Byzantine–Sasanian War of 602–628
Byzantine–Sasanian War of 602–628 | |||||||||
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Part of the Anachronistic painting of the Battle of Nineveh (627) between Heraclius's army and the Persians under Khosrow II. Fresco by Piero della Francesca c. 1452 | |||||||||
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The Byzantine–Sasanian War of 602–628 was the final and most devastating of the
While the Persians proved largely successful during the first stage of the war from 602 to 622, conquering much of the Levant, Egypt, several islands in the Aegean Sea and parts of Anatolia, the ascendancy of the emperor
By the end of the conflict, both sides had exhausted their human and material resources and achieved very little. Consequently, they were vulnerable to the sudden emergence of the Islamic Rashidun Caliphate, whose forces invaded both empires only a few years after the war. The Muslim armies swiftly conquered the entire Sasanian Empire as well as the Byzantine territories in the Levant, the Caucasus, Egypt, and North Africa. In the following centuries, the Byzantine and Arab forces would fight a series of wars for control of the Near East.
Background
After decades of inconclusive fighting,
The generosity and campaigns of emperor Tiberius II had eliminated the surplus in the treasury left from the time of Justin II.[7][8][9] In order to generate a reserve in the treasury, Maurice instituted strict fiscal measures and cut army pay; which led to four mutinies.[10] The final mutiny in 602 resulted from Maurice ordering his troops in the Balkans to live off the land during the winter.[11][12] The army proclaimed Phocas, a Thracian centurion, as emperor.[2][12][13] Maurice attempted to defend Constantinople by arming the Blues and the Greens – supporters of the two major chariot racing teams of the Hippodrome – but they proved ineffective. Maurice fled but was soon intercepted and killed by the soldiers of Phocas.[12][14][15][16]
Beginning of the conflict
Upon the murder of Maurice,
Germanus died in battle against the Persians. An army sent by Phocas against Khosrow was defeated near Dara in Upper Mesopotamia, leading to the capture of that important fortress in 605. Narses escaped from Leontius, the eunuch appointed by Phocas to deal with him,[20] but when Narses attempted to return to Constantinople to discuss peace terms, Phocas ordered him seized and burned alive.[21] The death of Narses along with the failure to stop the Persians damaged the prestige of Phocas's military regime.[20][22]
Heraclius's rebellion
In 608, general
At about the same time rebellions began in
Heraclius the Elder sent his nephew Nicetas to attack Egypt. Bonus went to Egypt to try to stop Nicetas, but was defeated by the latter outside Alexandria.[25] In 610, Nicetas succeeded in capturing the province, establishing a power base there with the help of Patriarch John the Almsgiver, who was elected with the help of Nicetas.[27][28][29][30][31]
The main rebel force was employed in a naval invasion of Constantinople, led by the younger Heraclius, who was to be the new emperor. Organized resistance against Heraclius soon collapsed, and Phocas was handed to him by the patrician Probos (Photius).[32] Phocas was executed, though not before a celebrated exchange of comments between him and his successor:
"Is it thus", asked Heraclius, "that you have governed the Empire?"
"Will you," replied Phocas, with unexpected spirit, "govern it any better?"[33]
The elder Heraclius disappears soon afterward from sources, supposedly dying, though the date is unknown.[34]
After marrying his betrothed
Persian ascendancy
The Persians took advantage of this civil war in the Byzantine empire by conquering frontier towns in Armenia and Upper Mesopotamia.
In Armenia, the strategically important city of Theodosiopolis (Erzurum) surrendered in 609 or 610 to Ashtat Yeztayar, because of the persuasion of a man who claimed to be Theodosius, the eldest son and co-emperor of Maurice, who had supposedly fled to the protection of Khosrow.[41][43] In 608, the Persians under general Shahin launched a raid into Anatolia that reached Chalcedon,[18] across the Bosporus from Constantinople.[c][27][44] The Persian conquest was a gradual process; by the time of Heraclius's accession the Persians had conquered all Roman cities east of the Euphrates and in Armenia before moving on to Cappadocia, where Shahin took Caesarea Mazaca.[40][41][44] There, Phocas's son-in-law Priscus, who had encouraged Heraclius and his father to rebel, started a year-long siege to trap them inside the city.[23][45][46]
Heraclius's accession as Emperor did little to reduce the Persian threat. Heraclius began his reign by attempting to make peace with the Persians, since Phocas, whose actions were the original casus belli, had been overthrown. The Persians rejected these overtures, however, since their armies were widely victorious.[39] According to historian Walter Kaegi, it is conceivable that the Persians' goal was to restore or even surpass the boundaries of the Achaemenid Empire by destroying the Byzantine empire, though because of the loss of the royal Persian archives, no document survives to conclusively prove this.[39]
Heraclius joined with his general Priscus's siege of the Persians at Caesarea Mazaca.[46] Priscus pretended to be ill, however, and did not meet the emperor. This was a veiled insult to Heraclius, who hid his dislike of Priscus and returned to Constantinople in 612. Meanwhile, Shahin's troops escaped Priscus's blockade and burned Caesarea, much to Heraclius's displeasure.[47] Priscus was soon removed from command, along with others who served under Phocas.[48] Philippicus, an old general of Maurice's, was appointed as commander-in-chief, but he proved himself incompetent against the Persians, avoiding engagements in battle. Heraclius then appointed himself commander along with his brother Theodore to finally solidify command of the army.[49]
Khosrow took advantage of the incompetence of Heraclius's generals to launch an attack on
Persian dominance
Capture of Jerusalem
Resistance to the Persians in
Many churches in the city (including the Church of the Resurrection or
Egypt
In 618, Shahrbaraz's forces invaded Egypt, a province that had been mostly untouched by war for three centuries.
After conquering Egypt, Khosrow allegedly sent Heraclius the following letter:[63][64]
Khosrow, greatest of Gods, and master of the earth, to Heraclius, his vile and insensate slave. Why do you still refuse to submit to our rule, and call yourself a king? Have I not destroyed the Greeks? You say that you trust in your God. Why has he not delivered out of my hand Caesarea, Jerusalem, and Alexandria? And shall I not also destroy Constantinople? But I will pardon your faults if you submit to me, and come hither with your wife and children; and I will give you lands, vineyards, and olive groves, and look upon you with a kindly aspect. Do not deceive yourself with vain hope in that Christ, who was not able to save himself from the Jews, who killed him by nailing him to a cross. Even if you take refuge in the depths of the sea, I will stretch out my hand and take you, whether you will or no.
However, the genuineness of the letter has been denied by modern scholars.[65]
Anatolia
When the Persians reached
Byzantine resurgence
Reorganization
Khosrow's letter did not cow Heraclius but prompted him to try a desperate strike against the Persians.[68] He now reorganized the remainder of his empire to allow his forces to fight on. Already, in 615, a new, lighter (6.82 grams) silver imperial coin appeared with the usual image of Heraclius and his son Heraclius Constantine, but uniquely carried the inscription of Deus adiuta Romanis 'may God help the Romans'; Kaegi believes this shows the desperation of the empire at this time.[77] The copper follis also dropped in weight from 11 grams to somewhere between 8 and 9 grams. Heraclius faced severely decreased revenues due to the loss of provinces; furthermore, a plague broke out in 619, which further damaged the tax base and also increased fears of divine retribution.[78] The debasement of the coinage allowed the Byzantines to maintain expenditure in the face of declining revenues.[77]
Heraclius now halved the pay of officials, enforced increased taxation, forced loans, and levied extreme fines on corrupt officials in order to finance his counter-offensive.[79] Despite disagreements over the incestuous marriage of Heraclius to his niece Martina, the clergy of the Byzantine Empire strongly backed his efforts against the Persians by proclaiming the duty of all Christian men to fight and by offering to give him a war loan consisting of all the gold and silver-plated objects in Constantinople. Precious metals and bronze were stripped from monuments and even the Hagia Sophia.[80] This military campaign has been seen as the first "crusade", or at least as an antecedent to the Crusades, by many historians, beginning with William of Tyre,[64][68][81][82] but some, like Kaegi, disagree with this moniker because religion was just one component in the war.[83] Thousands of volunteers were gathered and equipped with money from the church.[68] Heraclius himself decided to command the army from the front lines. Thus, the Byzantine troops had been replenished, re-equipped, and were now led by a competent general—while maintaining a full treasury.[68]
Historian George Ostrogorsky believed that volunteers were gathered through the reorganization of Anatolia into four themes, where the volunteers were given inalienable grants of land on the condition of hereditary military service.[84] However, modern scholars generally discredit this theory, placing the creation of the themes later, under Heraclius's successor Constans II.[85][86]
Byzantine counter-offensive
By 622, Heraclius was ready to mount a counter-offensive. He left Constantinople the day after celebrating Easter on Sunday, 4 April 622.[87] His young son, Heraclius Constantine, was left behind as regent under the charge of Patriarch Sergius and the patrician Bonus. He spent the summer training to improve the skills of his men and his own generalship. In the autumn, Heraclius threatened Persian communications from the Euphrates valley to Anatolia by marching to Cappadocia.[79] This forced the Persian forces in Anatolia under Shahrbaraz to retreat from the front-lines of Bithynia and Galatia to eastern Anatolia in order to block his access to Iran.[88]
What followed next is not entirely clear, but Heraclius certainly won a crushing victory over Shahrbaraz in the fall of 622.[89] The key factor was Heraclius's discovery of Persian forces hidden in ambush and responding by feigning retreat during the battle. The Persians left their cover to chase the Byzantines, whereupon Heraclius's elite Optimatoi assaulted the pursuing Persians, causing them to flee.[88] Thus he saved Anatolia from the Persians. Heraclius had to return to Constantinople, however, to deal with the threat posed to his Balkan domains by the Avars, so he left his army to winter in Pontus.[79][90]
Avar threat
While the Byzantines were occupied with the Persians, the Avars and
Because of the need to defend against these incursions, the Byzantines could not afford to use all their forces against the Persians. Heraclius sent an envoy to the Avar Khagan, saying that the Byzantines would pay a tribute in return for the Avars withdrawing north of the Danube.[68] The Khagan replied by asking for a meeting on 5 June 623, at Heraclea in Thrace, where the Avar army was located; Heraclius agreed to this meeting, coming with his royal court.[94] The Khagan, however, put horsemen en route to Heraclea to ambush and capture Heraclius, so they could hold him for ransom.[95]
Heraclius was fortunately warned in time and managed to escape, chased by the Avars all the way to Constantinople. However, many members of his court, as well as an alleged 70,000 Thracian peasants who came to see their Emperor, were captured and killed by the Khagan's men.[96] Despite this treachery, Heraclius was forced to give the Avars a subsidy of 200,000 solidi along with his illegitimate son John Athalarichos, his nephew Stephen, and the illegitimate son of the patrician Bonus as hostages in return for peace. This left him more able to focus his war effort completely on the Persians.[95][97]
Byzantine assault on Persia
Heraclius offered peace to Khosrow, presumably in 624, threatening otherwise to invade Iran, but Khosrow rejected the offer.[98] On March 25, 624, Heraclius left Constantinople to attack the Persian heartland. He willingly abandoned any attempt to secure his rear or his communications with the sea,[98] marching through Armenia to assault the core Persian lands directly.[79] According to Walter Kaegi, Heraclius led an army of no more than 40,000, and most likely between 20,000–24,000.[99] Before journeying to the Caucasus, he recovered Caesarea in Cappadocia, in defiance of the earlier letter that Khosrow had sent him.[99]
Heraclius advanced along the
Heraclius wintered in
Two soldiers who feigned desertion were sent to Shahrbaraz, claiming that the Byzantines were fleeing before Shahin. Due to jealousy between the Persian commanders, Shahrbaraz hurried with his army to take part in the glory of the victory. Heraclius met them at
Heraclius spent the rest of winter to the north of
Climax of the war
Siege of Constantinople (626)
Khosrow, seeing that a decisive counterattack was needed to defeat the Byzantines, recruited two new armies from all the able men, including foreigners.[108] Shahin was entrusted with 50,000 men and stayed in Mesopotamia and Armenia to prevent Heraclius from invading Iran; a smaller army under Shahrbaraz slipped through Heraclius's flanks and bee-lined for Chalcedon, the Persian base across the Bosporus from Constantinople. Khosrow also coordinated with the Khagan of the Avars so as to launch a coordinated attack on Constantinople from both European and Asiatic sides.[105] The Persian army stationed themselves at Chalcedon, while the Avars placed themselves on the European side of Constantinople and destroyed the Aqueduct of Valens.[109] Because of the Byzantine navy's control of the Bosporus strait, however, the Persians could not send troops to the European side to aid their ally.[110][111] This reduced the effectiveness of the siege, because the Persians were experts in siege warfare.[112] Furthermore, the Persians and Avars had difficulties communicating across the guarded Bosporus—though undoubtedly, there was some communication between the two forces.[105][111][113]
The defense of Constantinople was under the command of Patriarch Sergius and the patrician Bonus.[114] Upon hearing the news, Heraclius split his army into three parts; although he judged that the capital was relatively safe, he still sent some reinforcements to Constantinople to boost the morale of the defenders.[114] Another part of the army was under the command of his brother Theodore and was sent to deal with Shahin, while the third and smallest part would remain under his own control, intending to raid the Persian heartland.[108]
On 29 June 626, a coordinated assault on the walls began. Inside the walls, some 12,000 well-trained Byzantine cavalry troops (presumably dismounted) defended the city against the forces of some 80,000 Avars and Slavs.
On 7 August, a fleet of Persian rafts ferrying troops across the Bosporus were surrounded and destroyed by Byzantine ships. The Slavs under the Avars attempted to attack the sea walls from across the
Furthermore, after the emperor showed Shahrbaraz intercepted letters from Khosrow ordering the Persian general's death, the latter switched to Heraclius's side.[121] Shahrbaraz then moved his army to northern Syria, where he could easily decide to support either Khosrow or Heraclius at a moment's notice. Still, with the neutralization of Khosrow's most skilled general, Heraclius deprived his enemy of some of his best and most experienced troops, while securing his flanks prior to his invasion of Iran.[122]
Byzantine-Turkic alliance (626–628)
Background (568-625)
Earlier, in 568, the Turks under Istämi had turned to Byzantium when their relations with Iran soured over commerce issues.[126] Istämi sent an embassy led by the Sogdian diplomat Maniah directly to Constantinople, which arrived in 568 and offered not only silk as a gift to Justin II, but also proposed an alliance against Sasanian Iran. Justin II agreed and sent an embassy to the Turkic Khaganate, ensuring the direct Silk Road trade desired by the Sogdians.[127][128]
In the East, in 625, the Turks took advantage of the Sasanian weakness to occupy
Heraclius-Ziebel alliance
During the 626 siege of Constantinople, Heraclius formed an alliance with people Byzantine sources called the "
The Turks, based in the
Battle of Nineveh (627)
In mid-September 627, Heraclius invaded the Iranian heartland in a surprising winter campaign, leaving
Towards the end of the year, near the ruins of Nineveh, Heraclius engaged Rhahzadh before reinforcements could reach the Persian commander.[139] The Battle of Nineveh took place on December 12, in the fog, reducing the Persian advantage in missile troops. Heraclius feigned retreat, leading the Persians to the plains, before reversing his troops to the surprise of the Persians.[140] After eight hours of fighting, the Persians suddenly retreated to nearby foothills, but the battle did not become a rout.[115][141] During the battle, approximately 6,000 Persians were killed.[142] Patriarch Nikephoros' Brief History suggests that Rhahzadh challenged Heraclius to personal combat, and that Heraclius accepted and killed Rhahzadh in a single thrust; two other challengers fought against him and also lost.[115][143] However, he received an injury to his lip.[144]
End of the war (628)
With no Persian army left to oppose him, Heraclius's victorious army plundered
Heraclius then issued an ultimatum to Khosrow:I pursue and run after peace. I do not willingly burn Persia, but compelled by you. Let us now throw down our arms and embrace peace. Let us quench the fire before it burns up everything.
— Heraclius's ultimatum to Khosrow II, 6 January 628[146]
However, Heraclius could not attack Ctesiphon itself, as the Nahrawan Canal was blocked due to the collapse of a bridge leading over it,[145] and he did not attempt to bypass the canal.[147]
Regardless, the Persian army rebelled and overthrew Khosrow II, raising his son
Significance
Short-term consequences
Byzantine Empire, Heraclius
After some months of travel, Heraclius entered Constantinople in triumph and was met by the people of the city, his son Heraclius Constantine, and Patriarch Sergius, prostrating themselves in joy.[151] His alliance with Shahrbaraz[152] resulted in the recovery of the Holy Sponge, which was fastened to the True Cross in an elaborate ceremony on 14 September 629.[153] The ceremonial parade went toward the Hagia Sophia. There, the True Cross was slowly raised up until it vertically towered over the high altar. To many, this was a sign that a new golden age was about to begin for the Byzantine Empire.[148][154] Heraclius is said to have returned the True Cross to Jerusalem, on 21 March 630,[155] or alternatively twice, in 629 and 630.[152]
The conclusion of the war cemented Heraclius's position as one of history's most successful generals. He was hailed as "the new Scipio" for his six years of unbroken victories and for leading the Roman army where no Roman army had ever gone before.[64][149] The triumphal raising of the True Cross in the Hagia Sophia was a crowning moment in his achievements. Had Heraclius died then, he would have been recorded in history, in the words of the historian Norman Davies, as "the greatest Roman general since Julius Caesar".[64] Instead, he lived through the Arab invasions, losing battle after battle against their onslaught and tarnishing his reputation for victory. Lord Norwich succinctly described Heraclius as having "lived too long".[156]
Sasanian kingdom
For their part, the Sasanians struggled to establish a stable government. When
Long-term consequences
The devastating impact of the war of 602–628, along with the cumulative effects of a century of almost continuous Byzantine-Persian conflict, left both empires crippled. The Sasanians were further weakened by economic decline, heavy taxation to finance Khosrow II's campaigns, religious unrest, and the increasing power of the provincial landholders at the expense of the
However, the Byzantine Empire was also severely affected, with the Balkans now largely in the hands of the Slavs.[161] Additionally, Anatolia had been devastated by repeated Persian invasions, and the empire's hold on its recently regained territories in the Caucasus, Syria, Mesopotamia, Palestine, and Egypt was loosened by years of Persian occupation.[g][162] With their financial reserves exhausted, the Byzantines found difficulties paying veterans of the war with the Persians and recruiting new troops.[161][163][164] Clive Foss called this war the "first stage in the process which marked the end of Antiquity in Asia Minor".[165]
Neither empire was given much chance to recover, as within a few years they were struck by the onslaught of the Arabs, newly united by
Composition of the armies and strategy
The elite cavalry corps of the Persians was the
According to Maurice's
The most important arm of the Byzantine army was its cataphract cavalry, which became a symbol of Byzantium.[178] They wore chain mail, had heavily armored horses, and used lances as their primary weapon. They had small shields mounted on their arms, could also use bows, and carried a broadsword and an axe.[179] Heavy Byzantine infantry, or skoutatoi, carried large oval shields and wore lamellar or mail armor. They carried many weapons against enemy cavalry such as spears to ward off cavalry and axes to cut the legs off of horses.[180] Light Byzantine infantry, or psiloi, primarily used bows and wore only leather armor.[181] Byzantine infantry played a key role in stabilizing battle lines against enemy cavalry and also as an anchor to launch friendly cavalry attacks. According to Richard A. Gabriel, the Byzantine heavy infantry "combined the best capabilities of the Roman legion with the old Greek phalanx".[182]
The Avars had mounted archers with composite bows that could double as heavy cavalry with lances. They were skilled in siegecraft and could construct trebuchets and siege towers. In their siege of Constantinople, they constructed walls of
According to Kaegi, the Byzantines had "an almost compulsive ... preference to avoid changing the essential elements of the status quo".[185] They tried to secure allies and divide their enemies through diplomacy. Although they failed against Khosrow and the Avar Khagan, their ties with the Slavs, who would become the Serbs and Croats, and their decades-long negotiations with the Göktürks resulted in Slavs actively opposing the Avars in addition to a key alliance with the Göktürks.[186]
As for any army, logistics were always a problem. In his initial campaigns in Byzantine territories, especially in Anatolia, Heraclius likely supplied his troops by requisitioning from his surroundings.[187] During each of Heraclius's offensive raids into Persia, the harsh conditions of winter forced him to desist, partly because both his and the Persian horses needed stored fodder in winter quarters. Forcing his troops to campaign in the winter would have been risky as Maurice had been overthrown due to his poor treatment of his troops in winter.[188] Edward Luttwak believes that the Göktürks with their "hardy horses (or ponies)" that could survive "in almost any terrain that had almost any vegetation" were essential in Heraclius's winter campaign in hilly northeast Iran in 627.[189] During the campaign, they took their provisions from Persian lands.[137][138] With the victory at Nineveh and the capture of Persian palaces, they no longer had issues with supplying their troops in foreign territory, even in winter conditions.[190]
Historiography
The sources for this war are mostly of Byzantine origin. Foremost among the contemporary Greek texts is the Chronicon Paschale by an unidentified author from around 630.[192][193] George of Pisidia wrote many poems and other works that were contemporary. Theophylact Simocatta has surviving letters along with a history that gives the political outlook of the Byzantines, but that history only really covers from 582 to 602.[192][193][194] Theodore the Synkellos has a surviving speech, which was made during the Siege of Constantinople in 626, that contains useful information for some events. There are some surviving papyri from Egypt from that period.[192]
The Persian archives were lost so there are no contemporary Persian sources of this war.
Later Greek accounts include the Chronicle of Theophanes the Confessor and the Brief History of Patriarch Nikephoros I. Theophanes's Chronicle is useful in creating a framework of the war.[196] It is usually supplemented by even later Syriac sources like the Chronicle of 1234 and the Chronicle by Michael the Syrian.[193] However, these sources, excepting the Brief History by Nikephoros, and the Christian Arab Agapius of Hierapolis all likely drew their information from a common source, probably the 8th-century historian Theophilos of Edessa.[193][196]
The 10th-century Armenian History of the House of Artsrunik by
The Quran also provides some detail on the matter. The
The Byzantine
References
Notes
^ a: All dates, especially between 602–620 are only approximate. This is primarily because many popular sources like Theophanes' Chronicles are all drawn from a common source, thought to be a history by Theophilus of Edessa. Thus, there are few independent witnesses of the following events, making reliable dating difficult.[193]
^ b: The war had originally begun when Justin II had refused to give the Sasanians the usual tribute dating from the time of Justinian I. The successful conclusion to that war meant that the tribute was no longer paid.[205]
^ c: Some authors, including Dodgeon, Greatrex, and Lieu, have expressed the belief that the raid on Chalcedon is fictitious.[41] Either way, by 610, the Persians captured all the Byzantine cities east of the Euphrates.[40]
^ e: Thebarmes, described in Theophanes' Chronicles, is usually identified with Takht-i-Suleiman.[206]
^ f: That was the first known usage of the term helepolis to describe the trebuchet, though earlier uses may be attested to in Emperor Maurice's Strategikon.[207]
^ g: Ambivalence toward Byzantine rule on the part of monophysites may have lessened local resistance to the Arab expansion.[162]
Citations
- ^ Pourshariati 2008, p. 142.
- ^ a b Norwich 1997, p. 87
- ^ Oman 1893, p. 151
- ^ Dodgeon, Greatrex & Lieu 2002, p. 174
- ^ Dodgeon, Greatrex & Lieu 2002, p. 175
- ^ Oman 1893, p. 152
- ^ Norwich 1997, p. 86
- ^ Oman 1893, p. 149
- ^ Treadgold 1998, p. 205
- ^ Treadgold 1998, pp. 205–206
- ^ Luttwak 2009, p. 401
- ^ a b c Treadgold 1997, p. 235
- ^ Oman 1893, p. 153
- ^ Oman 1893, p. 154
- ^ Ostrogorsky 1969, p. 83
- ^ Norwich 1997, p. 88
- ^ Dodgeon, Greatrex & Lieu 2002, pp. 183–84
- ^ a b Oman 1893, p. 155
- ^ Foss 1975, p. 722
- ^ a b Dodgeon, Greatrex & Lieu 2002, p. 184
- ^ Norwich 1997, p. 89
- ^ a b c Kaegi 2003, p. 39
- ^ a b Kaegi 2003, p. 37
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 41
- ^ a b c Dodgeon, Greatrex & Lieu 2002, p. 187
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 55
- ^ a b Oman 1893, p. 156
- ^ a b Kaegi 2003, p. 53
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 87
- ^ Dodgeon, Greatrex & Lieu 2002, p. 194
- ^ Martindale, Jones & Morris 1992, p. 942
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 49
- ^ a b Norwich 1997, p. 90
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 52
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 54
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 60
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 63
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 64
- ^ a b c d Kaegi 2003, p. 65
- ^ a b c d Kaegi 2003, p. 67
- ^ a b c d Dodgeon, Greatrex & Lieu 2002, p. 186
- ^ Brown, Churchill & Jeffrey 2002, p. 176
- ^ Kaegi 2003, pp. 67–68
- ^ a b Dodgeon, Greatrex & Lieu 2002, p. 185
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 68
- ^ a b Dodgeon, Greatrex & Lieu 2002, p. 188
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 69
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 71
- ^ a b Kaegi 2003, p. 75
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 74
- ^ Kaegi 2003, pp. 76–77
- ^ a b c Kaegi 2003, p. 77
- ^ a b Kaegi 2003, p. 78
- ^ Ostrogorsky 1969, p. 95
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 80
- ^ a b Oman 1893, p. 206
- ^ Fouracre 2006, p. 296
- ^ Kaegi 1995, p. 30
- ^ Reinink, Stolte & Groningen 2002, p. 235
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 91
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 92
- ^ a b Kaegi 2003, p. 88
- ^ Oman 1893, pp. 206–207
- ^ a b c d Davies 1998, p. 245
- ISSN 2308-6181.
Genuineness of the letter had been convincingly denied by R. W. Thomson
- ^ Pourshariati 2008, p. 141.
- ^ Pourshariati 2010, p. 1.
- ^ a b c d e f Oman 1893, p. 207
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 84
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 85
- ^ Foss 1975, p. 724
- ^ Luttwak 2009, p. 398
- ^ Kia 2016, p. 223.
- ^ Greatrex & Lieu 2005, p. 197.
- ^ Howard-Johnston 2006, p. 33.
- ^ Foss 1975, p. 725
- ^ a b Kaegi 2003, p. 90
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 105
- ^ a b c d e f Norwich 1997, p. 91
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 110
- ^ Chrysostomides, Dendrinos & Herrin 2003, p. 219
- ^ Runciman 2005, p. 5
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 126
- ^ Ostrogorsky 1969, pp. 95–98, 101
- ^ Treadgold 1997, p. 316
- ^ Haldon 1997, pp. 211–217
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 112
- ^ a b Kaegi 2003, p. 115
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 114
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 116
- ^ a b Kaegi 2003, p. 95
- ^ Ostrogorsky 1969, p. 93
- ^ Ostrogorsky 1969, p. 94
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 118
- ^ a b Oman 1893, p. 208
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 119
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 120
- ^ a b Kaegi 2003, p. 122
- ^ a b Kaegi 2003, p. 125
- ^ a b Kaegi 2003, p. 127
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 128
- ^ a b c Kaegi 2003, p. 129
- ^ a b c d Kaegi 2003, p. 130
- ^ a b Dodgeon, Greatrex & Lieu 2002, p. 204
- ^ a b c Oman 1893, p. 210
- ^ a b Kaegi 2003, p. 131
- ^ a b Kaegi 2003, p. 132
- ^ a b c d e f g h Norwich 1997, p. 92
- ^ Treadgold 1997, p. 297
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 133
- ^ a b Kaegi 2003, p. 140
- ^ a b Dodgeon, Greatrex & Lieu 2002, pp. 179–81
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 134
- ^ a b c d e Oman 1893, p. 211
- ^ a b c d e Norwich 1997, p. 93
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 136
- ^ Kaegi 2003, p. 137
- ^ Kimball 2010, p. 176
- ^ Ekonomou 2008, p. 285
- ^ Gambero 1999, p. 338
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Further reading
- ISBN 978-1-889758-87-9.
- ISBN 978-0-19-883019-1.