branco supporters in Sao Paulo." In a subsequent cable, declassified February 2004, Gordon suggested that these weapons be "pre-positioned prior any outbreak of violence," to be used by paramilitary units and "friendly military against hostile military if necessary." To conceal the U.S. role, Gordon recommended the arms be delivered via "unmarked submarine to be off-loaded at night in isolated shore spots in state of Sao Paulo south of Santos."[9]

In 2001, Gordon published a book—Brazil's second chance: en route toward the first world—on Brazilian history since the military coup. In it he denied his role in the affair. On Gordon's importance for the coup movement, however, James N. Green, an American Brazilianist, said in an interview with a Brazilian website: "[Gordon] changed Brazil's history, for he gave green light so the military advanced the coup in 1964. He made it clear that, if the coup was advanced, the United States was going to recognize it immediately, which was fundamental [to the plotters]."[10] Media outlets, both in Brazil and the U.S., hailed the coup.[11]

The U.S. immediately recognized the new interim government. At the day of the coup a United States naval task force was anchored close to the port of

Vitória. The Johnson administration (and the International Monetary Fund) made large loans to the new Castelo Branco
government (1964–67).

U.S. government relations with the military government

The new military president adopted a policy of almost total alignment with the United States. "What is good for the United States, is good for Brazil", asserted General Juracy Magalhães, the Minister of Foreign Relations of the Castelo Branco administration. In accordance with this thought, Castelo Branco took a series of pro-American policies in both the foreign and domestic agendas: in 1964 he cut ties with Cuba and China; in 1965 he sent troops to

United States occupation of the Dominican Republic; he opposed the creation, proposed by Chile, of a Latin American trade area that would exclude the U.S.; and defended the creation of an Inter-American Peace Force, a Pan-American military force that would be made up of military contingents of all countries in the Americas. The force would be headed by the Organization of American States
, and its main function would be to intervene in any nation of the region where there was danger of a leftist revolution.

In forming his economic team, Castelo Branco took to heart the advice that had been given to him by American officials. This, one sees in his indication for the Planning Ministry of

monetarist economist. Together with the Minister of Finances Otávio Bulhões, Campos implemented reforms to both reduce inflation and make the Brazilian environment more open to foreign capital. Those included: public spending cuts, tax hikes on consumers and wage-freezing to lower inflation; massive privatizations; elimination of restriction on capital remittances to foreign banks; tax cuts to multinational profits; and the pulling out of subsidies and legislation that shielded national industries from foreign competition.[citation needed
]

From 82% in 1963, annual inflation fell to 22.5% in 1967. In 1966, the budget deficit stood at 1.1% of GDP, from 3.2% in 1964. Therefore, if one takes into account the aims of such economic policies, then they can be thought of as effective. But they were unpopular with both the broader society and the nationalistic sectors of the military. The latter accused the economic team of being sellouts (entreguistas) bent on destroying national industries and delivering the country to U.S. Multinationals. Such accusations often appeared in the Brazilian press, which went mostly uncensored during the 1964–1967 period. The public attributed to the American government an immense political clout over the Brazilian regime, an impression encapsulated in a mock-campaign commenced by a humorist, Otto Lara Resende, whose motto was: "Enough with middlemen—Lincoln Gordon for president!" Gordon himself complained that American advisors were implicated in "almost every unpopular decision concerning taxes, salaries and prices."[citation needed]

The social consequences of such economic plan, the PAEG, were negative. Though inflation had been reduced, it was still high for international standards. And in combination with the wage-freezing policies, it caused Brazilians' real income to fall sharply—by about 25%—from 1963 to 1967. As a consequence, malnutrition and infant mortality rose. The Brazilian industrial elite, too, began to turn on the government; not only it had been hurt by the sudden market opening, but also the monetary tightening applied under the PAEG had dried out credit and induced a recession in output.

The overall failure of such reforms; the increased opposition faced by the Castelo Branco administration, even among sectors that had previously supported it; its closeness with the U.S. government; and its perceived leniency in combatting "subversive" leftists: all this led to the ascension, after Castelo Branco's death, of a different set of rulers, one that would alter Brazil's political and economic path and its relations with the U.S.[citation needed]

Emílio Médici and Richard Nixon at the White House
, December 7, 1971.

After his death in 1967, Castelo Branco was succeeded by General

U.S. State Department, Tuthill put into practice Operation Topsy, a procedure intended to reduce the American personnel employed in the U.S. Embassy in Brasília. As he explained in an article published in a 1972 edition of the Foreign Policy magazine, the "omnipresen[ce]" of the American embassy employee in the Brazilian political scene had become a cause of irritation among the increasingly anti-American populace and the Brazilian military, which had indicated, since Costa e Silva replaced Castelo Branco, that the country would follow its own strategy in political and economic matters.[12]

On the most part the

Nixon administration
(1969–73) remained positive to the Brazilian dictatorship. High growth during the Costa e Silva and Médici years excited Brazilian nationalistic hopes for a greater international role—hopes of which the U.S. was supportive, for Brazil was still considered to be one of the developing nations most sympathetic to the United States. There was, however, a cooling on both sides. On the U.S. side this was due to fears of being linked with its ally's abuses. It also distressed the U.S. the increased kidnapping risks that its ambassadors and diplomats faced in Brazilian territory during those years. The Médici tactics of suppression against leftist activists were provoked by the acts of urban socialist guerrillas that began to blossom after the 1964 coup. One of the favorite targets of such groups were U.S. diplomats.

As for the Brazilian side, the cooling had to do with many factors. One of them was the Vietnam War and the coming, but already clear, U.S. defeat, an event that would facilitate reducing co-operation with the North American nation. Other factors were:

Despite this, while even most European nations, such as Great Britain and France refused to do so, Brazil was one of the few Western nations to vote alongside the United States against the People's Republic of China joining the

UN General Assembly Resolution 2758 of 1971.[13]

Ernesto Geisel (center) with Jimmy Carter and First Lady Rosalynn Carter at the Palácio da Alvorada, March 29, 1978.

The

Resolution 3379, a U.N. resolution sponsored by Muslim nations which equaled Zionism with racism. Only two other Latin American countries—Cuba and Mexico—had voted in favor of the bill. In supporting it at the expense of Israel, already then a major U.S. ally, Brazil's intention was to seek closer relations with oil-rich Arab nations. By then Brazil imported 80% of the oil it consumed. As such it had been greatly affected by the 1973 oil crisis
, an event which had a tremendously negative impact on Brazil's current account and posed a major threat against its fast growth during the Médici years.

As the

Carter administration replaced that of Gerald Ford, two other very sensitive issues—human rights and nuclear proliferation
—came to the front in the relations between the U.S. government and Brazil.

In 1975 Brazil and

Western Germany
established an agreement of co-operation in nuclear energy for peaceful purposes. The agreement was to transfer to Brazil the whole cycle of nuclear generation and a factory of nuclear reactors. The factory would enable the independent production of nuclear reactors as soon as 1978.

The United States opposed the agreement. In March 1977, Jimmy Carter took measures against both Brazil and Germany: he pressed two American banks, the

Chase Manhattan Bank and the Eximbank
, to suspend all financing activities negotiated with Brazil, and halted the supply of enriched uranium to Germany. He wanted to compel both countries to either renounce the agreement or to revise it so as to give space to the introduction of comprehensive safeguards similar to those established by the NPT. He also wanted the construction of the nuclear reactor factories to be canceled.

Presidents Ronald Reagan and João Figueiredo riding horses in Brasília, Brazil, December 1, 1982.

In the early 1980s, tension in the American–Brazilian relations centered on economic questions. Retaliation for unfair trade practices loomed on the horizon and threatened Brazilian exports of steel, orange juice, commuter aircraft, shoes and textiles. When President

Non-Proliferation Treaty
caused the United States to put Brazil on its mandated blacklist, thereby restricting Brazil's access to certain U.S. technologies.

End of Cold War; return to democracy in Brazil

On taking office in March 1990 President Collor sought a quick rapprochement with the United States in order to begin an aggressive policy of inserting Brazil into the world economy and placing it at the negotiating table of world powers. The Franco administration maintained an independent stance and reacted coolly to proposals by the Clinton administration for a Latin American free-trade zone.

21st century

U.S. relations with the Cardoso government from 1995 to 2002 were good. Cardoso made a very successful trip to Washington and New York in 1995 and the Clinton administration was very enthusiastic regarding the passage of constitutional amendments that opened the Brazilian economy to increasing international participation.[citation needed]

The

counter-narcotics and terrorism, energy security, trade, environmental issues, human rights and HIV/AIDS.[14]

Presidents George W. Bush and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva in 2008.

Following the

Lula, it strongly opposed the Bush administration's Iraq War.[16]

On June 20, 2003, President Lula made an official visit to the United States, and he and President Bush resolved "to create a closer and qualitatively stronger [bilateral] relationship." On November 6, 2005, President Bush visited

MINUSTAH), and worldwide efforts to control HIV/AIDS.[17]

After the

Brazilian Foreign Minister Antonio Patriota said that, "We're very worried that there will be reprisals. We hope that this event doesn't trigger an attack."[18] but added that it was "important and positive" with the Arab world calling for increased freedom of expression. He continued, "Insofar as Al Qaeda and Osama bin Laden were and remain behind political strategies that prioritize acts of terrorism, [the Brazilian government] can only express our solidarity with the victims and with those who seek justice."[19]

U.S. President Donald Trump (left) and Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro (right) meet in Osaka, Japan in June 2019.

While Brazil has deepened its strategic ties with sworn U.S. rivals such as

non-interventionist stance in most international issues, such as abstaining on United Nations Security Council Resolution 1973 allowing for military intervention in war-torn Libya
.

In March 2019, Brazil's president Jair Bolsonaro announced at the White House that American citizens, in addition to Japanese citizens, Canadian citizens, and Australian citizens, would no longer require a travel visa to visit the country for up to two 90-day periods per year, beginning in June 2019, in order to promote tourism.[20] The United States did not reciprocate the policy.[21]

In July 2019, U.S. President Donald Trump designated Brazil as a major non-NATO ally[22] after receiving a working visit from Brazilian president Jair Bolsonaro.[23][24] In October 2020, Bolsonaro said that the Brazil-U.S. relations have elevated to "its best moment ever".[25]

In March 2021, it was revealed the U.S. attempted to convince Brazil not to purchase the Sputnik V COVID-19 vaccine, fearing "Russian influence" in Latin America. The 2020 Annual Report of the United States Department of Health and Human Services noted using the Office of Global Affairs to persuade Brazil to reject the COVID-19 vaccine. This did not stop a consortium of Brazilian governors in some states from signing a 37 million dose purchase agreement.[26]

In April 2023, Brazil's president Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva said that the United States should stop "encouraging" the war in Ukraine and "start talking about peace".[27]

Current issues

President Dilma Rousseff and Foreign Minister Antonio Patriota greet President Barack Obama and his family upon their arrival at the Palácio da Alvorada in Brasília, March 19, 2011.

During their first meeting in Washington on March 14, 2009, U.S. President

Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, discussed the economy, energy, the environment, and the custody case of a U.S. boy taken to Brazil.[28] "I have been a great admirer of Brazil and a great admirer of the progressive, forward-looking leadership that President Lula has shown throughout Latin America and throughout the world," Obama said after the meeting. "We have a very strong friendship between the two countries but we can always make it stronger", he added.[29][30]

The issue of the abduction of children from the United States to Brazil has been raised by Obama, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton, the United States House of Representatives and other U.S. officials and major media. As of December 2009, there are 66 American children that have been taken by one of their parents to live in Brazil. While Brazil is obligated under the Hague Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction to return every child to the U.S., it has not. Under the treaty, one parent cannot flee the legal jurisdiction where the child resides – "his habitual residence" – to shop for a more favorable court venue in another country to contest for custody.[31][32]

Brazil voiced its discontent over the U.S. position of recognizing the results of the

2009 Honduran presidential election,[33] as Brazil rejected the outcome of the election in Honduras.[34]

As of 2012, Brazil and the United States disagreed over monetary policy,[35] but continued to have a positive relationship.[36]

According to the

Lula da Silva, "prompted U.S. suspicion in 2010 when he tried to intervene alongside Turkey in the dispute over Iran's nuclear program."[37] Along with Brazil's previous president, Dilma Rousseff, their "ruling Workers Party has been a traditional friend of regimes considered unpalatable by the U.S., such as Cuba and Venezuela under the recently deceased Hugo Chavez."[37] Throughout it all, however, trade has continued to grow, increasing from $28 billion in 2002 to almost $77 billion in 2012, with a $11.6 billion surplus in favor of the United States.[37] Defense cooperation has also improved. The United States has maintained its order for Brazilian light attack aircraft, which represents Brazil's first such contract with the United States military.[37] "Embraer, the Brazilian builder of the aircraft, has signed a cooperation agreement with Boeing to develop a jet-engined military transport aircraft. This has strengthened aspirations in Washington that the U.S. might eventually win a contract to supply the Brazilian air force with fighters."[37] In March 2020, the U.S. government signed an agreement with the Brazilian government to develop defense projects. The companies involved will be able to utilize finance from the U.S. defense research fund.[38]

Mass surveillance scandal

Further information:
Global surveillance disclosures (2013–present)

Brazil-U.S. relations soured in July 2013 when Glenn Greenwald wrote a series of articles in Brazil's O Globo newspaper revealing that Brazil was one of the largest targets of the U.S. National Security Agency's (NSA) mass surveillance program.[39] The Brazilian government denounced the NSA activities and said it would consider bringing the issue to the United Nations.

On September 1, 2013, Brazil's

foreign ministry to explain the U.S. spying. The Brazilian government called a press conference to denounce the act as an "unacceptable violation of sovereignty" and to announce it had requested an immediate explanation from the U.S. government.[42]

On September 5, 2013, Brazil's government announced it had cancelled a trip to Washington by a team of aides who would prepare Rousseff's

G-20 summit in Saint Petersburg, Russia, to discuss the incident. In a press conference before departing to Brasília, Rousseff revealed the conversation she had with President Obama, stating she expressed her "personal indignation and that of my country regarding the alleged spying against the government, embassies, companies and Brazilian citizens by the National Security Agency of the United States." According to Rousseff, she told President Obama that Brazil would raise the issue at the United Nations and other international organizations, and would propose rules and procedures regarding internet governance in order to stop the mass surveillance programs.[43]

U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson with Brazilian Foreign Minister Aloysio Nunes at the U.S. Department of State in Washington, D.C., on June 2, 2017.

On September 24, 2013, Rousseff gave an opening speech at the

UN General Assembly condemning the United States' intelligence gathering methods in general but specifically of Brazilian citizens, corporations and government officials.[44][45]

Reaction

Michael Shifter, president of the Inter-American Dialogue, considered the revelations "a major blow for the effort to increase trust between the two nations," and added that the "Brazil–U.S. relationship was under threat."[41]

Addressing the opening session of the

U.N. Security Council.[46]

In June 2015, President Barack Obama and Brazilian President Rousseff met nearly two years after Rousseff canceled a rare state visit to Washington following revelations that Brazil was a target of American spy programs. U.S. was looking for bilateral trade and investment since China has overtaken the U.S. as Brazil's largest trading partner. Rousseff traveled to New York to meet with investment bankers and to Silicon Valley to drum up business for Brazil's information technology industry. Relations between the U.S. and Brazil have since improved, and indeed the U.S. remains the leading investor in Brazil both in FDI and in number of M&A transactions [47][48][49][50]

State visits

External videos
video icon The welcoming ceremony for President Obama in 2011.

Imperial and presidential visits from Brazil to United States[51][52][53][54]

Presidential visits from United States to Brazil[55]

Diplomatic missions

See also

Notes

  • Upon the deposition of the monarchy and the proclamation of the Republic, one of the civilian leaders of the movement, Ruy Barbosa, proposed a design for the nation's new flag strongly inspired by the Flag of the United States. It was flown from November 15, 1889, until November 19, 1889, when Marshal Deodoro da Fonseca (acting as provisional president of Brazil) vetoed the design, citing concerns that it looked too similar to the flag of another state.[56]

References

  1. ^ a b Wiese Randig, Rodrigo (2017). "Argentina, primeiro país a reconhecer a independência do Brasil" (PDF). Cadernos do CHDD. 31 (17): 501–524.
  2. ^ James Cameron, "US-Brazil Relations." in Oxford Research Encyclopedia of American History (2019)
  3. ^ "U.S. Consulate General Recife". U.S. Embassy & Consulates in Brazil. Retrieved June 25, 2015.
  4. ^ Wiese Randig, Rodrigo (2017). "Argentina, primeiro país a reconhecer a independência do Brasil" (PDF). Cadernos do CHDD. 16 (31). Fundação Alexandre de Gusmão: 501–524. p. 518
  5. ^ Stanley E. Hilton, "The Argentine Factor in Twentieth-Century Brazilian Foreign Policy Strategy." Political Science Quarterly 100.1 (1985): 27-51.
  6. ^ Stanley E. Hilton, "Brazilian Diplomacy and the Washington-Rio de Janeiro 'Axis' during the World War II Era," Hispanic American Historical Review (1979) 59#2 pp. 201-231 in JSTOR
  7. ^ Stetson Conn, Byron Fairchild, Office of the Chief of Military History, Department of the Army, The Framework of Hemisphere Defense, 1960, page 319
  8. ^ a b c "Brazil Marks 50th Anniversary of Military Coup".
  9. ^ Brazil marks 40th anniversary of military coup – Declassified documents shed light on U.S. role National Security Archive. Retrieved on November 3, 2010.
  10. ^ "G1 > Mundo – NOTÍCIAS – Lincoln Gordon mudou a história do Brasil, diz historiador americano". Archived from the original on December 26, 2009.
  11. ^ Mark Cook, Rerun in Honduras: Coup pretext recycled from Brazil '64. Extra! magazine, September 2009
  12. ^ Leacock, Ruth (1990). Requiem for Revolution: The United States and Brazil, 1961–1969.. Kent, Ohio: Kent State University Press. pp. 240–241.
  13. ^ "Voting situation in the UN General Assembly in respect to Resolution 2758 (1971)". wikimedia.org. Retrieved February 7, 2018.
  14. ^ "Bush searches for positives in Brazil". November 6, 2005. Retrieved June 1, 2020.
  15. ^ "We're sorry, that page can't be found" (PDF). fpc.state.gov. Retrieved February 7, 2018.
  16. ^ Brazil: Iraq and U.S. guilty of disrespect United Press International
  17. ^ "Joint Statement on the Occasion of the Visit by President George W. Bush to Brazil". georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov. Retrieved February 7, 2018.
  18. ^ "Osama Bin Laden's Death: Political Reaction in Quotes". BBC News Online. May 3, 2011. Retrieved May 5, 2011.
  19. ^ "Brazil: Bin Laden's Death Is 'Important and Positive'". Monsters and Critics. Archived from the original on May 6, 2011. Retrieved May 15, 2011.
  20. ^ "Brazil Waives Entry Visa Requirements for U.S. Citizens". Forbes.
  21. ^ Pearson, Samantha (March 18, 2019). "Brazil Ends Visa Requirements for Visitors From U.S., Other Nations". WSJ.
  22. ^ "Major Non-NATO Ally Status". United States Department of State. Retrieved May 7, 2020.
  23. ^ "Trump bumps up Brazil to 'major non-NATO' ally".
  24. ^ Samuels, Brett (July 31, 2019). "Trump officially designates Brazil a non-NATO ally". TheHill. Retrieved February 6, 2022.
  25. ^ "Brazil's relations with the US at their best ever, says Jair Bolsonaro". Hindustan Times. October 19, 2020.
  26. ^ "U.S. pressured Brazil to ditch Russia's Sputnik V vaccine". The Brazilian Report. March 15, 2021. Retrieved March 21, 2021.
  27. ^ "US should stop 'encouraging' Ukraine war, Brazilian president says". CNN. April 15, 2023.
  28. ^ "Obama, Brazil Leader Focus on Economy, Energy". Archived from the original on February 13, 2019. Retrieved March 14, 2009.
  29. ^ "Obama, Brazil's President Focus on…". Chicago Tribune. Retrieved March 15, 2009.[permanent dead link]
  30. ^ "Lula Tells Obama He has Unique Regional Clout". Retrieved March 15, 2009. [dead link]
  31. ^ "U.S. dad's custody case returns to Brazilian appeals court - CNN.com". www.cnn.com. Retrieved February 7, 2018.
  32. ^ "H.Res.125: Calling on Brazil in accordance with its obligations under the 1980 Hague Convention on the Civil... OpenCongress". Archived from the original on October 13, 2010. Retrieved November 13, 2010. House bill passed, H.Res.125 – Calling on Brazil in accordance with its obligations under the 1980 Hague Convention, March 11, 2009
  33. ^ U.S. risks isolation over Honduras election: Brazil Reuters. Retrieved on December 21, 2009.
  34. Fox News
    . Retrieved on December 21, 2009.
  35. ^ Brazil Leader Slams U.S. Money Policy April 9, 2012
  36. ^ Brazil and U.S. Accentuate the Positive April 9, 2012
  37. ^ a b c d e f Leahy, Joe (April 16, 2013). "Politics put to one side in sign of closer ties". Financial Times. Retrieved May 17, 2013.
  38. ^ "Brazil, U.S. sign agreement to develop defense technology". Reuters. March 8, 2020. Retrieved March 10, 2020.
  39. ^ "Brazil to U.S.: Explain spying". Politico. Retrieved on September 6, 2013.
  40. ^ "Brazil Angered Over Report N.S.A. Spied on President". The New York Times. Retrieved on September 6, 2013.
  41. ^ a b c d "Brazil cancels Rousseff advance team's trip to US, increasing tensions over NSA spying". The Washington Post. Retrieved on September 6, 2013
  42. ^ "Brazil Reacts With Fury To NSA Spying; Mexico Orders Probe". International Business Times. Retrieved on September 6, 2013.
  43. ^ "Entrevista coletiva concedida pela Presidenta da República, Dilma Rousseff, em São Petersburgo". Archived September 6, 2013, at archive.today Palácio do Planalto. Retrieved on September 6, 2013. (in Portuguese).
  44. ^ "Brazil takes NSA scandal to the UN".
  45. ^ "Brazil's president Rousseff attacks US over spy claims". BBC News. September 24, 2013.
  46. ^ "Andres Oppenheimer: Brazil makes it hard to back key U.N. reforms". Miami Herald.
  47. ^ "Quadro do investimento estrangeiro direto no Brasil". Nexo Jornal (in Brazilian Portuguese). Retrieved September 26, 2018.
  48. ^ "Foreign Investment in Brazil Guide". CI Group. August 23, 2018. Retrieved September 26, 2018.
  49. ^ With dinner and monument tour, Obama, Rousseff try to show spy scandal is thing of the past Archived August 2, 2015, at the Wayback Machine By DARLENE SUPERVILLE and ADRIANA GOMEZ LICON, Associated Press on June 29, 2015
  50. ^ Brazil Tries To Rebuild Relations With U.S. After NSA Spying Scandal by Jackie Northam in June 30, 2015 (NPR)
  51. ^ "Visits By Foreign Leaders of Brazil". U.S. Department of State. Retrieved July 27, 2019.
  52. ^ "Brazil's Bolsonaro to visit Trump this month". France24. March 9, 2019.
  53. ^ "Antes de Bolsonaro: presidentes brasileiros nos EUA" (in Portuguese). Deutsche Welle. Retrieved July 27, 2019.
  54. ^ "Democracy on the agenda as Biden meets Brazil's Lula at the White House". CNN. February 10, 2023. Retrieved August 3, 2023.
  55. ^ "Presidential travels to Brazil". U.S. Department of State. Retrieved July 27, 2019.
  56. ^ Um estudo histórico perceptual: A Bandeira Brasileira sem Brasil Archived July 26, 2011, at the Wayback Machine Seysell, Ricardo. Universidade Estadual Paulista, 2006. Retrieved on October 10, 2010. (in Portuguese).

Further reading

  • Adamson, Matthew, and Simone Turchetti. "Friends in fission: US–Brazil relations and the global stresses of atomic energy, 1945–1955." Centaurus 63.1 (2021): 51–66. online[permanent dead link]
  • Bandeira, Luiz Alberto Moniz. "Brazil as a regional power and its relations with the United States." Latin American Perspectives 33.3 (2006): 12–27.
  • Barbosa, Rubens. The Washington Dissensus: A Privileged Observer's Perspective on US-Brazil Relations (Vanderbilt University Press, 2014).
  • Bodman, Samuel W., Julia Sweig, and James D. Wolfensohn. Global Brazil and US-Brazil Relations (Council on Foreign Relations, 2011). online
  • Cameron, James. "US-Brazil Relations." in Oxford Research Encyclopedia of American History (2019) https://doi.org/10.1093/acrefore/9780199329175.013.659
  • Davis, Sonny B. A Brotherhood of Arms: Brazil-United States Military Relations, 1945-1977 (U Press of Colorado, 1996).
  • Fouad, Sam HL, and Raul Gouvea. "The US–Brazil relationship opportunity: Business synergies for a dynamic global environment." Thunderbird International Business Review 60.4 (2018): 497–510.
  • Frank, Gary. Struggle for hegemony in South America: Argentina, Brazil, and the United States during the Second World War (Routledge, 2021).
  • Garfield, Seth. In search of the Amazon: Brazil, the United States and the nature of a region (Duke University Press, 2013) online.
  • Haines, Gerald K. The Americanization of Brazil: A study of US Cold War diplomacy in the third world, 1945-1954 (1989).
  • Hilton, Stanley E. "The United States, Brazil, and the Cold War, 1945-1960: end of the special relationship." Journal of American History 68.3 (1981): 599–624. online
  • Long, Tom. "The US, Brazil and Latin America: the dynamics of asymmetrical regionalism." Contemporary Politics 24.1 (2018): 113–129. online
  • Lowenthal, Abraham F. Brazil and the United States Foreign Policy Assn, (1986).
  • McCann, Frank. "The Rise and Fall of the Brazilian-American Military Alliance, 1942-1977." Esboços-Revista do Programa de Pós-Graduação em História da UFSC 22.34 (2016): 13–60. online
  • Pitts, Bryan. "The Empire Strikes Back: US-Brazil Relations from Obama to Trump" in The Future of US Empire in the Americas (Routledge, 2020) pp. 165–187.
  • Smith, Joseph. Unequal Giants: Diplomatic Relations between the United States & Brazil, 1889-1930 (1991).
  • Smith, Joseph. Brazil and the United States: Convergence and Divergence (U of Georgia Press; 2010), 256 pages
  • Teixeira, Carlos Gustavo Poggio. Brazil, the United States, and the South American subsystem: regional politics and the absent empire (Lexington Books, 2012).
  • Topik, Steven C. Trade and gunboats: the United States and Brazil in the age of empire (Stanford University Press, 1996).
  • Tota, Antonio Pedro. The Seduction of Brazil: The Americanization of Brazil During World War II (U of Texas Press, 2010).
  • Wasserman, Renata. Exotic Nations: Literature and Cultural Identity in the United States and Brazil, 1830–1930 (Cornell University Press, 2018).
  • Weis, W. Michael. "The twilight of pan-Americanism: The alliance for progress, neo-colonialism, and non-alignment in Brazil, 1961–1964." International History Review 23.2 (2001): 322–344.
  • Wesson, Robert G. The United States and Brazil: limits of influence (Praeger Publishers, 1981).
Retrieved from "https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=Brazil–United_States_relations&oldid=1219495641"