Catalan nationalism
Catalan / Valencian cultural domain |
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Catalan nationalism is the ideology asserting that the
: catalanismo), which tends to have a wider meaning, as some people define themselves as Catalanist but not Catalan nationalist.Intellectually, modern Catalan nationalism can be said to have commenced as a political philosophy in the unsuccessful attempts to establish a federal state in Spain in the context of the First Republic (1873-1874). Valentí Almirall i Llozer and other intellectuals that participated in this process set up a new political ideology in the 19th century, to restore self-government, as well as to obtain recognition for the Catalan language. These demands were summarized in the so-called Bases de Manresa in 1892.
It met very little support at first.[1] But after the Spanish–American War in which the United States invaded and annexed the last of the Spanish colonies, these early stages of Catalanism grew in support, mostly because of the weakened Spanish international position after the war and the loss of the two main destinations for Catalan exports (Cuba and Puerto Rico).
The origins of Catalan national identity
During the first centuries of the
Between 878 and 988 CE, the area became a hotbed of Frankish-Muslim conflict. However, as the Frankish monarchy and the
According to several scholars, the term "Catalan" and "Catalonia" emerged near the end of the 11th century and appeared in the compiled
In addition, the estates of the realm established the
In the 13th century, King James I of Aragon conquered Valencia and the Balearic Islands. Subsequent conquests expanded into the Mediterranean, reaching Sardinia, Corsica, Sicily, Naples and Greece, so by 1350 the Crown of Aragon "presided over one of the most extensive and powerful mercantile empires of the Mediterranean during this period" (Woolard 16). Catalonia's economic success formed a powerful merchant class, which wielded the Corts as its political weapon. It also produced a smaller middle class, or menestralia, that was "composed of artisans, shopkeepers and workshop owners" (McRoberts 11).
Over the 13th and 14th centuries, these merchants accrued so much wealth and political sway that they were able to place a significant check on the power of the Aragonese crown. By the 15th century the Aragonese monarch "was not considered legitimate until he had sworn to respect the basic law of the land in the presence of the Corts" (Balcells 9). This balance of power is a classic example of pactisme, or contractualism, which seems to be a defining feature of the Catalan political culture.
Along with political and economic success, Catalan culture flourished in the 13th and 14th centuries. During this period, the
The
In 1410, the king died without leaving an heir to the throne. Finding no legitimate alternative, representatives of the three Iberian realms composing the Crown of Aragon (the kingdoms of Aragon and Valencia and the Principality of Catalonia) agreed by means of the Compromise of Caspe that the vacant throne should go to the Castilian Ferdinand I, as he was among the nearest relatives of the recently extinguished House of Barcelona through a maternal line. The new dynasty began to assert the authority of the Crown, leading to a perception among the nobility that their traditional privileges associated with their position in society were at risk. From 1458 to 1479, civil wars between King John II and Catalan institutions engulfed Catalonia.
During the conflict, John II, in the face of French aggression in the Pyrenees
With the dawn of the Age of Discovery, led by the Portuguese, the importance of the Aragonese possessions in the Mediterranean became drastically reduced and, alongside the rise of Barbary pirates predating commerce in the Mediterranean, the theatre of European power shifted from the Mediterranean basin to the Atlantic Ocean. These political and economic restrictions impacted all segments of society. Also, because of locally bred social conflicts, Catalonia squandered in one century most of what it had gained in political rights between 1070 and 1410.
Nevertheless, early political, economic and cultural advances gave Catalonia "a mode of organization and an awareness of its own identity which might in some ways be described as national, though the idea of popular or national sovereignty did not yet exist" (Balcells 9). Other scholars like Kenneth McRoberts and Katheryn Woolard hold similar views. Both support
Llobera agrees with this opinion, saying, "By the mid-thirteenth century, the first solid manifestations of national consciousness can be observed." Indeed, 13th- and 14th-century Catalonia did exhibit features of a nation-state. The role of Catalan Counts, the Corts, Mediterranean rule and economic prosperity support this thesis. But as Vilar points out, these analogies are only true if we acknowledge that a 14th-century nation-state is anachronistic. In other words, those living in Catalonia before latter day nationalism possessed a collective identity on which this was to be based, but this does not automatically equate to the modern concept of nation, neither in Catalonia nor elsewhere in similar circumstances during the Middle Ages.
The Catalan Courts and the rest of the autochthonous legal and political organization of the Principality of Catalonia were finally terminated in 1716, as a result of the War of the Spanish Succession. The Catalan institutions and most of local population took sides and provided troops and resources for Archduke Charles, the pretender, who was arguably expected to maintain and modernize the legal status quo. His utter defeat meant the legal and political termination of the autonomous parliaments in the Crown of Aragon, as the Nueva Planta decrees were passed and King Philip V of Spain of the new House of Bourbon sealed the transformation of Spain from a de facto unified realm into a de jure centralized state.
The development of modern Catalanism
The Renaixença ("rebirth" or "renaissance") was a cultural, historical and literary movement that pursued, in the wake of European Romanticism, the recovery of the Catalans' own language and literature after a century of repression and radical political and economical changes. As time went by, and particularly immediately after the fiasco of the Revolution of 1868 (led by the Catalan general Joan Prim) and the subsequent fail of the First Spanish Republic (1873–1874), which many Catalans expected an instauration of a federal republic, the movement acquired a clear political character, directed to the attainment of self-government for Catalonia within the framework of the Spanish liberal state.
Like most
At the heart of many of the works of the Renaixença lay a powerful idea: the Volk. Indeed, the concept of Volk (pl. Völker) played a vital role in mainstream Catalan Romantic nationalism. It has its origins in the writings of German Romantics like Friedrich Carl von Savigny, Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel and, most notably, Johann Gottfried Herder.
The concept of Volk entered Catalan intellectual circles in the 1830s, stemming from the emphasis on the region's medieval history and philology. It first appeared in the writings of Juan Cortada (1805–1868), Marti d'Eixalà (1807–1857) and his discipline, Francesco Javier Llorens y Barba, intellectuals who reinvigorated the literature on the Catalan national character. Inspired by the ideas of Herder, Savigny and the entire
The early works on the Catalan Volk would remain on paper long before they entered politics. This is because the Catalan bourgeoisie had not yet abandoned the hope of spearheading the Spanish state (Conversi 1997: 14). Indeed, in the 1830s, the Renaixença was still embryonic and the industrial class still thought that it could at least control the Spanish economy. Notions of Catalonia's uniqueness mattered little to a group that believed it could integrate and lead the entire country. But this all changed around 1880. After decades of discrimination from Spanish elites, Catalan industrialists buried their dream of leading Spain. As Vilar observes: "It is only because, in its acquisition of the Spanish market, the Catalan industrial bourgeoisie did not succeed either in securing the state apparatus or identifying its interests with those of the whole of Spain, in influential opinion, that Catalonia, this little "fatherland", finally became the 'national' focal point", (1980: 551)
This switch of allegiance was particularly easy because the idea of a Catalan nation had already matured into a corpus of texts about the region's "uniqueness" and Volksgeist. Inspired by these works of Romantic nationalism, the Catalan economic elite became conscious of "the growing dissimilitude between the Catalonia's social structure and that of the rest of the nation" (Vilar 1963: 101). Consequently, Romantic nationalism expanded beyond its philosophical bounds into the political arena.
Nonetheless, this idea lost its importance, and even were abandoned by many sectors (specially from the left-wing Catalanism) during the last years of the 19th century and the first third of the 20th century, thanks to the contact with the ideas of Ernest Renan and its civic and republican concept of nation. Antoni Rovira i Virgili (1882–1949), Catalan nationalist and republican historian and politician, gave support to these ideas.[citation needed]
In the last third of the 19th century, Catalanism was formulating its own doctrinal foundations, not only among the progressive ranks but also amongst the conservatives. At the same time it started to establish its first political programmes (e.g. Memorial of Wrongs Bases de Manresa, 1892), and to generate a wide cultural and association movement of a clearly nationalistic character.
In 1898,
Industrialization and Catalanism
The 18th-century Spanish economy depended mostly on
wrestled for internal supremacy. Into the 19th century, the Napoleonic invasion devastated the country and its early attempts in industrialization and led to chronic political instability, with Spain remaining politically and culturally isolated from the rest of Europe.Unlike in the rest of Spain, the
To finance their cultural project, a locally bred proto-nationalist
- Any secession from Spain would devastate industrial markets and impoverish the region.
- The Catalan industrial class was "unconditionally pro-Spanish at heart" (Conversi 1997: 18).
As Woolard notes, the economic interests in Madrid and the budding Catalan industrialists converged during the 18th century, resulting in cooperation. For the nationalist literati, this meant that Catalanism could promote a national identity, but it had to function within Spain.
Furthermore, Barcelona's industrial
This federalist-like lobbying had not worked at first, nor did it succeed until the late 1880s. Finally, in 1889, the pro-industrialist
This nationalist-industrialist accord is a classic example of inclusionary Catalanism. Nationalists might have hoped for an independent Catalonia but their patrons needed access to markets and protectionism. As a result, nationalists could propagate the Catalan identity provided that it coincided with the industrialists' pro-Spanish stance. Because the Lliga Regionalista de Catalunya endorsed this compromise, it dominated Catalan politics after the start of the 20th century. Payne notes: "The main Catalanist party, the bourgeois Lliga, never sought separatism but rather a more discrete and distinctive place for a self-governing Catalonia within a more reformist and progressive Spain. The Lliga's leaders ran their 1916 electoral campaign under the slogan Per l'Espanya Gran (For the Great Spain)" (482). The Lliga had tempered the nationalist position to one of inclusionary nationalism. It allowed Catalanism to flourish, but demanded that it promote federalism within Spain, and not separation from it. Any deviation from this delicate balance would have enraged those pro-Catalan and Spanish-identifying industrialists. Ultimately, this prevented any moves towards separation while strengthening Catalonia's "federal" rights after the Commonwealth of Catalonia took power in 1914.
Catalanism in the 20th century
During the first part of the 20th century, the main nationalist party was the conservative
The Mancomunitat of Catalonia was dissolved during the dictatorship of Miguel Primo de Rivera in 1925. The anti-Catalan measures taken by dictator Primo de Rivera led to further disappointment among Catalan conservatives, who initially trusted in him because of an earlier support of regionalism prior to his pronunciamiento in September 1923, and also further exacerbation of insurrectionary nationalists.[8] In November 1926 Macià helmed an attempt of military invasion of Catalonia from France which would purposely lead to a civil uprising and the proclamation of the Catalan Republic; he was not able even to get past through the border.[9]
In 1931, the left-wing Catalan nationalist
The Catalan Government broke with the Republican legality in the
Right after the war, Companys, along with thousands of Spanish Republicans, sought cover in France exiled but because of the, by that time, mutual sympathy between Franco's government and
Several political or cultural Catalan movements operated underground during the dictatorship of Francisco Franco, which lasted until 1975. A president of the Catalan government was still designated, and operated symbolically in exile.
Companys's successor in exile,
In contrast, there is no significant political autonomy, nor recognition of the language in the historical Catalan territories belonging to France (Roussillon, in the French département of Pyrénées-Orientales).
Referendum and political developments since 2006
Currently, the main political parties which define themselves as being Catalan nationalists are
In 2006, a
On September 11, 2012 between 600,000 (according to Spanish Government Delegation in Barcelona) and 2 million (according to the organisers) people gathered in central Barcelona calling for independence from Spain. In September and October, numerous Catalan municipalities declared themselves to be Free Catalan Territory.
On September 11, 2013 the Catalan Way took place, consisting of a 480-kilometre (300 mi) human chain with 1.6 million people in support of Catalan independence.
Since the economic crisis of 2008, the government of Artur Mas has moved away from its former regionalist position and come to overtly support Catalan independence. The Catalan government held a non-binding popular consultation on the subject in 2014. Catalan nationalists polled well in the 2015 election to the Catalan parliament, which Artur Mas declared to be a referendum-election.
In the
2017 referendum, Declaration of Independence and new regional elections
In late September 2016, Puigdemont told the parliament that a binding referendum on independence would be held in the second half of September 2017, with or without the consent of the Spanish institutions.[14] Puigdemont announced in June 2017 that the referendum would take place on 1 October, and that the question would be, "Do you want Catalonia to become an independent state in the form of a republic?" The Spanish government said in response, "that referendum will not take place because it is illegal."[15]
A law creating an independent republic—in the event that the referendum took place and there was a majority "yes" vote, without requiring a minimum turnout—was approved by the Catalan parliament in a session on 6 September 2017.[16][17][18] Opposition parties protested against the bill, calling it "a blow to democracy and a violation of the rights of the opposition", and staged a walkout before the vote was taken.[19] On 7 September, the Catalan parliament passed a "transition law", to provide a legal framework pending the adoption of a new constitution, after similar protests and another walkout by opposition parties.[20][21] The same day, 7 September, the Spanish Constitutional Court suspended the 6 September law while it considered an appeal from Mariano Rajoy, seeking a declaration that it was in breach of the Spanish constitution, meaning that the referendum could not legally go ahead on 1 October.[22][23] The law was finally declared void on 17 October[24] and is also illegal according to the Catalan Statutes of Autonomy which require a two-thirds majority in the Catalan parliament for any change to Catalonia's status.[25][26][27]
The national government seized ballot papers and cell phones, threatened to fine people who manned polling stations up to €300,000, shut down web sites, and demanded that Google remove a voting location finder from the Android app store.[28] Police were sent from the rest of Spain to suppress the vote and close polling locations, but parents scheduled events at schools (where polling places are located) over the weekend and vowed to occupy them to keep them open during the vote.[29] Some election organizers were arrested, including Catalan cabinet officials, while demonstrations by local institutions and street protests grew larger.[30]
The referendum took place on 1 October 2017, despite being suspended by the Constitutional Court, and despite the action of Spanish police to prevent voting in some centres. According to the Catalan authorities, 90% of voters supported independence, but turnout was only 43%, and there were reports of irregularities.
On 27 October 2017 the Catalan Parliament voted in a secret ballot to approve a
The
The referendum was approved by the Catalan parliament in a session on 6 September 2017 along with the
The referendum question, which voters answered with "Yes" or "No", was "Do you want Catalonia to become an independent state in the form of a republic?". The "Yes" side won, with 2,044,038 (92.01%) voting for independence and 177,547 (7.99%) voting against, on a turnout of 43.03%. The Catalan government estimated that up to 770,000 votes were not cast due to polling stations being closed off during the police crackdown,[53][54][55][56] although the "universal census" system introduced earlier in the day allowed electors to vote at any given polling station.[57][58] Catalan government officials have argued that the turnout would have been higher were it not for Spanish and Catalan police suppression of the vote.[59][60][61] On the other hand, many voters who did not support Catalan independence did not turn out,[62] as the constitutional political parties asked citizens not to participate in what they considered an illegal referendum.[63][64]
On the day of the referendum, the inaction of part of the autonomous police force of Catalonia, the
Mossos d'Esquadra are being investigated for disobedience, for allegedly not having complied with the orders of the
Forms of contemporary Catalan nationalism
Being a broad movement, Catalan nationalism can be found in several manifestations in the current political scene. Most of the main Catalan political parties— as of 2019,
The scope of their national objectives diverges. While some restrict them to Catalonia-proper alone, others seek the acknowledgment of the political personality of the so-called
The two main Catalan nationalist parties (ERC and PDECAT) have shown their commitment to the idea of the Catalan Countries in different ways and with different intensities. For the former
Catalan nationalists see their movement as a wide one that brings together political parties and citizens from the left as well as from center and right.
See also
- Catalan Countries
- Catalan independence
- Anti-Catalanism
- Catalan symbols
- Basque nationalism
- Occitan nationalism
- Sardinian nationalism
Notes
- ISBN 9788474907483. Retrieved 20 March 2015.
- ^ Cingolani, Stefano Maria (2006). "Seguir les Vestígies dels Antecessors. Llinatge, Reialesa i Historiografia a Catalunya des de Ramon Berenguer IV a Pere II (1131-1285)", Anuario de Estudios Medievales, p. 225.
- ^ "Spain". Encyclopædia Britannica. Archived from the original on 2014-02-15. Retrieved 20 March 2015.
- ^ Granja Sainz 2000, p. 154.
- ^ a b Gabriel 2000, p. 86.
- ^ Payne 1999, p. 21.
- ^ González Cuevas 2009, pp. 213–214.
- ^ Sueiro Seoane 1992, p. 385.
- ^ Sueiro Seoane 1992, p. 385-386.
- ^ Gonzàlez i Vilalta 2011, pp. 49, 61.
- ^ Preston, Paul. (2012). The Spanish Holocaust. Harper Press. London p.493
- ^ "Encuesta sobre la independencia: un 15% de votantes del PP catalan son secesionistas – Burbuja.info – Foro de economía". Retrieved 20 March 2015.
- ^ . 27 February 2008 https://web.archive.org/web/20080227060215/http://www.ciutadansdecatalunya.com/pdf/eng.pdf. Archived from the original (PDF) on 27 February 2008.
{{cite web}}
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- ^ "Tensions grow in Spain as Catalonia independence referendum confirmed". Telegraph. 9 June 2017. Archived from the original on 10 June 2017. Retrieved 17 June 2017.
- ^ a b "Catalonia to hold independence vote despite anger in Madrid". The Guardian. 6 September 2017. Retrieved 20 October 2017.
The Catalan government has not set a threshold for minimum turnout, arguing the vote will be binding regardless of the level of participation.
- ^ a b Jones, Sam (10 September 2017). "Catalans to celebrate their national day with independence protests". Theguardian.com. Retrieved 18 September 2017.
- ^ "Catalonia's parliament approves law aimed at independence from Spain". EFE. 7 September 2017. Retrieved 14 October 2017.
- ^ Spongenberg, Helena (7 September 2017). "Catalan authorities call independence vote". EUobserver. Retrieved 23 October 2017.
- ^ "Catalan Parliament passes transition law". Catalan News. 8 September 2017. Retrieved 23 October 2017.
- ^ "Catalan Parliament Passes Bill to Secede from Spain at 1 a.m., after Second Marathon Day in Chamber". The Spain Report. 8 September 2017. Archived from the original on 2017-10-23. Retrieved 23 October 2017.
- ^ "Spain's constitutional court suspends Catalan referendum law: court source". Reuters. 7 September 2017. Retrieved 14 October 2017.
- ^ "Spain Catalonia: Court blocks independence referendum". BBC News. 8 September 2017. Retrieved 7 October 2017.
- ^ a b "Spain just declared Catalan referendum law void". The Independent. 17 October 2017.
- ^ a b "Catalonia plans an independence vote whether Spain lets it or not". The Economist.
- ^ a b "Catalan independence referendum". The Daily Star. 10 October 2017.
- ^ Ríos, Pere (6 September 2017). "Las diez claves de la ley del referéndum de Cataluña". El País. Retrieved 30 September 2017.
- ^ Burgen, Stephen (30 September 2017). "Catalonia riven with tension as referendum day arrives". Guardian. Retrieved 22 October 2017.
- ^ Isa Soares, Vasco Cotovio and Laura Smith-Spark, Catalonia on collision course as banned referendum nears, CNN, 29 September 2017
- ^ Camila Domonoske, Spanish Police Detain Catalan Politicians Ahead Of Independence Vote, NPR, 20 September 2017
- ^ a b "Catalonia independence declaration signed and suspended". BBC News. 10 October 2017. Retrieved 13 October 2017.
- ^ "El president catalán Carles Puigdemont declara la independencia en el Parlament, pero la deja en suspenso (The Catalan President Carles Puigdemont declares the independence in the Parliament, but leaves it suspended)" (in Spanish). El País. 10 October 2017. Retrieved 10 October 2017.
- ^ "Un Parlament semivacío consuma en voto secreto la rebelión contra el Estado". El Mundo (in Spanish). 27 October 2017. Retrieved 27 October 2017.
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- ^ "PPC, PSC y Ciudadanos abandonarán el Parlament si se vota la resolución de Junts pel Sí y la CUP". La Vanguardia (in Spanish). 27 October 2017. Retrieved 28 October 2017.
- ^ "Elecciones catalanas". El País (in Spanish). 22 December 2017. Retrieved 22 December 2017.
- ^ Giles, Ciaran; Parra, Aritz (17 October 2017). "Spain: Top court officially rules Catalan referendum illegal". Chicago Tribune. Retrieved 20 October 2017.
- ^ "El gobierno de Cataluña convocó para el 1 de octubre el referéndum de autodeterminación". Infobae (in Spanish). 6 September 2017. Retrieved 20 October 2017.
- ^ Jones, Sam (6 September 2017). "Catalonia to hold independence vote despite anger in Madrid". The Guardian. Retrieved 16 October 2017.
- ^ "Why the referendum on Catalan independence is illegal". The Economist. 26 September 2017.
- ^ "How to Stage an Illegal Referendum". Bloomberg.com. 20 September 2017.
- ^ Alandete, David (10 October 2017). "Independence in Catalonia – now what?". El País.
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- ^ "Catalonia's Superior Court also orders Catalan Police to close off planned polling stations". El Nacional.
- ^ Colomé, Jordi Pérez (3 October 2017). "La misión de observadores concluye que el referéndum no cumple los "estándares internacionales"". El País (in Spanish).
"La Misión debe concluir que el referéndum, tal y como se hizo, no puede cumplir con los estándares internacionales" The Mission must conclude that the referendum, as it was done, can not meet international standards
- ^ "Did the referendum comply with basic voting regulations?". El País. 3 October 2017.
- ^ Gallego-Díaz, Soledad (5 October 2017). "Mediaciones e instituciones". Hoy por hoy (in European Spanish). Cadena SER.
- ^ Ríos, Pere (6 September 2017). "Las diez claves de la ley del referéndum de Cataluña". El País. Retrieved 30 September 2017.
- ^ "Catalan referendum results". Government of Catalonia. 2 October 2017. Archived from the original on 6 October 2017. Retrieved 3 October 2017.
- ^ "El Govern anuncia un 90% de 'síes' entre las 2.262.424 papeletas contadas y asegura haber escrutado el 100,88% de votos" (in Spanish). El Mundo. 2 October 2017. Retrieved 3 October 2017.
- ^ "Catalan independence referendum: Region votes overwhelmingly for independence from Spain". The Independent. 2 October 2017.
- ^ Hilary Clarke; Isa Soares; Vasco Cotovio (2 October 2017). "Catalonia referendum plunges Spain into political crisis". CNN. Retrieved 4 October 2017.
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Turnout was about 42% of the 5.3 million eligible voters... Turull said more people would have voted had it not been for Spanish police suppression. Up to 770,000 votes were lost as a result of the crackdowns at police stations, the Catalan government estimated.
- ^ Gerard Pruina (2 October 2017). "El 'sí' a la independència s'imposa amb 2.020.144 vots, el 90%". Ara.Cat. Retrieved 4 October 2017.
Els encarregats de donar els resultats des del Centre Internacional de Premsa, el vicepresident, Oriol Junqueras; el conseller de la Presidència, Jordi Turull, i el conseller d'Exteriors, Raül Romeva, han remarcat contínuament que, tot i que els 2.248.000 vots no suposen 'per se' el 50% del cens, els càlculs dels experts apunten que sense pressió policial i tancament de col·legis s'hauria pogut arribar al 55% de participació.
- ^ "Los Mossos cerraron más colegios el 1-O". La Vanguardia. 6 October 2017. Retrieved 13 February 2019.
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References
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- Balcells, Albert. Catalan Nationalism: Past and Present. New York: St. Martin's Press, Inc., 1996.
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External links
- Party Urging More Autonomy From Spain Seems to Win in Catalonia Article on New York Times, November 2, 2006
- Courage in Catalonia Article on New York Times, June 22, 2006
- Voters in Catalonia Approve A Plan for Greater Autonomy Article on New York Times, June 19, 2006
- Spain Moves On Law to Give Broad Powers To Catalonia Article on New York Times, March 31, 2006
- Catalanism in Catalan Encyclopaedia
- The Spirit of Catalonia. 1946 book by Oxford Professor Dr. Josep Trueta
- Spain's secret conflict (Documentary)