Byzantine economy
Byzantine culture |
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The Byzantine economy was among the most robust economies in the Mediterranean for many centuries.
One of the economic foundations of the empire was trade. The state strictly controlled both the internal and the international trade, and retained the monopoly of issuing
Agriculture
From 4th to end of 6th century the eastern part of Roman Empire had demographic, economic and agricultural expansion. The climate was opportune for farming. Even in marginal regions rural settlements flourished.[1]
Development in the
From the 7th to the 12th century, the social organization of production was arranged round two poles: estate and village (a collection of free smallholders). The village social structure was the organizational form best adapted to insecure conditions, with the estate fulfilling this role once conditions were safe again. There was in principle a clear distinction between tenants who lived on the estates (and owed dues to the master of the place), and the village inhabitants, many of whom owned land, and consequently paid taxes to the state. Nevertheless, not all the cultivators on the estate lived there, and not all enjoyed a special status. Some of them were slaves and some were wage laborers; references to wage laborers occur continuously from the 7th century to the end of the Byzantine period.[4] In the same way, the inhabitants of a village would not all be landholders, and of these, not all would be farmers; some village proprietors held the lowest rank of aristocrat status, and were wealthier than tenant farmers.[5] The distinction between landholder and tenant farmer (paroikos) was weakened once tenures held by paroikoi were considered hereditary, and once some paroikoi achieved owner status.[6] From the 10th century on, large estates assumed the leading role that had been held until then by villages, albeit in an economy that was henceforth orientated toward demand, with monetary exchanges taking a larger share.[7] By the beginning of the 14th century, the Macedonian countryside was made up of an almost unbroken network of estates that had replaced the former network of communes. Villages that are known to have possessed commune status in the 10th century became estates of the fisc, after which they might be ceded to a monastery or lay person.[8]
The population was dense in the 6th century, but it diminished in the 7th and 8th centuries. Epidemics (such as the plague of 541/542 and its recurrences until 747) seem to have had greater effects on population volume than wars. From the 9th century on, the population of the empire increased, but it was unevenly distributed.[9] A growing population would imply an increase in the area under cultivation. The automatic effect of a larger population was also amplified by the demand from a growing number of people who did not produce much or at all. Indeed, it is estimated that areas under cultivation must have almost doubled, and that the extension of crops might have affected a shift in the location of grazing lands, and pushed back the woodlands.[10]
The 12th century saw the development of
The conquest of the empire by the Crusaders in 1204, and the subsequent division of the Byzantine territories affected the agrarian economy as it did other aspects of economic organization, and economic life. These territories split among small Greek and Latin states, lost much of the cohesion they may have had: the Byzantine state could not function as a unifying force, and, in the 13th century, there was very little to replace it.[12] The 13th century is the last period, during which one may speak of significant land clearance, that is, the act of bringing previously uncultivated land into cultivation. But the progressive impoverishment of the peasantry, entailed the decline of a certain aggregate demand, and resulted in a concentration of resources in the hands of large landowners, who must have had considerable surpluses.[13]
The demographic expansion came to an end in the course of the 14th century, during which a deterioration of the status of paroikoi, an erosion of the economic function of village by the role of the large estates, and a precipitous demographic decline in
Economic and fiscal history
The Eastern Roman economy suffered less from the Barbarian raids that plagued the
The wealth of Constantinople can be seen by how
The
Around 775, the
Expenses again soared, when a massive
Around 850, the land and head taxes yielded an estimated 2,900,000 nomismata annually for the empire. Commerce during this period increased dramatically, therefore contributing 400,000 nomismata annually. The expenditures of the period were large, but manageable by the treasury. Approximately 1,400,000 nomismata went to the payroll of the army annually while other military costs took another 800,000 nomismata annually. Supporting the Byzantine bureaucracy needed 500,000 nomismata. Also, imperial largess cost the treasury 100,000 nomismata every year. All of these expenses meant that the Byzantine government had about 500,000 nomismata in surplus revenue each year, much more than in the 8th century.[23]
Unfortunately under their son Michael III the reserves dwindled to about 100,000 nomismata.[26] However, under Basil I's prudent economic policies, the state quickly raised 4,300,000 nomismata, far more even than the empire's annual revenue of 3,300,000 nomismata.[18]
From the 10th century, however, until the end of the twelfth, the Byzantine Empire projected an image of wealth and luxury. Constantine V's reforms (c. 765) marked the beginning of a revival that continued until 1204.[27] The travelers who visited its capital were impressed by the wealth accumulated in Constantinople; riches that also served the state's diplomatic purposes as a means of propaganda, and a way to impress foreigners as well its own citizens. When Liutprand of Cremona was sent as an ambassador to the Byzantine capital in the 940s, he was overwhelmed by the imperial residence, the luxurious meals, and acrobatic entertainment.[28]
Nevertheless, the Byzantine economy went into a long decline until the
In exchange for an alliance,
After the demise of the Komnenoi, the Byzantine economy declined under the impact of several factors: the dismemberment of the Empire after 1204, the successive territorial losses to the Turks (although the strong economic interaction of Byzantine territories with those lost by the Empire continued), and the Italian expansion in the Mediterranean and the
By the time the Palaiologoi took power, Italian merchants had come to dominate the trade by sea whilst Turkic incursions prevented any success from trade across roads. Michael VIII Palaiologos strove to restore the capital's greatness, but the resources of the empire were inadequate. In 1282, Michael VIII was forced to drain the treasury to pay the enormous bribe of 60,000 hyperpyra to King Peter III of Aragon to invade the Kingdom of Sicily.[47] Constantinople became once more, as in the seventh and eighth centuries, a ruralized network of scattered nuclei; in the final decades before the fall, the population numbered 70,000 people.[48] Gradually, the state also lost its influence on the modalities of trade and the price mechanisms, and its control over the outflow of precious metals and, according to some scholars, even over the minting of coins.[49] By 1303, the empire's annual revenue dropped to less than 1,800,000 hyperpyra, under Andronikos II Palaiologos. In 1321, only with extreme effort was Andonikos II able to raise revenues to 1,000,000 hyperpyra.[50]
The Byzantine economy had declined so much that by 1343, Empress
The exact amount of annual income the Byzantine government received, is a matter of considerable debate, due to the scantness and ambiguous nature of the primary sources. The following table contains approximate estimates.
Year | Annual Revenue |
---|---|
305 | 9,400,000 |
457 | 7,800,000 solidi[15] |
518 | 8,500,000 solidi[54] |
533 | 5,000,000 solidi[18] |
540 | 11,300,000 solidi/50.85 tonnes of gold[55] |
555 | 6,000,000 solidi[18] |
565 | 8,500,000 solidi[56] |
641 | 3,700,000 nomismata[57] |
668 | 2,000,000 nomismata[58] |
775 | 1,800,000 nomismata[23] |
775 | 2,000,000 nomismata[58] |
842 | 3,100,000 nomismata[59] |
850 | 3,300,000 nomismata[23] |
959 | 4,000,000 nomismata[59] |
1025 | 5,900,000 nomismata[59] |
1150 | 5,600,000 hyperpyra[38]
|
1303 | 1,800,000 hyperpyra |
1321 | 1,000,000 hyperpyra[60] |
State's role
The state retained the monopoly of issuing
Coinage
Coinage was the basic form of money in Byzantium, although credit existed: archival documents indicate that both banking and bankers were not as primitive as has sometimes been implied.
The first features of the administrative organization of monetary production were first established by Diocletian and Constantine, and were still in existence at the beginning of the 7th century.[66] During Byzantine history, supervision of the mints[67] belonged to the Emperor; thus the government controlled, to a certain degree, the money supply. Nevertheless, the Emperor and his government were not always capable of conducting a monetary policy in the modern meaning of the term.[68]
Ever since the creation of the Byzantine monetary system by Constantine in 312, its pivot had been golden
In 1304 the introduction of the
Trade
One of the economic foundations of the empire was trade. Constantinople was located on important east-west and north-south trade routes.
Grain and silk were two of the most important commodities for the empire. The Arab invasion of Egypt and Syria harmed the Byzantium's trade, and affected the provisioning of the capital with grain. As the population increased in the 9th and 10th centuries, the demand for grain also increased. There was a functioning market for grain in Constantinople, but it was not entirely self-regulating: the state could play a role in the availability of grain, and the formation of prices.[79]
Silk was used by the state both as a means of payment, and of diplomacy. Raw silk was bought from China and made up into fine brocades and cloth-of-gold that commanded high prices through the world. Later, silk worms were smuggled into the empire and the overland silk trade became less important. After Justinian I the manufacturing and sale of silk had become an imperial monopoly, only processed in imperial factories, and sold to authorized buyers.[80] The raw silk merchants could buy the raw silk from outside Constantinople but did not themselves have the authority to travel outside the city to get it — possibly in order not to jeopardize the activities of the provincial merchants selling the silk.[81]
The other commodities that were traded, in Constantinople and elsewhere, were numerous: oil, wine, salt, fish, meat, vegetables, other alimentary products, timber and wax. Ceramics, linen, and woven cloth were also items of trade. Luxury items, such as silks, perfumes and spices were also important. Trade in slaves is attested, both on behalf of the state, and, possibly, by private individuals. International trade was practiced not only in Constantinople, which was until the late 12th century an important center of the eastern luxury trade, but also in other cities that functioned as centers of inter-regional and international trade, such as
The Fourth Crusade and the Venetian domination of trade in the area created new conditions. In 1261, the Genoese were given generous customs privileges, and six years later the Venetians regained their original quarter in Constantinople.[86] The two northern Italian trading powers created the conditions that allowed them to reach any point in Byzantium, and to put the entire economic region in the service of their commercial interests.[87]
The
GDP
The Byzantine
See also
Citations and notes
- PMID 29531084.
- ^ Lefort, The Rural Economy, 232
- ^ Lefort, The Rural Economy, 234-235
- ^ Lefort, The Rural Economy, 242
- ^ Lefort, The Rural Economy, 236-237
- ^ Lefort, The Rural Economy, 238
- ^ Lefort, The Rural Economy, 284
- ^ Lefort, The Rural Economy, 289
- ^ Lefort, The Rural Economy, 267-268
- ^ Lefort, The Rural Economy, 270
- S2CID 161988014.
- ^ Laiou, The Agrarian Economy, 311
- ^ a b Laiou, The Agrarian Economy, 369
- ^ Laiou, The Agrarian Economy, 314-315, 317
- ^ a b c d W. Treadgold, A History of the Byzantine State and Society, 144
- ^ W. Treadgold, A History of the Byzantine State and Society, 139
- ^ W. Treadgold, A History of the Byzantine State and Society, 146
- ^ a b c d e Harl, Finances under Justinian Archived 2008-03-09 at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ Norwich, Byzantium: The Early Centuries, 195, 229,260
- ^ Heather, The Fall of the Roman Empire, 283
- ^ Norwich, Byzantium: The Early Centuries, 269
- ^ "K. Harl". Archived from the original on 2008-02-22. Retrieved 2007-12-24.
- ^ a b c d "Harl". Archived from the original on 2008-04-16. Retrieved 2008-04-03.
- ^ Norwich, Byzantium: The Early Centuries, 6
- ^ W. Treadgold, A History of the Byzantine State and Society, 445
- ^ W. Treadgold, A History of the Byzantine State and Society, 450
- ^ Magdalino, Medieval Constantinople, 3
- ^ Laiou, Writing the Economic History of Byzantium, 3
* Neumann, Sublime Diplomacy, 870-871 - ^ W. Treadgold, A History of the Byzantine State and Society, 577
- ^ Norwich, A Short History of Byzantium, 241
- ^ Norwich, Byzantium: The Decline and Fall, 21
- ^ Harris, Byzantium and The Crusades, 43
- ^ Norwich, Byzantium: The Decline and Fall, 88
- ^ Harris, Byzantium and The Crusades, 108
- ^ W. Treadgold, A History of the Byzantine State and Society, 643
- ^ T. Madden, Crusades: The Illustrated History, 114
- ^ Harris, Byzantium and The Crusades, 25-26
- ^ a b c W. Treadgold, A History of the Byzantine State and Society, 705
- ^ J. Phillips, The Fourth Crusade and the Sack of Constantinople, 133
- ^ George Finlay, A History of Greece: The Byzantine and Greek empires, pt. 2, A.D. 1057-1453, 150
- ^ Jakoby, The Economy of Late Byzantium, 81
- ^ Norwich, Byzantium: The Decline and Fall, 153
- ^ Harris, Byzantium and The Crusades, 148-149; Norwich, Byzantium: The Decline and Fall, 163
- ^ a b W. Treadgold, A History of Byzantine State and Society, 663
- ^ Konstam, Historical Atlas of The Crusades, 162
- ^ Harris, Byzantium and The Crusades, 170
- ^ Harris, Byzantium and The Crusades, 180
- ^ Magdalino, Medieval Constantinople, 535-536
- ^ a b Matschke, Commerce, Trade, Markets, and Money, 805-806
- ^ W. Treadgold, A History of the Byzantine State and Society, 750
- ^ W. Treadgold, A History of the Byzantine State and Society, 768
- ^ Norwich, Byzantium: The Decline and Fall, 334
- ^ Nicolle, Constantinople 1453: The End of Byzantium, 84
- ^ W. Treadgold, A History of the Byzantine State and Society, 276
- ^ W. Treadgold, A History of the Byzantine State and Society, 277
- ^ W. Treadgold, A History of the Byzantine State and Society, 278
- ^ W. Treadgold, A History of the Byzantine State and Society, 411
- ^ a b W. Treadgold, A History of the Byzantine State and Society, 413
- ^ a b c W. Treadgold, A History of the Byzantine State and Society, 575
- ^ W. Treadgold, A History of the Byzantine State and Society, 841
- ^ Laiou, Writing the Economic History of Byzantium, 3; Zakythinos, The Character of the Economy, 255-256
- ^ Laiou, Writing the Economic History of Byzantium, 255-256
- ^ Grierson, Byzantine Coinage, 8
- ^ Morrisson, C. Byzantine Money, 909
- ^ Morrisson, Byzantine Money, 910
- ^ Morrisson, Byzantine Money, 911
- List of Byzantine mints(Grierson, Byzantine Coinage, 5)
- ^ Morrisson, Byzantine Money, 917
- ^ Morrisson, Byzantine Money, 918
- ^ Esler, The Early Christian World, 1081
- ^ Morrisson, Byzantine Money, 918-919
- ^ a b Morrisson, Byzantine Money, 919
- ^ Morrisson, Byzantine Money, 930
- ^ Morrisson, Byzantine Money, 932
- ^ Grierson, Byzantine Coinage, 17
- ^ Morrisson, Byzantine Money, 933-934
- ^ Morrisson, Byzantine Money, 961
- ^ Morrisson, Byzantine Money, 962
- ^ Laiou, Exchange and Trade, 720
- ^ a b Laiou, Exchange and Trade, 703
- ^ Laiou, Exchange and Trade, 718
- ^ Laiou, Exchange and Trade, 723
- ^ Laiou, Exchange and Trade, 725
- ^ Laiou, Exchange and Trade, 726; Norwich, A History of Venice, 158
- ^ Laiou, Exchange and Trade, 746
- ^ Matschke, Commerce, Trade, Markets, and Money, 771
- ^ Matschke, Commerce, Trade, Markets, and Money, 772
- ^ Milanovic, Income and Inequality in Byzantium, 468
- ^ Milanovic, Income and Inequality in Byzantium, 461
References
- Esler, Philip Francis (2000). "Constantine and the Empire". The Early Christian World. Routledge. ISBN 0-415-33312-1.
- Grierson, Philip (1999). Byzantine Coinage (PDF). Dumbarton Oaks. ISBN 0-88402-274-9. Archived from the original(PDF) on 2007-09-27. Retrieved 2008-07-18.
- Harl, Kenneth W. "Currency in the Isaurian, Amorian and Macedonian Ages (717-1092)". Early Medieval and Byzantine Civilization: Constantine to Crusades. Tulane University. Archived from the original on 2008-02-22. Retrieved 2008-03-19.
- Harl, Kenneth W. "Finances under Justinian". Early Medieval and Byzantine Civilization: Constantine to Crusades. Tulane University. Archived from the original on 2008-03-09. Retrieved 2008-03-19.
- Harris, Jonathan (2003). Byzantium and the Crusades. Hambledon and London. ISBN 1-85285-298-4.
- Heather, Peter (2007). The Fall of the Roman Empire: A New History of Rome and the Barbarians. Oxford University Press. ISBN 978-0-19-532541-6.
- Jakoby, David (2006). "The Economy of Late Byzantium - Some Considerations". In Elizabeth Jeffreys and F. K. Haarer (ed.). Proceedings of the 21st International Congress of Byzantine Studies. Ashgate Publishing Ltd. ISBN 0-7546-5740-X.
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- Laiou, Angeliki E. (2007). "The Agrarian Economy, Thirteenth-Fifteenth Centuries". In Angeliki E. Laiou (ed.). The Economic History of Byzantium (Volume 1). Dumbarton Oaks. Archived from the original on 2012-11-08. Retrieved 2012-12-11.
- Laiou, Angeliki E. (2007). "Writing the Economic History of Byzantium". In Angeliki E. Laiou (ed.). The Economic History of Byzantium (Volume 1). Dumbarton Oaks. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2012-11-08. Retrieved 2012-12-11.
- Lefort, Jacques (2007). "The Rural Economy, Seventh-Twelfth Centuries". In Angeliki E. Laiou (ed.). The Economic History of Byzantium (Volume 1). Dumbarton Oaks. Archived from the original (PDF) on 2012-11-08. Retrieved 2012-12-11.
- Magdalino, Paul (2007). "Medieval Constantinople: Built Environment and Urban Development". In Angeliki E. Laiou (ed.). The Economic History of Byzantium (Volume 2). Dumbarton Oaks. Archived from the original on 2012-11-08. Retrieved 2012-12-11.
- Matschke, Klaus-Peter (2007). "Commerce, Trade, Markets, and Money: Thirteenth-Fifteenth Centuries". In Angeliki E. Laiou (ed.). The Economic History of Byzantium (Volume 2). Dumbarton Oaks. Archived from the original on 2012-11-08. Retrieved 2012-12-11.
- Milanovic, Branko(2006): "An Estimate of Average Income and Inequality in Byzantium around Year 1000", Review of Income and Wealth, Vol. 52, No. 3, pp. 449–470
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- Nicolle, David (2000). Constantinople 1453: The End of Byzantium. Osprey Publishing. ISBN 1-84176-091-9.
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- Norwich, John Julius (1995). Byzantium: The Decline and Fall. Knopf. ISBN 0-679-41650-1.
- Zakythinos, Dionysios (1945–1955). "The Character of the Economy". In Passas Ioannis (ed.). Encyclopedia "The Helios". Vol. VII. Athens.
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