Chinese Filipino

Source: Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia.

Chinese Filipinos
咱儂 / 咱人 / 華菲人
Chinoy / Tsinoy / Lannang
Chinito (
Chinese Malaysians, Han Taiwanese, Thai Chinese
, etc.
Chinese Filipino
Traditional Chinese咱儂
Simplified Chinese咱人
Hokkien POJLán-nâng / Nán-nâng / Lán-lâng
Chinese Filipino
Hanyu Pinyin
Huáfēirén

Chinese Filipinos[a] (sometimes referred as Filipino Chinese in the Philippines) are Filipinos of Chinese descent with ancestry mainly from Fujian province,[4] but are typically born and raised in the Philippines.[4] Chinese Filipinos are one of the largest overseas Chinese communities in Southeast Asia.[5]

Chinese

Binondo, Manila
founded on December 8, 1594.

Chinese Filipinos are a well established middle class ethnic group and are well represented in all levels of Filipino society.

Taipan billionaires of Chinese Filipino background.[14] Some in the list of the political families in the Philippines are also of Chinese Filipino background, meanwhile the bulk are also of Spanish-colonial-era Chinese mestizo (mestizo de Sangley) descent, of which, many families of such background also compose a considerable part of the Philippine population especially its bourgeois,[15][16] who during the late Spanish Colonial Era in the late 19th century, produced a major part of the ilustrado intelligentsia of the late Spanish Colonial Philippines, that were very influential with the creation of Filipino nationalism and the sparking of the Philippine Revolution as part of the foundation of the First Philippine Republic and subsequent sovereign independent Philippines.[17]

Identity

The organization Kaisa para sa Kaunlaran (Unity for Progress) omits the hyphen for the term Chinese Filipino, as the term is a noun. The Chicago Manual of Style and the APA, among others, also omits the hyphen. When used as an adjective as a whole, it may take on a hyphenated form or may remain unchanged.[18][19][20]

There are various universally accepted terms used in the Philippines to refer to Chinese Filipinos:[citation needed]

St. Jerome Parish Church (Morong, Rizal)

Other terms being used with reference to China include:

  • 華人 – Hoâ-jîn or Huárén—a generic term for referring to Chinese people, without implication as to nationality
  • 華僑 – Hoâ-kiâo or Huáqiáo—Overseas Chinese, usually China-born Chinese who have emigrated elsewhere
  • 華裔 – Hoâ-è or Huáyì—People of Chinese ancestry who were born in, residents of and citizens of another country

"Indigenous Filipino" or simply "Filipino", is used in this article to refer to the Austronesian inhabitants prior to the Spanish Conquest of the islands. During the Spanish Colonial Period, the term indio was used.[citation needed]

However, intermarriages occurred mostly during the Spanish colonial period because Chinese immigrants to the Philippines up to the 19th century were predominantly male.[citation needed] It was only in the 20th century that Chinese women and children came in comparable numbers.[citation needed] Today, Chinese Filipino male and female populations are practically equal in numbers. Chinese mestizos, as a result from intermarriages during the Spanish colonial period, then often opted to marry other Chinese or Chinese mestizos.[citation needed] Generally, Chinese mestizos is a term referring to people with one Chinese parent.

By this definition, the ethnically Chinese Filipino comprise 1.8% (1.35 million) of the population.[21] This figure however does not include the Chinese mestizos who since Spanish times have formed a part of the middle class in Philippine society[citation needed] nor does it include Chinese immigrants from the People's Republic of China since 1949.

History

Early interactions

Ethnic Han Chinese sailed around the Philippine Islands from the 9th century onward and frequently interacted with the local Austronesian people.[22] Chinese and Austronesian interactions initially commenced as bartering and items.[23] This is evidenced by a collection of Chinese artifacts found throughout Philippine waters, dating back to the 10th century.[23] Since Song dynasty times in China and precolonial times in the Philippines, evidence of trade contact can already be observed in the Chinese ceramics found in archaeological sites, like in Santa Ana, Manila.[23]

Spanish colonization of the Philippines (16th century–1898)

A Chinese mestiza in a photograph by Francisco Van Camp, c. 1875. [citation needed]
Carta Hydrographica y Chorographica de las Yslas Filipinas
(1734)
Justiniano Asuncion

When the Spaniards arrived in the Philippines, there was already a significant population of migrants from China all of whom were male due to the relationship between the barangays (city-states) of the island of Luzon and the Ming dynasty.[citation needed]

The first encounter of the Spanish authorities with the Chinese occurred when several Chinese pirates under the leadership of Limahong attacked and besieged the newly established capital of Manila in 1574. The pirates tried to capture the city but were defeated by the combined Spanish and native forces under the leadership of Juan de Salcedo in 1575. Almost simultaneously, the Chinese imperial admiral Homolcong arrived in Manila where he was well received. On his departure he took with him two priests, who became the first Catholic missionaries in China sent from the Philippines. This visit was followed by the arrival of Chinese ships in Manila in May 1603 bearing Chinese officials with the seal of the Ming Empire. This led to suspicions that the Chinese had sent a fleet to try to conquer the islands. However, seeing the city's strong defenses, the Chinese made no hostile moves.[citation needed] They returned to China without showing any particular motive for the journey and without either side mentioning the apparent motive.[citation needed] Fortifications of Manila were started, with a Chinese settler in Manila named Engcang, who offered his services to the governor.[citation needed] He was refused and a plan to massacre the Spaniards quickly spread among the Chinese inhabitants of Manila. The revolt was quickly crushed by the Spaniards, ending in a large-scale massacre of the non-Catholic Sangley in Manila.

The Spanish authorities started restricting the activities of the Chinese immigrants and confined them to the Parían near Intramuros. With low chances of employment and prohibited from owning land, most of them engaged in small businesses or acted as skilled artisans to the Spanish colonial authorities.

The Spanish authorities differentiated the Chinese immigrants into two groups: Parían (unconverted) and Binondo (converted).[

Tornatrás.[citation needed] The Chinese population originally occupied the Binondo area although eventually they spread all over the islands, and became traders, moneylenders and landowners.[16]

Chinese mestizos as Filipinos

French Illustration of a Chinese mestizo couple c.1846 by Jean Mallat de Bassilan

During the

Marcelo del Pilar, Antonio Luna, José Rizal and Manuel Tinio.[24]

Chinese mestizos in the Visayas

Sometime in the year 1750, an adventurous young man named Wo Sing Lok, also known as "Sin Lok" arrived in Manila, Philippines. The 12-year-old traveler came from Amoy, the old name for Xiamen, an island known in ancient times as "Gateway to China"—near the mouth of Jiulong "Nine Dragon" River in the southern part of Fujian Province.

Earlier in Manila, immigrants from China were herded to stay in the Chinese trading center called "Parian". After the Sangley Revolt of 1603, this was destroyed and burned by the Spanish authorities. Three decades later, Chinese traders built a new and bigger Parian near Intramuros.

For fear of a Chinese uprising similar to that in Manila, the Spanish authorities implementing the royal decree of Gov. Gen. Juan de Vargas dated July 17, 1679, rounded up the Chinese in Iloilo and hamletted them in the parian (now Avanceña Street). It compelled all local unmarried Chinese to live in the Parian and all married Chinese to stay in Binondo. Similar Chinese enclaves or "Parian" were later established in Camarines Sur, Cebu and Iloilo.[25]

Sin Lok together with the progenitors of the Lacson, Sayson, Ditching, Layson, Ganzon, Sanson and other families who fled Southern China during the reign of the despotic Qing dynasty (1644–1912) in the 18th century and arrived in Maynilad; finally, decided to sail farther south and landed at the port of Batiano river to settle permanently in "Parian" near La Villa Rica de Arevalo in Iloilo.[26][27]

American colonial era (1898–1946)

Binondo Church, the main church of the district of Binondo

During the American colonial period, the Chinese Exclusion Act in the United States was also put into effect in the Philippines.[28] Nevertheless, the Chinese were able to settle in the Philippines with the help of other Chinese Filipinos, despite strict American law enforcement, usually through "adopting" relatives from Mainland or by assuming entirely new identities with new names.

Ongpin St., Binondo, Manila (1949)

The privileged position of the Chinese as middlemen of the economy under Spanish colonial rule[29] quickly fell, as the Americans favored the principalía (educated elite) formed by Chinese mestizos and Spanish mestizos. As American rule in the Philippines started, events in Mainland China starting from the Taiping Rebellion, Chinese Civil War and Boxer Rebellion led to the fall of the Qing dynasty, which led thousands of Chinese from Fujian Province in China to migrate en masse to the Philippines to avoid poverty, worsening famine and political persecution. This group eventually formed the bulk of the current population of unmixed Chinese Filipinos.[24]

Arm-tag of the Wha-Chi Battalion or Squadron 48

Formation of the Chinese Filipino identity (1946–1975)

Beginning in

Liberators from 1942 to 1945 to fight against the Japanese Imperial forces. Some Chinese Filipinos who joined as soldiers were integrated into the 11th, 14th, 15th, 66th & 121st Infantry Regiment of the U.S. Armed Forces in the Philippines[citation needed] – Northern Luzon (USAFIP-NL) under the military unit of the Philippine Commonwealth Army started the Liberation in Northern Luzon and aided the provinces of Ilocos Norte, Ilocos Sur, La Union, Abra, Mountain Province, Cagayan, Isabela and Nueva Vizcaya in attacking Imperial Japanese forces. Many Chinese Filipinos joined the guerrilla movement of the Philippine-Chinese Anti-Japanese guerrilla resistance fighter unit or Wha-Chi Movement,[citation needed] the Ampaw Unit under Colonel Chua Sy Tiao [citation needed] and the Chinese Filipino 48th Squadron since 1942 to 1946 in attacking Japanese forces.[citation needed] Thousands of Chinese Filipino soldiers and guerrillas died of heroism in the Philippines from 1941 to 1945 during World War II.[citation needed] Thousands of Chinese Filipino veterans are interred in the Shrine of Martyr's Freedom of the Filipino Chinese in World War II located in Manila.[citation needed] The new-found unity between the ethnic Chinese migrants and the indigenous Filipinos against a common enemy – the Japanese, served as a catalyst in the formation of a Chinese Filipino identity who started to regard the Philippines as their home.[30]

Chinese as aliens under the Marcos regime (1975–1986)

Under the administration of

Philippine Hokkien Chinese: 老猴; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: lāu-kâu, meaning "old people" or literally, "old monkey" (a comedic reference to the Monkey King (Sun Wukong) from the old famous Chinese classical novel, Journey to the West)), i.e., Chinese in the Philippines who acquired citizenship, referred only to those who arrived in the country before World War II. Those who arrived after the war were called the "jiu qiao" (Mandarin simplified Chinese: 旧侨; traditional Chinese: 舊僑; pinyin: jiù qiáo; lit. 'old sojourner'). They were residents who came from China (also usually southern Fujian) via British Hong Kong, such as through North Point, Causeway Bay, or Kowloon Bay, between the 1950s to 1980s.[31]

Chinese schools in the Philippines, which were governed by the

Republic of China (Taiwan), were transferred under the jurisdiction of the Philippine government's Department of Education. Virtually all Chinese schools were ordered closed or else to limit the time allotted for Chinese language, history and culture subjects from four hours to two hours and instead devote them to the study of Filipino languages and culture.[citation needed] Marcos' policies eventually led to the formal assimilation of the Chinese Filipinos into mainstream Filipino society,[32] the majority were granted citizenship, under the administration of Corazon Aquino and Fidel Ramos.[31]

Following the February 1986

Cojuangco family took up the Presidency.[33]

Return of democracy (1986–2000)

Corazon Aquino, of Sangley Chinese mestizo ancestry of Tarlac, is the third Philippine president to have ethnic Chinese ancestry through the Cojuangco family.

Despite getting better protections, crimes against Chinese Filipinos were still present, the same way as crimes against other ethnic groups in the Philippines, as the country was still battling the lingering economic effects of the Marcos regime.[citation needed][34][35] All these led to the formation of the first Chinese Filipino organization, Kaisa Para Sa Kaunlaran, Inc. (Unity for Progress) by Teresita Ang-See[b] which called for mutual understanding between the ethnic Chinese and the native Filipinos. Aquino encouraged free press and cultural harmony, a process which led to the burgeoning of the Chinese-language media[36] During this time, the third wave of Chinese migrants came. They are known as the "xin qiao" (Mandarin simplified Chinese: 新侨; traditional Chinese: 新僑; pinyin: xīn qiáo; lit. 'new sojourner'), tourists or temporary visitors with fake papers, fake permanent residencies or fake Philippine passports that started coming starting the 1990s during the administration of Fidel Ramos and Joseph Estrada.[31]

21st century (2001–present)

More Chinese Filipinos were given Philippine citizenship during the 21st century. Chinese influence in the country increased during the pro-China presidency of Gloria Arroyo.[37] Businesses by Chinese Filipinos were said to have improved under Benigno Aquino's presidency, while mainland Chinese migration into the Philippines decreased due to Aquino's pro-Filipino and pro-American approach in handling disputes with China.[38] "Xin qiao" Chinese migration from mainland China into the Philippines intensified from 2016 up to the present,[31] due to controversial pro-China policies by the Rodrigo Duterte presidency, prioritizing Chinese POGO businesses.[39]

The Chinese Filipino community have expressed concerns over the ongoing disputes between China and the Philippines, which majority preferring peaceful approaches to the dispute to safeguard their own private businesses.[31][40]

Origins

Ethnicity of Chinese Filipinos, including Chinese mestizos

Most Chinese Filipinos in the Philippines belong to Hokkien-speaking group of the Han Chinese ethnicity. Many Chinese Filipinos are either fourth-, third-, or second-generation; in general natural-born Philippine citizens who can still recognize their Chinese roots and have Chinese relatives in China, as well as in other Southeast Asian, Australasian or North American countries.

According to a study of around 30,000 gravestones in the

Tong'an (同安; Tâng-oaⁿ) [from coastal Xiamen], 0.83% from Shishi (石狮; Chio̍h-sai) [from coastal Quanzhou], 0.57% from Yongchun (永春; Éng-chhun) [from inland Quanzhou], and 0.53% from Anxi (安溪; An-khoe) [from inland Quanzhou].[41]

Hokkien (Fujianese / Hokkienese / Fukienese / Fookienese) people

Chinese Filipinos who have roots as

Philippine Hokkien as heritage language. They form the bulk of Chinese settlers in the Philippines during or after the Spanish Colonial Period, and settled or spread primarily from Metro Manila and key cities in Luzon such as Angeles City, Baguio, Dagupan, Ilagan, Laoag, Lucena, Tarlac and Vigan, as well as in major Visayan and Mindanao cities such as Bacolod, Cagayan de Oro, Cotabato, Metro Cebu, Metro Davao, Dumaguete, General Santos, Iligan, Metro Iloilo, Ormoc, Tacloban, Tagbilaran and Zamboanga
.

Jinjiang City), 23% are from Zhangzhou Prefecture and 2% are from Xiamen City.[42]

The Hokkien-descended Chinese Filipinos currently dominate the light and heavy industries, as well as the entrepreneurial and real estate sectors of the Philippine economy. Many younger Hokkien-descended Chinese Filipinos are also entering the fields of banking, computer science, engineering, finance and medicine.

To date, most emigrants and permanent residents from Mainland China, as well as the vast majority of Taiwanese people in the Philippines are also of Hokkien background.

Teochews

Linguistically related to the Hokkien people are the

Philippine Hokkien Chinese: 潮州人; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: Tiô-chiu-lâng or in Mandarin Chinese: 潮州人; pinyin
: Cháozhōurén).

They migrated in large numbers to the Philippines during the Spanish Period to the main Luzon island of the Philippines, such as the famed smuggler, Limahong (林阿鳳), and his followers who were originally from Raoping, Chaozhou,[43] but later on were eventually assimilated by intermarriage with the mainstream Hokkien.

The Teochews are often mistaken for being Hokkien.

Cantonese people

Chinese Filipinos who have roots as Cantonese people (Cantonese Chinese: 廣府人; Cantonese Yale: Gwóng fú yàhn) have ancestors who came from Guangdong Province and speak or at least have Cantonese or Taishanese as heritage language. They settled down in Metro Manila, as well as in major cities of Luzon such as Baguio City, Angeles City, Naga and Olongapo. Many also settled in the provinces of Northern Luzon (e.g., Benguet, Cagayan, Ifugao, Ilocos Norte) especially around Baguio.[44] Examples of those of Cantonese descent are people like Ma Mon Luk, the Tecson and Ticzon families descended from the three "Tek Sun" brothers from Guangzhou (Canton), Guangdong.

The

Philippine Hokkien Chinese: 廣東人 / 鄉親; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: Kńg-tang-lâng / Hiong-chhin, Mandarin simplified Chinese: 广东人; traditional Chinese: 廣東人; pinyin: Guǎngdōngrén) form roughly 1.2% of the unmixed ethnic Chinese population of the Philippines, with large numbers of descendants originally from either Taishan, Kaiping,[44] Macau, Hong Kong, Canton (Guangzhou), or nearby areas transiting from either Macau,[44] Hong Kong,[45] Guangzhou (Canton). Many were/are not as economically prosperous as the Hokkien Chinese Filipinos.[44] Barred from owning land during the Spanish Colonial Period, most Cantonese were into the service industry, working as artisans, miners, househelpers, bakers, shoemakers, metal workers, barbers, herbal physicians, porters (cargadores / coulis), soap makers and tailors. They also intermarried with other local Filipinos during the Spanish Colonial Era and many of their descendants are now assimilated as Chinese mestizos. There are also those that came during the American Colonial Period before WW2 especially in Baguio as part of the 700 Chinese (Cantonese) coolie laborers recruited from British Hong Kong by the British managing the Manila Railroad Company for the construction of the Benguet Road (Kennon Road) along with the Japanese (who also later stayed to become Japanese Filipinos) and other lowland Filipinos. In Baguio, Cantonese Chinese were known for their carpentry, masonry, and culinary skills, where they were employed in hotels and places like Camp John Hay and they set up businesses like restaurants, grocery stores, bazaars, hardware stores, sari-sari stores and dried fish stalls. The logging, mining, and agribusiness industry during the 1930s in Baguio was also big among the Cantonese Chinese Filipinos there and it was only at such time during 1930s and after WW2 when Hokkien Chinese Filipinos started to establish themselves in Baguio.[45] Presently, they are into small-scale entrepreneurship and in education. There are also about 30 or so Filipino Cantonese associations in the Philippines, such as the Baguio Filipino Cantonese Association CAR (BFCA-CAR), which was merged from The Baguio Cantonese Association and the Brotherhood of Filipino-Cantonese Mestizos during 1999.[44] There are also schools such as Baguio Patriotic School and Manila Patriotic School
.

Others

There are also some ethnic Chinese from neighboring Asian countries and territories, most notably from

Teochew
speakers.

Temporary resident Chinese businessmen and envoys include people from Beijing, Shanghai and other major cities and provinces throughout China.

Chinese Moro mestizos

The Chinese Moro mestizos are of paternal Han Chinese descent who married Moro Muslim women from Tausug, Sama and Maguindanaon ethnicities and are not descendants of Hui Muslims. The Moros did not follow Sharia prohibitions on marriage of Muslim women to non-Muslims. So, Han Chinese men from the Straits Settlements and the Chinese mainland migrated to Mindanao (and the islands of Sulu) and founded families. These mestizos celebrated Chinese New Year and Chinese holidays including ones of pagan origin and practice Han cultural taboos; like the taboo against patrilineal cousin marriage. Hui in China practice marriage of patrilineal cousins of the same surname to each other, which the Han-descended Chinese Moro mestizos do not. Observant Hui Muslims also do not practice Chinese pagan holidays. The Han men continued practicing their own pagan religions and holidays when married to Moro Muslim women. As late as the 1970s, Professor Samuel Kong Tan said among the Chinese and Moros of Sulu, it was still normal for non-Muslim men to marry Muslim women.

The Han who became part of the Chinese-Moro mestizo community are mostly of Minnan background, either directly from southern Fujian like Xiamen (Amoy) or the Peranakans who are descendants of Minnan speaking Han men and Malay women, with a small minority of them being descendants of other Han like one northern Han family who married into the Tausug. Some Han of either Hakka or Cantonese background in Sabah, Borneo married Tausug women there before World War II ended.

The Chinese families among the Tausug include the Kho, Lim, Teo, Kong and multiple families with the surname Tan, including the family of Tuchay Tan and Hadji Suug Tan. These families maintain the Chinese practice of not permitting marriages in the same paternal families with the same surname, and even though the Tans are multiple families, they still adhere to the rule of avoiding marriage to each other believing they were related far in the past.

The assimilation and intermarriages between the local Muslim Moro Tausug and Sama in Sulu and the Han Chinese immigrants, in contrast to Chinese living in Filipino Catholic areas, was facilitated by the good relations throughout history between China and Sulu.[46][47]

The Chinese mestizo descendants of Han Chinese men and Moro Muslim Tausug and Sama women are integrating and dissolving into the Tausug and Sama population as they lose practice of Chinese culture except celebrating some festivals and their Chinese names.[48][49][50][51][52]

Demographics

Dialect Population[citation needed][53][54]
Hokkienese
1,044,000
Cantonese 13,000
Mandarin 550
Chinese mestizo
*
486,000
  • The figure above denotes first-generation Chinese mestizos – namely, those with one Chinese and one Filipino parent. This figure does not include those who have less than 50% Chinese ancestry, who are mostly classified as "Filipino".

The exact number of all Filipinos with some Chinese ancestry is unknown. Various estimates have been given from the start of the Spanish Colonial Period up to the present ranging from as low as 1% to as large as 18–27%. The National Statistics Office does not conduct surveys of ethnicity.[55]

According to a research report by historian Austin Craig who was commissioned by the United States in 1915 to ascertain the total number of the various races of the Philippines, the pure Chinese, referred to as Sangley, number around 20,000 (as of 1918), and that around one-third of the population of Luzon have partial Chinese ancestry. This comes with a footnote about the widespread concealing and de-emphasising of the exact number of Chinese in the Philippines.[56]

Another source dating from the Spanish Colonial Period shows the growth of the Chinese and the Chinese mestizo population to nearly 10% of the Philippine population by 1894.

Race Population (1810) Population (1850) Population (1894)
Malay (i.e., indigenous Filipino) 2,395,677 4,725,000 6,768,000
mestizo de sangley (i.e., Chinese mestizo) 120,621 240,000 500,000
sangley (i.e., Unmixed Chinese) 7,000 25,000 100,000
Peninsular (i.e., Spaniard) 4,000 10,000 35,000
Total 2,527,298 5,000,000 7,403,000

[citation needed]

Language

Languages spoken by Chinese Filipinos at home

The vast majority (74.5%) of Chinese Filipinos, especially those in Metro Manila and surrounding regions, speak Filipino (Tagalog) and/or Philippine English as their native language. Most Chinese Filipinos (77%) still retain the ability to understand and speak Hokkien as a second or third language.[57]

The use of Hokkien as a first language is seemingly confined to the older generation and to Chinese Filipino families living in traditional Chinese Filipino centers, such as Caloocan, Davao Chinatown, and the Binondo district of Manila. In part due to the increased adoption of Philippine nationality during the Marcos era, most Chinese Filipinos born from the 1970s to the mid-1990s tend to use English, Filipino (Tagalog) and perhaps other Philippine regional languages, which they frequently code-switch between as Taglish or mix together with Hokkien as Hokaglish. Among the younger generation (born from the mid-1990s onward), the preferred language is often English besides also, of course, knowing Filipino (Tagalog) and, in most regions of the Philippines, other regional languages.[58] Recent arrivals from Mainland China or Taiwan, despite coming mostly from traditionally Hokkien-speaking areas, typically use Mandarin among themselves.

Unlike other overseas Chinese communities in

Mandarin, however, is perceived as the most prestigious Chinese language, so it is taught in Chinese Filipino schools and used in all official and formal functions within the Chinese Filipino community despite the fact that very few Chinese Filipinos are conversant in Mandarin or have it as a heritage language.[57]

For the

Chinese mestizos, Spanish used to be the most important prestige language and the preferred first language during the Spanish colonial era. Starting from the American period, the use of Spanish gradually decreased and is now completely replaced by either English or Filipino.[59]

Hokkien / Fukien / Fookien (Philippine Hokkien)

Since most Chinese Filipinos in the Philippines trace their ancestry to

Philippine Hokkien dialect, is the heritage language of most Chinese Filipinos. Currently, it is typically the elderly and those of the older generations, such as the Silent Generation, the Baby boomer generation and part of Generation X, who speak Philippine Hokkien as their first or second language, especially as first- or second-generation Chinese Filipinos. The younger generations, such as part of Generation X and most Millennials and Generation Z youth, sparsely use Hokkien as a second or third language and even more seldom as a first language. This is due to Hokkien nowadays only being used and heard within family households and no longer being taught at schools. As a result, most of the youth can either only understand Hokkien by ear or do not know it at all, using instead English, Filipino (Tagalog) and in some cases one or more other Philippine languages
.

The variant of

Zhangzhou dialects of the Hokkien language
.

The Chinese Sangley community in the Philippines centuries ago during Spanish colonial times spoke a mix of different Hokkien dialects (Zhangzhou/Chiangchiu, Quanzhou/Chuanchiu, Amoy/Xiamen), enough that the Hokkien recorded by the Spaniards during the early 1600s, such as in the Dictionario Hispanico Sinicum (1604), resembled the Zhangzhou dialect more,[60] contrary to the modern 21st century Philippine Hokkien that now resembles the Quanzhou dialect more.[61]

Mandarin

Mandarin is currently the subject and medium of instruction for teaching Standard Chinese (Mandarin) class subjects in Chinese Filipino schools in the Philippines. However, since the language is rarely used outside of the classroom besides jobs and interactions related to Mainland China and Taiwan, most Chinese Filipinos would be hard-pressed to converse in Mandarin.

As a result of longstanding influence from the

Overseas Chinese Affairs Council of the Republic of China (Taiwan) since the early 1900s up to 2000, the Mandarin variant (known in many schools in Hokkien Chinese: 國語; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: kok-gí) taught and spoken in many older Chinese Filipino schools in the Philippines closely mirrors that of Taiwanese Mandarin, using Traditional Chinese characters and the Zhuyin phonetic system (known in many schools in Hokkien Chinese: 國音; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: kok-im) being taught, though in recent decades Simplified Chinese characters and the Pinyin phonetic system were also introduced from China and Singapore
. Some Chinese Filipino schools now also teach Mandarin in Simplified characters with the Pinyin system, modeled after those in China and Singapore. Some schools teach both or either of the systems.

Spanish Dominican Catholic missionaries like Francisco Varo who visited 17th century Fujian (late Ming and early Qing) learned both local Min Chinese and the official Ming dynasty Mandarin Chinese (guanhua) and they explicitly noted that Mandarin was regarded as an elegant, "elevated" language by the local Fujianese Chinese while their own local Min speech were regarded as "coarse speech". They noted Mandarin Guanhua was solemn and used by the educated Fujianese literati and officials while it was the rural villagers and women who only spoke the local Min patois (xiangtan) since they didn't speak Mandarin.[62] Jesuits in Ming dynasty China like Matteo Ricci generally focused on studying the official and prestigious Mandarin while Dominicans studied vernacular Hokkien dialects in Fujian.[63]

Cantonese and Taishanese

Currently, there are still a few minority

Mestizos de Sangley) that originally trace back to Macau or Canton (Guangzhou), especially the younger generations thereof, do not speak Cantonese or Taishanese anymore and can only speak the local languages, such as Filipino (Tagalog), English and other Philippine languages such as Ilocano, Cebuano, etc. Some families of Cantonese ancestry within the Chinese Filipino community also speak Philippine Hokkien with their family, especially those that intermarried with Chinese Filipinos of Hokkien ancestry. There may also be some Chinese Filipino families of Hokkien ancestry that speak Cantonese due to a family history of having lived in Hong Kong, such as around the districts of North Point (Chinese: 北角; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: Pak-kak), Kowloon Bay or Causeway Bay, during the Cold War period, when many families fled the communist advance to British Hong Kong and then later to countries in Southeast Asia such as the Philippines or Indonesia
.

English

Just like most other

third language, being natively bilingual or multilingual together with Filipino and sometimes one or more other Philippine languages.[58]

Filipino and other Philippine languages

The majority of Chinese Filipinos who were born, were raised, or have lived long enough in the Philippines are at least natively

bilingual or multilingual. Along with English, Chinese Filipinos typically speak Filipino (Tagalog) and, in non-Tagalog regions, the dominant regional Philippine language(s), such as the Visayan languages (Cebuano, Hiligaynon, Waray, etc.) spoken in the Visayas and Mindanao.[58]

Many Chinese Filipinos, especially those living in the

Hokkien, Tagalog and English. However, in provinces where Tagalog is not a native language, the equivalent dominant regional language(s) may be mixed instead of Tagalog or along with Tagalog in a mix of four or more languages due to the normalcy of code-switching and multilingualism as part of Philippine society.[58]

Spanish

During the

Spanish colonial era used to also speak a sort of Spanish pidgin variety known as "Caló Chino Español" or "Kastilang tindahan". This was especially the case with the local Sangley Chinese that intermarried during Spanish colonial times. They brought forth Spanish-speaking Chinese Mestizos of varying proficiency, from the accented pidgin Spanish of the new Chinese immigrants to the fluent Spanish of Sangley Chinese old-timers.[64]

Religion

Chinese Filipinos are unique in Southeast Asia in being overwhelmingly Christian (83%).[57] but many families, especially Chinese Filipinos in the older generations still practice traditional Chinese religions. Almost all Chinese Filipinos, including the Chinese mestizos but excluding recent migrants from either Mainland China or Taiwan, had or will have their marriages in a Christian church.[57]

In the 18th century, many Chinese converted from traditional religions to Catholicism.[65]

Sto. Cristo de Longos, by Ongpin St., Binondo, Manila

Roman Catholicism

The majority (70%) of Christian Chinese Filipinos are

ancestor veneration
.

Unique to the Catholicism of Chinese Filipinos is the religious syncretism that is found in Chinese Filipino homes. Many have altars bearing Catholic images such as the

Mazu.[66]

Protestantism

St. Stephen's Church in Manila in 1923, an Anglican church and school for Chinese Filipinos

Approximately 13% of all Christian Chinese Filipinos are Protestants.[67]

Many Chinese Filipino schools are founded by Protestant missionaries and churches.

Chinese Filipinos comprise a large percentage of membership in some of the largest

United Evangelical Church of the Philippines and the Youth Gospel Center.[68]

In contrast to Roman Catholicism, Protestantism forbids traditional Chinese practices such as ancestor veneration, but allows the use of meaning or context substitution for some practices that are not directly contradicted in the Bible (e.g., celebrating the Mid-Autumn Festival with moon cakes denoting the moon as God's creation and the unity of families, rather than the traditional Chinese belief in Chang'e). Many also had ancestors already practicing Protestantism while still in China.

Unlike native and mestizo Filipino-dominated Protestant churches in the Philippines which have very close ties with North American organizations, most Protestant Chinese Filipino churches instead sought alliance and membership with the Chinese Congress on World Evangelization, an organization of Overseas Chinese Christian churches throughout Asia.[69]

Chinese traditional religions and practices

A small number of Chinese Filipinos (2%) continue to practise

ancestral worship (including Confucianism)[73]
are the traditional Chinese beliefs that continue to have adherents among the Chinese Filipino.

Buddhist and Taoist temples can be found where the Chinese live, especially in urban areas like Manila.

syncretic religion with ecumenical and interfaith in orientation.[74] There are several prominent Chinese temples like Seng Guan Temple (Buddhist) in Manila, Cebu Taoist Temple in Cebu City and Lon Wa Buddhist Temple
in Davao City.

Around half (40%) of all Chinese Filipinos regardless of religion still claim to practise

ancestral worship.[57] The Chinese, especially the older generations, have the tendency to go to pay respects to their ancestors at least once a year, either by going to the temple, or going to the Chinese burial grounds, often burning incense and bringing offerings like fruits and accessories made from paper
.

Chinese traditional religions have been practiced on the Philippines since circa 985.[65]

Others

There are very few Chinese Filipino Muslims, most of whom live in either Mindanao or the Sulu Archipelago and have intermarried or assimilated with their Moro neighbors. Many of them have attained prominent positions as political leaders. They include Datu Piang, Abdusakur Tan and Michael Mastura, among such others.

Others are also members of the Iglesia ni Cristo, Jehovah's Witnesses or the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. Some younger generations of Chinese Filipinos also profess to be atheists.[citation needed]

Education

There are 150 Chinese schools that exist throughout the Philippines, slightly more than half of which operate in Metro Manila.[75][76] Chinese Filipino schools typically include the teaching of Standard Chinese (Mandarin), among other school class subjects, and have an international reputation for producing award-winning students in the fields of science and mathematics, most of whom reap international awards in mathematics, computer programming, and robotics Olympiads.[77]

History

The first school founded specifically for the Chinese in the Philippines, the Anglo-Chinese School (now known as

Qing Dynasty Chinese Embassy grounds. The first curriculum called for rote memorization of the four major Confucian texts (the Four Books and Five Classics) along with Western science and technology. This was followed suit in the establishment of other Chinese schools, such as Hua Siong College of Iloilo, established in Iloilo in 1912, the Chinese Patriotic School, established in Manila in 1912 (the first school for the Cantonese Chinese), Saint Stephen's High School, established in Manila in 1915 (the first sectarian school for the Chinese), and the Chinese National School, established in Cebu in 1915.[75]

Burgeoning of Chinese schools throughout the Philippines, including in Manila, occurred from the 1920s until the 1970s, with a brief interlude during World War II, when all Chinese schools were ordered closed by the

Ministry of Education. In the late 20th century, despite Mandarin taking the place of Amoy Hokkien as the usual Chinese course taught in Chinese schools, some schools still tried to teach Hokkien as well, deeming it more practical in the Philippine-Chinese setting.[78]

Such a situation continued until 1973, when amendments made during the

Republic of the Philippines' Department of Education (DepEd).[75] With this, the medium of instruction for teaching Standard Chinese (Mandarin) was shifted from Amoy Hokkien Chinese to Mandarin Chinese (or in some schools to English). Teaching hours relegated to Chinese language and arts, which featured prominently in the pre-1973 Chinese schools, were reduced. Lessons in Chinese geography and history, which were previously subjects in their own right, were incorporated into the Chinese language subject(s), whereas Filipino (Tagalog
) and Philippine history, civics and culture became newly required subjects.

The changes in Chinese education initiated with the 1973 Philippine Constitution led to a large shifting of mother tongues, reflecting the assimilation of the Chinese Filipinos into general Philippine society. The older generation of Chinese Filipinos, who were educated in the old curriculum, typically use Philippine Hokkien at home, while most younger-generation Chinese Filipinos are more comfortable conversing in English, Filipino (Tagalog), and/or other Philippine languages like Cebuano, including their code-switching forms like Taglish and Bislish, which are sometimes varyingly admixed with Philippine Hokkien to make Hokaglish.

Curriculum

Chinese Filipino schools typically feature curriculum prescribed by the Philippine Department of Education (DepEd). The limited time spent in Chinese instruction consists largely of language arts.

The three core Chinese subjects are "Chinese Grammar" (simplified Chinese: 华语; traditional Chinese: 華語; pinyin: Huáyǔ; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: Hoâ-gí; Zhuyin Fuhao: ㄏㄨㄚˊ ㄩˇ; lit. 'Chinese Language'), "Chinese Composition" (Chinese: 綜合; pinyin: Zònghé; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: Chong-ha̍p; Zhuyin Fuhao: ㄗㄨㄥˋ ㄏㄜˊ; lit. 'Composition'), and "Chinese Mathematics" (Chinese: 數學; pinyin: Shùxué; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: Sò͘-ha̍k; Zhuyin Fuhao: ㄨˋ ㄒㄩㄝˊ; lit. 'Mathematics'). Other schools may add other subjects such as "Chinese Calligraphy" (Chinese: 毛筆; pinyin: Máobǐ; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: Mô͘-pit; Zhuyin Fuhao: ㄇㄠˊ ㄅㄧˇ; lit. 'Calligraphy Brush'). Chinese history, geography and culture are also integrated in all the three core Chinese subjects – they stood as independent subjects of their own before 1973. Many schools currently teach at least just one Chinese subject, known simply as just "Chinese" (simplified Chinese: 华语; traditional Chinese: 華語; pinyin: Huáyǔ; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: Hoâ-gí; Zhuyin Fuhao: ㄏㄨㄚˊ ㄩˇ; lit. 'Chinese Language'). It also varies per school if either or both Traditional Chinese with Zhuyin (known in many schools in Hokkien Chinese: 國音; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: kok-im) and/or Simplified Chinese with Pinyin is taught. Currently, all Chinese class subjects are taught in Mandarin Chinese (known in many schools in Hokkien Chinese: 國語; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: kok-gí) and in some schools, students are prohibited from speaking any other language, such as English, Filipino (Tagalog), other regional Philippine languages, or even Hokkien during Chinese classes, when decades before, there were no such restrictions.

Schools and universities

Many Chinese Filipino schools are sectarian, being founded by either

Society of Jesus
).

Major non-sectarian schools include

Chiang Kai Shek College, Manila Patriotic School, Philippine Chen Kuang High School, Philippine Chung Hua School, Philippine Cultural College – the oldest Chinese Filipino secondary school in the Philippines, and Tiong Se Academy
– the oldest Chinese Filipino school in the Philippines.

Chiang Kai Shek College is the only college in the Philippines accredited by both the Philippine Department of Education (DepEd) and the Republic of China (Taiwan) Ministry of Education
.

Most Chinese Filipinos attend Chinese Filipino schools until Secondary level and then transfer to non-Chinese colleges and universities to complete their tertiary degree, due to the dearth of Chinese language tertiary institutions.

Name format

Many Chinese who lived during the Spanish naming edict of 1849 eventually adopted Spanish name formats, along with a Spanish given name (e.g., Florentino Cu y Chua).[

Spanish surnames, just as any other Filipino, either as per christening of a new Christian name under Catholic Christian baptismal under the Spanish friars or through the 1849 decree of Gov-Gen. Narciso Claveria that distributed surnames from the Catálogo alfabético de apellidos
, most of which listed there were Spanish surnames.

Newer Chinese migrants who came during the American Colonial Period use a combination of an adopted Spanish (or rarely, English) name together with their Chinese name (e.g., Carlos Palanca Tan Quin Lay or Vicente Go Tam Co).[citation needed] This trend was to continue up to the late 1970s.

As both exposure to North American media as well as the number of Chinese Filipinos educated in English increased, the use of English names among Chinese Filipinos, both common and unusual, started to increase as well. Popular names among the second generation Chinese community included English names ending in "-son" or other Chinese-sounding suffixes, such as Anderson, Emerson, Jackson, Jameson, Jasson, Patrickson, Washington, among such others. For parents who are already third and fourth generation Chinese Filipinos, English names reflecting American popular trends are given, such as Ethan, Austin and Aidan.

It is thus not unusual to find a young Chinese Filipino, for example, named "Chase Tan", whose father's name is "Emerson Tan" and whose grandfather's name is "Elpidio Tan Keng Kui", reflecting the depth of immersion into the English language as well as into the Philippine society as a whole.[citation needed]

Surnames

Chinese Filipinos whose ancestors came to the Philippines from 1898 onward usually have monosyllabic Chinese surnames. On the other hand, most Chinese ancestors came to the Philippines prior to 1898 usually have multisyllabic surnames such as Gokongwei, Ongpin, Pempengco, Yuchengco, Teehankee and Yaptinchay among such others. These were originally full Chinese names which were transliterated in Spanish orthography and adopted as surnames.

Common single-syllable Chinese Filipino surnames are

Chua (), Uy () and Ong (). Most such surnames are spelled according to their Hokkien
pronunciation.

On the other hand, most Chinese Filipinos whose ancestors came to the Philippines prior to 1898 use a Hispanicized surname (see below). Many Filipinos who have Hispanicized Chinese surnames are no longer pure Chinese, but are Chinese mestizos.

Hispanized surnames

Chinese Filipinos and Chinese mestizos usually have multisyllabic surnames such as Angseeco (from ang/see/co/kho) Aliangan (from liang/gan), Angkeko, Apego (from ang/ke/co/go/kho), Chuacuco, Chuatoco, Chuateco, Ciacho (from Sia), Cinco (from Go), Cojuangco, Corong, Cuyegkeng, Dioquino, Dytoc, Dy-Cok, Dysangco, Dytioco, Gueco, Gokongwei, Gundayao, Kiamco/Quiamco, Kimpo/Quimpo, King/Quing, Landicho, Lanting, Limcuando, Ongpin, Pempengco, Quebengco, Siopongco, Sycip, Tambengco, Tambunting, Tanbonliong, Tantoco, Tinsay, Tiolengco, Yuchengco, Tanciangco, Yuipco, Yupangco, Licauco, Limcaco, Ongpauco, Tancangco, Tanchanco, Teehankee, Uytengsu and Yaptinchay among such others. These were originally full Hokkien Chinese names which were transliterated in Latin letters with Spanish orthography and adopted as Hispanicized surnames.[79]

There are also multisyllabic Chinese surnames that are Spanish transliterations of Hokkien words. Surnames like Tuazon (Eldest Grandchild, 大孫, Tuā-sun),[80] Tiongson/Tiongzon (Eldest Grandchild, 長孫, Tióng-sun)[81]/(Second/Middle Grandchild, 仲孫, Tiōng-sun),[81] Sioson (Youngest Grandchild, 小孫, Sió-sun), Echon/Ichon/Itchon/Etchon/Ychon (First Grandchild, 一孫, It-sun), Dizon (Second Grandchild, 二孫, Dī-sun), Samson/Sanson (Third Grandchild, 三孫, Sam-sun), Sison (Fourth Grandchild, 四孫, Sì-sun), Gozon/Goson/Gozum (Fifth Grandchild, 五孫, Gǒ͘-sun), Lacson (Sixth Grandchild, 六孫, La̍k-sun), Sitchon/Sichon (Seventh Grandchild, 七孫, Tshit-sun), Pueson (Eighth Grandchild, 八孫, Pueh-sun), Causon/Cauzon (Ninth Grandchild, 九孫, Káu-sun), are examples of transliterations of designations that use the Hokkien suffix -son/-zon/-chon (Hokkien Chinese: ; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: sun; lit. 'Grandchild') used as surnames for some Chinese Filipinos who trace their ancestry from Chinese immigrants to the Philippines during the Spanish Colonial Period. The surnames , 仲孫, 長孫 are listed in the classic Chinese text Hundred Family Surnames, perhaps shedding light on the Hokkien suffix -son/-zon/-chon used here as a surname alongside some sort of accompanying enumeration scheme.

The Chinese who survived the massacre in Manila in the 1700s fled to other parts of the Philippines and to hide their identity, some also adopted two-syllable surnames ending in "son" or "zon" and "co" such as: Yanson = Yan = 燕孫, Ganzon = Gan = 颜孫(Hokkien), Guanzon = Guan/Kwan = 关孫 (Cantonese), Tiongson/Tiongzon = Tiong = 仲孫 (Hokkien), Cuayson/Cuayzon = 邱孫 (Hokkien), Yuson = Yu = 余孫, Tingson/Tingzon = Ting = 陈孫 (Hokchew), Siason = Sia = 谢孫 (Hokkien).[82]

Many also took on Spanish or native Filipino surnames (e.g. Alonzo, Alcaraz, Bautista, De la Cruz, De la Rosa, De los Santos, Garcia, Gatchalian, Mercado, Palanca, Robredo, Sanchez, Tagle, Torres, etc.) upon naturalization. Today, it can be difficult to identify who are Chinese Filipino based on surnames alone.

A phenomenon common among Chinese migrants in the Philippines dating from the 1900s would be to purchase their surname, particularly during the American Colonial Period, when the Chinese Exclusion Act was applied to the Philippines. Such law led new Chinese migrants to purchase the Hispanic or native surnames of native and mestizo Filipinos and thus pass off as long-time Filipino residents of Chinese descent or as native or mestizo Filipinos. Many also purchased the Alien Landing Certificates of other Chinese who have gone back to China and assumed his surname and/or identity. Sometimes, younger Chinese migrants would circumvent the Act through adoption – wherein a Chinese with Philippine nationality adopts a relative or a stranger as his own children, thereby giving the adoptee automatic Filipino citizenship – and a new surname.[citation needed]

Food

Lumpia (Hokkien: 潤餅), a spring roll of Chinese origin.

Traditional Tsinoy cuisine, as Chinese Filipino home-based dishes are locally known, make use of recipes that are traditionally found in China's Fujian Province and fuse them with locally available ingredients and recipes. These include unique foods such as hokkien chha-peng (Fujianese-style fried rice), si-nit mi-soa (birthday noodles), pansit canton (Fujianese-style e-fu noodles), hong ma or humba (braised pork belly), sibut (four-herb chicken soup), hototay (Fujianese egg drop soup), kiampeng (Fujianese beef fried rice), machang (glutinous rice with adobo) and taho (a dessert made of soft tofu, arnibal syrup and pearl sago).

However, most Chinese restaurants in the Philippines, as in other places, feature

Fujianese
fare.

Politics

With the increasing number of Chinese with Philippine nationality, the number of political candidates of Chinese-Filipino descent also started to increase. The most significant change within Chinese Filipino political life would be the citizenship decree promulgated by former President Ferdinand Marcos which opened the gates for thousands of Chinese Filipinos to formally adopt Philippine citizenship.

Chinese Filipino political participation largely began with the People Power Revolution of 1986 which toppled the Marcos dictatorship and ushered in the Aquino presidency. The Chinese have been known to vote in blocs in favor of political candidates who are favorable to the Chinese community.

Important Philippine political leaders with Chinese ancestry include the current president

.

The former

also have Chinese ancestry.

Society and culture

The dragon dance is still a popular tradition among Chinese Filipinos.
Welcome Arch, Manila Chinatown, Ongpin-Binondo, Manila, Filipino-Chinese Bridge of Friendship
Davao Chinatown in Davao City is the biggest Chinatown in the Philippines and the only one in Mindanao.
A Feng-Shui shop in a mall in Manila City selling Chinese charms, statues and images

Society

The Chinese Filipino are mostly business owners[according to whom?] and their life centers mostly in the family business. These mostly small or medium enterprises play a significant role in the Philippine economy. A handful of these entrepreneurs run large companies and are respected as some of the most prominent business tycoons in the Philippines.

Chinese Filipinos attribute their success in business to frugality and hard work, Confucian values and their traditional Chinese customs and traditions. They are very business-minded and entrepreneurship is highly valued and encouraged among the young. Most Chinese Filipinos are urban dwellers. An estimated 50% of the Chinese Filipino live within Metro Manila, with the rest in the other major cities of the Philippines. In contrast with the Chinese mestizos, few Chinese are plantation owners. This is partly due to the fact that until recently when the Chinese Filipino became Filipino citizens, the law prohibited the non-citizens, which most Chinese were, from owning land.

Culture

As with other Southeast Asian nations, the Chinese community in the Philippines has become a repository of traditional Chinese culture common to unassimilated ethnic minorities throughout the world. Whereas in mainland China many cultural traditions and customs were suppressed or destroyed during the Cultural Revolution or simply regarded as old-fashioned nowadays, these traditions have remained largely preserved in the Philippines.[citation needed]

Many new cultural twists have evolved within the Chinese community in the Philippines, distinguishing it from other overseas Chinese communities in Southeast Asia. These cultural variations are highly evident during festivals such as Chinese New Year and Mid-Autumn Festival. The Chinese Filipino have developed unique customs pertaining to weddings, birthdays and funerary rituals.[citation needed]

Weddings

Wedding traditions of Chinese Filipinos, regardless of religious persuasion, usually involve identification of the dates of supplication or pamamanhikan (kiu-hun), engagement (ting-hun) and wedding (kan-chhiu) adopted from Filipino customs. In addition, feng shui based on the birthdates of the couple, as well as of their parents and grandparents may also be considered. Certain customs found among Chinese Filipinos include during supplication (kiu-hun) also include a solemn tea ceremony within the house of the bridegroom ensues where the couple will be served tea, egg noodles (misua) and given red packets or envelopes containing money, commonly referred to as an ang-pao.[citation needed]

During the supplication ceremony, pregnant women and recently engaged couples are forbidden from attending the ceremony. Engagement (ting-hun) quickly follows, where the bride enters the ceremonial room walking backward and turned three times before being allowed to see the groom. A welcome drink consisting of red-colored juice is given to the couple, quickly followed by the exchange of gifts for both families and the wedding tea ceremony, where the bride serves the groom's family and vice versa. The engagement reception consists of sweet tea soup and misua, both of which symbolizes long-lasting relationship.[citation needed]

Before the wedding, the groom is expected to provide the matrimonial bed in the future couple's new home. A baby born under the Chinese sign of the Dragon may be placed in the bed to ensure fertility. He is also tasked to deliver the wedding gown to his bride on the day prior to the wedding to the sister of the bride, as it is considered ill fortune for the groom to see the bride on that day. For the bride, she prepares an initial batch of personal belongings (ke-chheng) to the new home, all wrapped and labeled with the Chinese characters for sang-hi. On the wedding date, the bride wears a red robe emblazoned with the emblem of a dragon prior to wearing the bridal gown, to which a pair of sang-hi (English: marital happiness) coin is sewn. Before leaving her home, the bride then throws a fan bearing the Chinese characters for sang-hi toward her mother to preserve harmony within the bride's family upon her departure. Most of the wedding ceremony then follows Catholic or Protestant traditions.[citation needed]

Post-wedding rituals include the two single brothers or relatives of the bride giving the couple a wa-hoe set, which is a bouquet of flowers with umbrella and sewing kit, for which the bride gives an ang-pao in return. After three days, the couple then visits the bride's family, upon which a pair of sugar cane branch is given, which is a symbol of good luck and vitality among Hokkien people.[83]

Births and birthdays

Birthday traditions of Chinese Filipinos involve large banquet receptions, always featuring noodles[d] and round-shaped desserts. All the relatives of the birthday celebrant are expected to wear red clothing which symbolize respect for the celebrant. Wearing clothes with a darker hue is forbidden and considered bad luck. During the reception, relatives offer ang paos (red packets containing money) to the birthday celebrant, especially if he is still unmarried. For older celebrants, boxes of egg noodles (misua) and eggs on which red paper is placed are given.[citation needed]

Births of babies are not celebrated and they are usually given pet names, which he keeps until he reaches first year of age. The Philippine custom of circumcision is widely practiced within the Chinese Filipino community regardless of religion, albeit at a lesser rate as compared to native Filipinos. First birthdays are celebrated with much pomp and pageantry, and grand receptions are hosted by the child's paternal grandparents.[citation needed]

Funerals and burials

Funerary traditions of Chinese Filipinos mirror those found in Southern Fujian. A unique tradition of many Chinese Filipino families is the hiring of professional mourners which is alleged to hasten the ascent of a dead relative's soul into Heaven. This belief particularly mirrors the merger of traditional Chinese beliefs with the Catholic religion.[84]

Subcultures

Most of the Chinese mestizos, especially the landed gentry trace their ancestry to the Spanish era. They are the "First Chinese" or Sangley whose descendants nowadays are mostly integrated into Philippine society. Most are from Zhangzhou, Fujian province in China, with a minority coming from Guangdong. They have embraced a Hispanized Filipino culture since the 17th century. After the end of Spanish rule, their descendants, the Chinese mestizos, managed to invent a cosmopolitan mestizo culture[citation needed] coupled with an extravagant Mestizo de Sangley lifestyle, intermarrying either with native Filipinos or with Spanish mestizos.

The largest group of Chinese in the Philippines are the "Second Chinese", who are descendants of migrants in the first half of the 20th century, between the anti-Qing 1911 Revolution in China and the Chinese Civil War. This group accounts for most of the "full-blooded" Chinese. They are almost entirely from Fujian Province.

The "Third Chinese" are the second largest group of Chinese, the recent immigrants from Mainland China, after the Chinese economic reform of the 1980s. Generally, the "Third Chinese" are the most entrepreneurial and have not totally lost their Chinese identity in its purest form and seen by some "Second Chinese" as a business threat. Meanwhile, continuing immigration from Mainland China further enlarge this group[85]

Civic organizations

Don Enrique T. Yuchengco Hall
at De La Salle University.

Aside from their family businesses, Chinese Filipinos are active in Chinese-oriented civic organizations related to education, health care, public safety, social welfare and public charity. As most Chinese Filipinos are reluctant to participate in politics and government, they have instead turned to civic organizations as their primary means of contributing to the general welfare of the Chinese community. Beyond the traditional family and clan associations, Chinese Filipinos tend to be active members of numerous alumni associations holding annual reunions for the benefit of their Chinese-Filipino secondary schools.[86]

Outside of secondary schools catering to Chinese Filipinos, some Chinese Filipinos businessmen have established charitable foundations that aim to help others and at the same time minimize tax liabilities. Notable ones include the Gokongwei Brothers Foundation, Metrobank Foundation, Tan Yan Kee Foundation, Angelo King Foundation, Jollibee Foundation, Alfonso Yuchengco Foundation, Cityland Foundation, etc. Some Chinese-Filipino benefactors have also contributed to the creation of several centers of scholarship in prestigious Philippine Universities, including the John Gokongwei School of Management at Ateneo de Manila, the Yuchengco Center at

St. Luke's Medical Center, Inc.,[citation needed] one of Asia's leading health care institutions. In public safety, Teresita Ang See's Kaisa, a Chinese-Filipino civil rights group, organized the Citizens Action Against Crime and the Movement for the Restoration of Peace and Order at the height of a wave of anti-Chinese kidnapping incidents in the early 1990s.[87] In addition to fighting crime against Chinese, Chinese Filipinos have organized volunteer fire brigades all over the country, reportedly the best in the nation.[88] that cater to the Chinese community. In the arts and culture, the Bahay Tsinoy and the Yuchengco Museum were established by Chinese Filipinos to showcase the arts, culture and history of the Chinese.[89]

Ethnic Chinese Filipinos' perceptions of non-Chinese Filipinos

Non-Chinese Filipinos were initially referred to as

Hokkien, most older Chinese Filipinos still use the term, while younger Chinese Filipinos may sometimes instead use the term Hui-li̍p-pin lâng (菲律賓儂), which directly means, "Philippine person" or simply "Filipino". This itself brings complications though as Chinese Filipinos themselves are Filipinos too, born and raised in the Philippines often with families of multiple generations carrying Filipino citizenship
.

Some Chinese Filipinos perceive the government and authorities to be unsympathetic to the plight of the ethnic Chinese, especially in terms of frequent kidnapping for ransom during the late 1990s.[94] Currently, most of the third or fourth generation Chinese Filipinos generally view the non-Chinese Filipino people and government positively, and have largely forgotten about the historical oppression of the ethnic Chinese. They are also most likely to consider themselves as just being "Filipino" and focus on the Philippines, rather than on just being "Chinese" and being associated with China (PRC) or Taiwan (ROC).

Some Chinese Filipinos believe racism still exists toward their community among a minority of non-Chinese Filipinos, who the Chinese Filipinos refer to as "pâi-huâ" (

coronavirus outbreak, that may sometimes extend and generalize on Chinese Filipinos.[101] Chinese Filipino organizations have discouraged the mainstream Filipino public from being discriminatory, particularly against Chinese nationals amid the global spread of COVID-19.[102]

Intermarriage

Chinese mestizos are persons of mixed Chinese and either Spanish or indigenous Filipino ancestry. Mestizos are thought to make up as much as 25% of the country's total population. A number of Chinese mestizos have surnames that reflect their heritage, mostly two or three syllables that have Chinese roots (e.g., the full name of a Chinese ancestor) with a Hispanized phonetic spelling.

During the Spanish colonial period, the Spanish authorities encouraged the Chinese male immigrants to convert to Catholicism. Those who converted got baptized and their names Hispanized, and were allowed to intermarry with indigenous Filipino women. The couple and their mestizo offspring became colonial subjects of the Spanish crown, and as such were granted several privileges and afforded numerous opportunities that were denied to the unconverted and non-citizen Chinese. Starting out as traders, many Chinese mestizo businesspeople branched out into land leasing, money-lending, and later, landholding.

Chinese mestizo men and women were encouraged to marry Spanish and indigenous women and men,[citation needed] by means of dowries,[citation needed] as part of a colonial policy to mix the different ethno-racial groups of the Philippines so as it would be impossible to expel the Spanish.[103]

In these days however, blood purity was still of prime concern in most traditional Chinese Filipino families especially pure-blooded Han ones. Many Chinese Filipinos held the belief that a Chinese Filipino can only be married to another fellow Chinese Filipino since marriages to a non-Chinese Filipino or any non-Chinese outsider was considered taboo. Chinese marriage to native or mestizo Filipinos and outsiders still continues posts uncertainty on both parties to this day. As the Chinese Filipino family structure is traditionally patriarchal hence, it is the male that carries the last name of the family which also entails the pedigree and legacy of the family name itself. Male Chinese Filipino marriage to a native or mestiza Filipina or any outsider was considered to be more admissible than vice versa. In the case of the Chinese Filipina female marrying a native or mestizo Filipino or any outsider, it may cause several unwanted racial issues and tensions, especially on the side of the Chinese family.

In some instances, a member of a traditional Chinese Filipino family may be denied of his or her inheritance and likely to be disowned by his or her family for marrying an outsider without their consent. However, there are exceptions in which intermarriage to a non-Chinese Filipino or any outsider is permissible provided their family background is socioeconomically well-off or influential.

On the other hand, modern Chinese Filipino families who exhibit more liberal cosmopolitan views and beliefs are generally more receptive to interracial marriage by allowing their children to marry native or mestizo Filipino or any non-Chinese outsider. However, many contemporary Chinese Filipino families would still by and large prefer that the Filipino or any non-Chinese outsider would have some or little Han Chinese ancestry, such as the descendants of Chinese mestizos dating back to the Spanish colonial period.

Trade and industry

Manila Stock Exchange is now pullulated with thousands of prospering Chinese-owned Filipino stock brokerage houses and publicly traded companies.[10][104] Filipino investors of Chinese ancestry dominate the Manila Stock Exchange as they are estimated to control more than half of the publicly listed companies by market capitalization.[105][106][107][108][109][110]

Like much of Southeast Asia, Filipinos of Chinese ancestry dominate the Filipino economy and commerce at every level of society.[9][111][112] Chinese Filipinos wield tremendous economic clout unerringly disproportionate relative to their small population size over their indigenous Filipino majority counterparts and play a critical role in maintaining the country's economic vitality and prosperity.[113][11][114] With their powerful economic prominence, the Chinese virtually make up the country's entire wealthy elite.[104][115][116] Chinese Filipinos, in the aggregate, represent a disproportionate wealthy, market-dominant minority not only form a distinct ethnic community, they also form, by and large, an economic class: the commercial middle and upper class in contrast to their poorer indigenous Filipino majority working and underclass counterparts around them.[9][116] Entire posh Chinese enclaves have sprung up in major Filipino cities across the country, literally walled off from the poorer indigenous Filipino masses guarded by heavily armed, private security forces.[9] Though the contemporary Chinese Filipino community albeit remains stubbornly insular, given their propensity to voluntarily segregate themselves from the indigenous Filipino populace through typically associating themselves with the Chinese community, their collective impacting presence nonetheless still remains powerfully felt throughout the country at large. In particular, given their dominant middleman minority status and ubiquitous economic influence and prosperity owing to their shrewd business acumen and astute investment savvy have prompted the community's acculturation into mainstream Filipino society and their maintenance of their exclusively unabashed distinctive cultural sense of ethnic identity, clannishness, community, kinship, nationalism, and socioethnic cohesion through clan associations.[117]

The Chinese have played a key role in Filipino business and industry having dominated the economy of the Philippines for centuries long before the pre-Spanish and American colonial eras.

American colonial epoch, Chinese merchants controlled a significant percentage of the retail trade and internal commerce of the country. They predominated the retail trade and owned three-quarters of the 2500 rice mills interspersed along with the Filipino islands.[119] Total resources of banking capital held by the Chinese was US$27 million in 1937 to a high of US$100 million in the estimated aggregate, making them second to the Americans in terms of total foreign capital investment held.[12] Under Spanish rule, the Chinese were willing to engage in trade and venture into other business activities where Filipino entrepreneurs of Chinese ancestry were responsible for introducing sugar refining devices, new construction techniques, movable type printing, and bronze making into the Filipino economic landscape while also providing fishing, gardening, artisan, and other such trading services. Many poverty-stricken Filipinos of Chinese ancestry were drawn towards business ownership and investing as they were prohibited from owning land and saw the only path out of abject poverty was by going into commercial business, entrepreneurship, and investing as a sole recourse to alleviate themselves from extreme economic destitution and ameliorate the parlous state of their personal financial situations. Numerous budding Chinese-born and Filipino-bred entrepreneurs and investors, driven by their shrewd commercial instincts, have leveraged their business skills and entrepreneurial spirit to change the trajectory of the parlous state of their financial destinies in unshackling themselves from the debilitating stranglehold of poverty towards a pathway of financial prosperity and economic enlightenment. By assuming responsibility for their personal financial circumstances empowered and precipitated countless budding Filipino entrepreneurs of Chinese ancestry to become self-employed as dealers, distributors, hawkers, marketers, peddlers, producers, retailers, sellers, and vendors of variegated goods and services catered to the Spanish and American colonizers as well as the masses of indigenous Filipino consumers.[120] Mainly attracted and lured by the promise of bountiful economic opportunities brought upon by the auspices of American colonial influence during the first four decades of the 20th century actuated the Chinese to vigorously assert and ultimately secure their domains of economic power fostered amongst their entrepreneurial activities and investment pursuits. The implementation of a free trade policy between the Philippines and the United States allowed the Chinese to capitalize on the growth of a burgeoning Filipino consumer market. As a result, Filipino entrepreneurs and investors of Chinese ancestry were able to capture a significant market share across the country by expanding their commercial business activities in which they were the key players who ventured into then newly emerging industries such as industrial manufacturing and financial services.[121] The American and Spanish colonizers who saw the indispensable benefit of the enterprising Chinese harnessed their commercial expertise, contacts, capital, and presence to serve and protect their colonial economic interests. Chinese-owned sari-sari stores that cropped up all over the Philippines were utilized to distribute and supply American and cheap Chinese-made Filipino goods and raw materials with the finished products purposed for the eventual export to the American and other foreign markets overseas. The conspicuous presence of the Chinese that permeated throughout the everyday textual fabric of Filipino economic life incurred the volatile emotions and hostility of the indigenous Filipino masses manifested in the form of animosity, bitterness, envy, grievance, insecurity, and resentment.[122]

Up until the 1970s, many of the Philippines's biggest corporations and commercial economic activities had long been under the control, influence, and ownership of the Americans and Spaniards.[123] Since the 1970s, much of the Philippines's economic activities that were once long held by them have increasingly come under the commercial influencing dominance of the Chinese, where Filipinos of Chinese ancestry are estimated to control 60 to 70 percent of the modern Filipino economy.[124][125][126][127][128][129][10][130][131][132][133][134][135][136][137][138] The Chinese Filipino community, amounting to 1 percent of the overall population of the Philippines, control the country's largest and most lucrative department stores, supermarkets, hotels, shopping malls, airlines, and fast-food restaurants in addition to all of its major financial services providers, banks and stock brokerage houses, as well as dominating the nation's wholesale distribution networks, shipping lines, banks, construction, textiles, real estate, personal computer, semiconductors, pharmaceutical, mass media, and industrial manufacturing industries.[139][140][141][10][104][142] Filipinos of Chinese ancestry also control 40 percent of the Philippine's national corporate equity.[143][144] Filipinos of Chinese ancestry are also involved in the processing and distribution of pharmaceutical products. More than 1000 companies are involved in this industry, with most being small and medium-sized businesses amounting to an aggregate capitalization of ₱1.2 billion.[145] Filipinos of Chinese ancestry are also prominent players in the Filipino mass media industry, as the Chinese control six out of the ten English-language newspapers in Manila, including the one with the largest daily circulation.[104][146] Many retail stores and restaurants presided by Filipino owners with Chinese ancestry are regularly featured in Manila newspapers which often attracted great public interest as such examples of high profile business ownership were used to illustrate the Chinese community's strong economic influence that permeated throughout the country.[147][148] The Chinese also dominate the Filipino telecommunications industry, where one of the current significant players in the Filipino telecom sector was the business taipan John Gokongwei, whose conglomerate JG Summit Holdings controlled 28 wholly-owned subsidiaries with interests ranging from food and agro-industrial products, hotels, insurance agencies, financial services providers, electronic components, textiles and garment manufacturing, real estate, petrochemicals, power generation, printing, newspaper publishing, packaging materials, detergents, and cement mixing.[149] Gokongwei's family firm is one of the six largest and most well-known Filipino conglomerates that has been under the hands of an owner of Chinese lineage.[150] Gokongwei began his business career by starting out in food processing during the 1950s, venturing into textile manufacturing in the early 1970s, and then cornered the Filipino real estate development and hotel management industries by the end of the decade. In 1976, Gokongwei established Manila Midtown Hotels and has since then assumed the controlling interest of two other hotel chains, Cebu Midtown and Manila Galleria Suites respectively.[151] In addition, Gokongwei has also made forays into the Filipino financial services sector as he expanded his business interests by investing in two Filipino banks, PCI Bank and Far East Bank, in addition to negotiating the acquisition of one of the Philippines's oldest newspapers, The Manila Times.[152][153] Gokongwei's eldest daughter became publisher of the newspaper in December 1988 at the age of 28, at which during the same time her father acquired the paper from the Roceses, a Spanish Mestizo family.[154] Of the 66 percent remaining part of the economy in the Philippines held by either Chinese or indigenous Filipinos, the Chinese control 35 percent of all total sales.[155][156] Filipinos of Chinese ancestry control an estimated 50 to 60 percent of non-land share capital in the Philippines, and as much as 35 percent of total sales are attributed to the largest public and private firms owned by the Chinese.[157][158][159][160] Many prominent Filipino companies that are Chinese-owned focus on diverse industry sectors such as semiconductors, chemicals, real estate, engineering, construction, fibre-optics, textiles, financial services, consumer electronics, food, and personal computers.[161] A third of the top 500 companies publicly listed on the Philippines Stock Exchange are owned by Filipinos of Chinese ancestry.[162] Of the top 1000 firms, Filipinos of Chinese ancestry control 36 percent of them and among the top 100 companies, 43 percent.[162][163] Between 1978 and 1988, 146 of the country's 494 top companies were under Chinese ownership.[164] Filipinos of Chinese ancestry are also estimated to control over one-third of the Philippines's 1000 largest corporations with the Chinese controlling 47 of the 68 locally owned companies publicly listed on the Manila Stock Exchange.[165][166][167][168][169][170] In 1990, the Chinese controlled 25 percent of the top 100 businesses in the Philippines and by 2014, the share of top 100 firms owned by them grew to 41 percent.[171][172] Filipino entrepreneurs of Chinese ancestry are also responsible for generating 55 percent of overall Filipino private commercial business activity across the country.[173] In addition, Chinese-owned Filipino companies account for 66 percent of the sixty largest commercial entities.[174][175] In 2008, among the top ten wealthiest Filipinos, 6 to 7 were of Chinese ancestry with Henry Sy Sr. having topped the list with an estimated net worth US$14.4 billion.[176] In 2015, the top 4 wealthiest people in the Philippines (with 9 being pure-blooded Han Chinese in addition to 10 out of the top 15) were of Chinese ancestry.[177][142] In 2019, 15 of the 17 Filipino billionaires were of Chinese ancestry.[178]

Filipinos of Chinese ancestry exert a considerable influential foothold across the Filipino industrial manufacturing sector. With respect to delineating the parameters by industry distribution, Chinese-owned manufacturing establishments account for a third of the entirety of the Filipino industrial manufacturing sector.[119][164][179] The majority of Filipino industrial manufacturing establishments that produce the processing of coconut products, flour, food products, textiles, plastic products, footwear, glass, as well as heavy industry products such as metals, steel, industrial chemicals, paper products, paints, leatherwork, garments, sugar refining, timber processing, construction materials, food and beverages, rubber, plastics, semiconductors, and personal computers are controlled by Filipino entrepreneurs of Chinese ancestry.[11][119][180][181] In the secondary industry, 75 percent of the country's 2500 rice mills were Chinese-owned. Chinese Filipino entrepreneurs were also dominant in wood processing, and accounted for over 10 percent of the capital invested in the lumber industry and controlled 85 percent of it as well as accounting for 40 percent of the industry's annual output propagated through their extensive control of nearly all the sawmills throughout the country.[182] Emerging import-substituting light industries induced the active participation and ownership of Chinese entrepreneurs being involved in various several salt works in addition to a large number of small and medium-sized producers engaged in food processing as well as the production of leather and tobacco goods. The Chinese also hold enormous sway over the Filipino food processing industry with approximately 200 outlets being involved in this sector alone predominating the eventual export of their finished products to Hong Kong, Singapore, and Taiwan. More than 200 Chinese-owned companies are also involved in the production of paper, paper products, fertilizers, cosmetics, rubber products, and plastics.[183] By the early 1960s, the Chinese presence in the manufacturing sector became even more significant. Of the industrial manufacturing establishments that employed 10 or more workers, 35 percent were Chinese-owned and among 284 enterprises employing more than 100 workers, 37 percent were likewise Chinese-owned. Of the 163 domestic industrial manufacturing companies operating throughout the Philippines, 80 were Chinese-owned and included the manufacturing of coconut oil, food products, tobacco, textiles, plastic products, footwear, glass, and certain types of metals such as tubes and pipes, wire rods, nails, bolts, and containers.[184] In 1965, the Chinese controlled 32 percent of the country's top industrial manufacturing outlets.[185][186][187] Of the 259 industrial manufacturing establishments belonging to the top 1000 that operated throughout the entire country, the Chinese owned 33.6 percent of the top manufacturing companies as well as 43.2 percent of the top commercial manufacturing outlets in 1980.[164][188] By 1986, the Chinese controlled 45 percent of the country's top 120 domestic manufacturing companies.[119][189][190][191] These manufacturing establishments are mainly involved in the production of tobacco and cigarettes, soap and cosmetics, textiles and rubber footwear.[180]

The Filipino fast food chain, Jollibee, which makes Filipino-style hamburgers was founded by Tony Tan Caktiong, a Filipino entrepreneur of Chinese ancestry.[192] The outlet today continues to remain as one of the country's most famous and beloved fast food franchises.[193]

Today, Filipinos of Chinese ancestry control all of the Philippines's largest and most lucrative department stores, supermarkets, and fast-food restaurants.

Yonghe Dawang (永和大王) have made headway into the Filipino restaurant industry with their various constiuent outlets being cropped up across various cities around the country. There are roughly 3000 fast-food outlets and restaurants controlled by Filipino restaurateurs of Chinese ancestry around the country, especially eating establishments specializing in Chinese cuisine have attracted an influx of foreign capital investments from Hong Kong and Taiwan.[194][195] The banker and business taipan George Ty was responsible for securing and franchising the rights of the famous publicly traded American hamburger franchise McDonald's across the Philippines and the Jollibee fast-food joint, whose founder Tony Tan Caktiong is a Filipino restaurateur of Chinese ancestry.[196][192][197][198] Jollibee's popularity around the country has since then led to the expansion of its corporate presence throughout the world by establishing subsidiaries in the Middle East, Hong Kong, Guam, and other Southeast Asian countries such as Brunei and Indonesia.[149][199][200] The chain has since evolved into the Jollibee Foods Corporation with the company having expanded gradually its corporate operating presence throughout Mainland China as evidenced by its foreign acquisition of the Chinese fast food chain Dim Sum in 2008.[201] In the beverage sector, San Miguel Corporation is the among the Philippines's most prominent beverage providers. The company was founded in 1851 by Enrique María Barretto de Ycaza y Esteban and is responsible for supplying the country's entire beverage needs. Two Chinese-owned Filipino beverage companies, namely Lucio Tan's Asia Brewery and John Gokongwei's Universal Robina, along with several lesser-known beverage companies are also now competing with each other to capture the largest share in the Filipino beverage market.[202]

In 1940, Filipinos of Chinese ancestry were estimated to control 70 percent of the country's entire retail trade and 75 percent of the nation's rice mills.

Second Sino-Japanese war, Chinese Filipinos controlled 85 percent of the nation's retail trade.[205] The Chinese also presided over 40 percent of the retailing imports coupled with substantial controlling interests in banking, oil refining, sugar milling, cement, tobacco, flour milling, glass, dairy farming, automobile manufacturing, and consumer electronics.[206] Although the Filipino Hacienderos owned an extensive array of businesses, Filipinos of Chinese ancestry greatly augmented their economic power coinciding with the pro-market reforms of the late 1980s and 1990s initiated by the Marcos administration. As a result, the Chinese gradually increased their commanding role in the domestic Filipino commercial retail sector over time by acting as an intermediary in connecting Chinese-owned Filipino retailers to the masses of indigenous Filipino consumers through the exchange of various goods and services. The Chinese Filipino business community accomplished such commercial feats as a tight-knit group in an enclosed system via vertical integration by setting up their own supply chains, distribution networks, locating key competitors, making use of geographical coverage, attributes and characteristics, business strategies, staff recruitment, store proliferation, and establishing their own independent trade organizations.[207] Chinese-owned Filipino retail outlets also exercised a vast disproportionate share of several local goods such as rice, lumber products, and alcoholic drinks.[207] Some Chinese Filipino merchant traders even branched into retailing these products in addition to rice milling, logging, saw-milling, distillery, tobacco, coconut oil processing, footwear making, and agricultural processing. Over time, the domestic Filipino economy began to broaden by the multitudinous expansion of commercial business activities long held by the Chinese which also ushered in new forms of entrepreneurship with the Chinese having assiduously devoted and directed their corporate efforts, energies, and capital into cultivating new industries and growth areas over other well-established and matured sectors.[207]

Since the 1950s, Filipino entrepreneurs of Chinese ancestry have controlled the entirety of the Filipino retail industry.[208] Every small, medium, and large enterprise in the Filipino retail sector is now completely under Chinese hands as they have been at the forefront at pioneering the modern and contemporary development of the Philippines's retail sector.[209] From the 1970s onward, Filipino entrepreneurs of Chinese ancestry have re-established themselves as the dominant players in the Filipino retail industry with the community having achieved a collective corporate feat of presiding an estimated 8500 Chinese-owned retail and wholesale outlets that predominate across various metropolitan areas the country.[11][210] On a microscopic scale, the Hokkien community have a proclivity to run capital intensive businesses such as banks, commercial shipping lines, rice mills, dry goods, and general stores while the Cantonese gravitated towards hotels, restaurants, and laundromats.[211][207] Filipino entrepreneurs of Chinese ancestry control 35 percent to upwards to two-thirds of the domestic sales among the country's 67 largest commercial retail outlets.[212][213][214][215] By the 1980s, Filipino entrepreneurs of Chinese ancestry began to expand their business activities by venturing into large-scale retailing.

Chinese-owned Filipino retail outlet's today are among the single largest owners of department store chains in the Philippines with one prominent example being

financing needs of up-and-coming Chinese Filipino entrepreneurs.[223]

From small trade cooperatives clustered by hometown pawnbrokers, Filipinos of Chinese ancestry would go on to establish and incorporate the largest financial services institutions in the country. Filipinos of Chinese ancestry have been the chief pioneering influence in the Filipino financial sector as they dominated the country's financial services domain and have had a presence in the country's banking industry since the early part of the 20th century. The two earliest Chinese-founded Filipino banks were

Metrobank group, Philippine Trust Company (Philtrust Bank), Rizal Commercial Banking group, Security Bank Corporation (Security Bank) and the United Coconut Planters Bank.[239] Most of these banks comprise a larger part of an umbrella owned family conglomerate with assets exceeding ₱100 billion.[240] The total combined assets of all the Philippines's commercial banks under Chinese ownership account for 25.72 percent of all the aggregate assets in the entire Filipino commercial banking system.[11] Among the Philippines's 35 banks, shareholders of Chinese ancestry on average control 30 percent of the total banking equity.[241] There are also 23 Filipino insurance agencies that are Chinese-owned, with some branches operating overseas and in Hong Kong.[224]

Filipinos of Chinese ancestry also wield enormous clout over the Philippines's real estate sector with much of the modern industry's grip being commercially grasped in their shrewdly enterprising and investment-savvy clutches. The line of revenue-generating business and income-producing investment opportunities that allowed the Chinese to expand their economic predominance into the Filipino real estate industry presented themselves occurred when the Chinese were finally conferred full-fledged Filipino citizenship during the

Liem Sioe Liong, businessman Robert Kuok and dealmakers Andrew Gotianun, Henry Sy, George Ty and Lucio Tan.[252] Besides being responsible for spearheading the pioneering development and growth of the Philippines's modern real estate industry, both Sy and Tan have been generous patrons of the Mainland Chinese on top of the local Chinese Filipino community, ardently extending their philanthropic hospitality by actively investing in the economic development and revitalization of their ancestral hometowns back in China.[253] With Sy constructing supermalls in Chengdu, Chongqing, and Suzhou and Tan developing a 30-story banking center in Xiamen.[254]

The Chinese also pioneered the Filipino shipping industry which eventually germinated into a major industry sector as a means of transporting goods cheaply and quickly between the islands. Filipino entrepreneurs of Chinese ancestry have remained dominant in the Philippines's maritime shipping and sea transport industry as it was one of the few efficient methods of transporting goods cheaply and quickly across the country, with the Philippines geographically being an archipelago, comprising more than 1000 islands and inlets.

As Filipino businesspeople of Chinese ancestry became more financially prosperous, they often coalesced their financial resources and pooled large amounts of seed capital together to forge joint business ventures with expatriate Mainland and Overseas Chinese businessmen and investors from all over the world. Like other Chinese-owned businesses operating throughout the Southeast Asian markets, Chinese-owned businesses in the Philippines often link up with Greater Chinese and other Overseas Chinese businesses and networks across the globe to focus on new business opportunities to collaborate and concentrate on. Common industry sectors of focus include real estate, engineering, textiles, consumer electronics, financial services, food, semiconductors, and chemicals.[257] Besides sharing a common ancestry, cultural, linguistic, and familial ties, many Filipino entrepreneurs and investors of Chinese ancestry are particular strong adherents of the Confucian paradigm of interpersonal relationships when doing business with each other, as the Chinese believed that the underlying source for entrepreneurial and investment success relied on the nurturing of personal relationships.[180] Moreover, Filipino businesses that are Chinese-owned form a part of the larger bamboo network, an umbrella business network of Overseas Chinese companies operating in the markets of Greater China and Southeast Asia that share common family, ethnic, linguistic, and cultural ties.[258][259] With the spectacular growth of varying success stories witnessed by a number of individual Chinese Filipino business tycoons and investors have allowed them to expand their traditional corporate activities beyond the Philippines to forge international partnerships with increasing numbers of expatriate Mainland and Overseas Chinese investors on a global scale.[260] Instead of quixotically diverting excess profits elsewhere, many Filipino businesspeople of Chinese ancestry are known for their penurious and parsimonious ways by eschewing improvident lavish extravagances and frivolous conspicuous consumption but instead adhere to the Chinese paradigm of being frugal by pragmatically, productively, and methodically reinvesting substantial surpluses of their business profits devoted for the purpose of commercial business expansion and performing the acquisition of cash flow producing and income-generating assets. A sizable percentage of the conglomerates managed by capable Filipino entrepreneurs and investors of Chinese ancestry that are armed with the necessary managerial capabilities, enterprising disposition, commercial expertise, entrepreneurial acumen, investment savvy, and visionary foresight were able to germinate from small budding enterprises to making headway into gargantuan corporate leviathans garnering widespread economic influence across the Philippines, Southeast Asia, and the global financial markets.[114] Such massive corporate expansions engendered the term "Chinoy", which is colloquially used in Filipino newspapers to denote Filipino individuals with a degree of Chinese ancestry who either speak a Chinese dialect or adhere to Chinese customs.

As Chinese economic might grew, much of the indigenous Filipino majority were gradually driven out and displaced into poorer land on the hills, on the outskirts of major Filipino cities, or into the mountains.[111] Disenchantment grew among the displaced indigenous Filipinos who felt they were unable compete with Chinese-owned businesses.[261] Underlying resentment and bitterness from the impoverished Filipino majority has been accumulating as there has been no existence of indigenous Filipino having any substantial business equity in the Philippines.[111] Decades of free market liberalization brought virtually no economic benefit to the indigenous Filipino majority but rather the opposite resulting a subjugated indigenous Filipino majority underclass, where the vast disproportion of indigeneous Filipinos still engage in rural peasantry, menial labor or domestic service and squatting.[104][111] The Filipino government has dealt with this wealth disparity by establishing socialist and communist dictatorships or authoritarian regimes while pursuing a systematic and ruthless affirmative action campaigns giving privileges to allow the indigenous Filipino majority to gain a more equitable economic footing during the 1950s and 1960s.[262][263] The rise of economic nationalism among the impoverished indigenous Filipino majority prompted by the Filipino government resulted in the passing of the Retail Trade Nationalization Law of 1954, where ethnic Chinese were barred and pressured to move out of the retail sector restricting engagement to Filipino citizens only.[263] In addition, the Chinese were prevented from owning land by restricting land ownership to Filipinos only. Other restrictions on Chinese economic activities included limiting Chinese involvement in the import-export trade while trying to increase the indigenous Filipino involvement to gain a proportionate presence. In 1960, the Rice and Corn Nationalization Law was passed restricting trading, milling, and warehousing of rice and corn only to Filipinos while barring Chinese involvement, in which they initially had a significant presence.[262][263][264][265] These policies ultimately backfired on the government as the laws had an overall negative impact on the government tax revenue which dropped significantly because the country's biggest source of taxpayers were Chinese, who eventually took their capital out of the country to invest elsewhere.[262][263] The increased economic clout held in the hands of the Chinese has triggered bitterness, suspicion, resentment, envy, insecurity, grievance, instability, ethnic hatred, and outright anti-Chinese hostility among the indigenous native Filipino majority towards the Chinese minority.[112] Such hostility has resulted in the kidnapping of hundreds of Chinese Filipinos by indigeneous Filipinos since the 1990s.[112] Many victims, often children are brutally murdered, even after a ransom is paid.[111][112] Numerous incidents of crimes such kidnap-for-ransom, extortion, and other forms of harassment were committed against the Chinese Filipino community starting from the early 1990s continues to this very day.[36][112] Thousands of displaced Filipino hill tribes and aborigines continue to live in satellite shantytowns on the outskirts of Manila in economic destitution where two-thirds of the country's indigenous Filipinos live on less than 2 dollars per day in extreme poverty.[111] Such animosity, antagonmism, bitterness, envy, grievance, hatred, insecurity, and resentment is ready at any moment to be catalyzed as a form of vengeneance by the downtrodden indigenous Filipino majority as many Chinese Filipinos are subject to kidnapping, vandalism, murder, and violence.[266] Anti-Chinese sentiment among the indigenous Filipino majority is deeply rooted in poverty but also feelings of resentment and exploitation are also exhibited among native and mestizo Filipinos blaming their socioeconomic failures on the Chinese.[112][266][267]

Future trends

Most of the younger generations of pure Chinese Filipinos are descendants of Chinese who migrated during the 1800s onward – this group retains much of Chinese culture, customs, and work ethic (though not necessarily language), whereas almost all Chinese mestizos are descendants of Chinese who migrated even before the Spanish colonial period and have been integrated and assimilated into the general Philippine society as a whole.

There are four trends that the Chinese Filipino would probably undertake within a generation or so:

  • assimilation and integration, as in the case of Chinese Thais who eventually lost their genuine Chinese heritage and adopted Thai culture and language as their own
  • separation, where the Chinese Filipino community can be clearly distinguished from the other ethnic groups in the Philippines; reminiscent of most Chinese Malaysians
  • returning to the ancestral land, which is the current phenomenon of overseas Chinese returning to China
  • emigration to North America and Australasia, as in the case of some Chinese Malaysians and many Chinese Vietnamese (Hoa people)

During the 1970s, Fr. Charles McCarthy, an expert in Philippine-Chinese relations, observed that "the peculiarly Chinese content of the Philippine-Chinese subculture is further diluted in succeeding generations" and he made a prediction that "the time will probably come and it may not be far off, when, in this sense, there will no more 'Chinese' in the Philippines". This view is still controversial however, with the constant adoption of new cultures by Filipinos contradicting this thought.

Integration and assimilation

Assimilation is defined as the adoption of the cultural norms of the dominant or host culture, while integration is defined as the adoption of the cultural norms of the dominant or host culture while maintaining their culture of origin.

As of the present day, due to the effects of globalization in the Philippines, there has been a marked tendency to assimilate to Filipino lifestyles influenced by the US, among ethnic Chinese. This is especially true for younger Chinese Filipino living in Metro Manila[268] who are gradually shifting to English as their preferred language, thus identifying more with Western culture, at the same time speaking Chinese among themselves. Similarly, as the cultural divide between Chinese Filipino and other Filipinos erode, there is a steady increase of intermarriages with native and mestizo Filipinos, with their children completely identifying with the Filipino culture and way of life. Assimilation is gradually taking place in the Philippines, albeit at a slower rate as compared to Thailand.[269]

On the other hand, the largest Chinese Filipino organization, the Kaisa Para Sa Kaunlaran openly espouses eventual integration but not assimilation of the Chinese Filipino with the rest of Philippine society and clamors for maintaining Chinese language education and traditions.

Meanwhile, the general Philippine public is largely neutral regarding the role of the Chinese Filipino in the Philippines, and many have embraced Chinese Filipino as fellow Filipino citizens and even encouraged them to assimilate and participate in the formation of the Philippines' destiny.

Separation

Separation is defined as the rejection of the dominant or host culture in favor of preserving their culture of origin, often characterized by the presence of ethnic enclaves.

The recent rapid economic growth of both China and Taiwan as well as the successful business acumen of Overseas Chinese have fueled among many Chinese Filipino a sense of pride through immersion and regaining interest in Chinese culture, customs, values and language while remaining in the Philippines.[citation needed]

Despite the community's inherent ethnocentrism – there are no active proponents for political separation, such as autonomy or even independence, from the Philippines, partly due to the small size of the community relative to the general Philippine population, and the scattered distribution of the community throughout the archipelago, with only half residing in Metro Manila.

Returning to the ancestral land

Many Chinese-Filipino entrepreneurs and professionals have flocked to their ancestral homeland to partake of business and employment opportunities opened up by China's emergence as a global economic superpower.[270]

As above, the fast economic growth of China and the increasing popularity of Chinese culture has also helped fan pro-China patriotism among a majority of Chinese Filipino who espouse 愛國愛鄉 (ài guó ài xiāng) sentiments (love of ancestral country and hometown). Some Chinese Filipino, especially those belonging to the older generation, still demonstrate ài guó ài xiāng by donating money to fund clan halls, school buildings, Buddhist temples and parks in their hometowns in China.

Emigration to North America and Australasia

During the 1990s to the early 2000s, Philippine economic difficulties and more liberal immigration policies in destination countries have led to well-to-do Chinese Filipino families to acquire North American or Australasian passports and send their children abroad to attend prestigious North America or Australasian universities.[271] Many of these children are opting to remain after graduation to start professional careers in North America or Australasia, like their Chinese brethren from other parts of Asia.

Many Philippine-educated Chinese Filipino from middle-class families are also migrating to North America and Australasia for economic advantages. Those who have family businesses regularly commute between North America (or Australasia) and the Philippines. In this way, they follow the well-known pattern of other Chinese immigrants to North America who lead "astronaut" lifestyles: family in North America, business in Asia.[272]

With the increase in political stability and economic growth in Asia, this trend is becoming significantly less popular for Chinese Filipinos.

Notable people

See also

Notes

  1. Philippine Hokkien Chinese: 咱儂 / 咱人 / 菲律賓華僑; Pe̍h-ōe-jī: Lán-nâng / Lán-lâng / Nán-nâng / Hui-li̍p-pin Hôa-kiâu, Mandarin simplified Chinese: 菲律宾华人 / 菲律宾华侨 / 华菲人; traditional Chinese: 菲律賓華人 / 菲律賓華僑 / 華菲人; pinyin
    : Fēilǜbīn huárén / Fēilǜbīn huáqiáo / Huáfēi rén
  2. ^ Kaisa, the organization she heads, aims to inform the Filipino mainstream of the contributions of the ethnic Chinese to Philippine historical, economic and political life. At the same time, Kaisa encourages Chinese Filipinos to maintain loyalties to the Philippines, rather than China or Taiwan.
  3. ^ Most prominently the Buddhist Seng Guan Temple in Tondo, Manila.
  4. ^ Filipinos usually cook and serve pansit noodles on birthdays to wish for long life.

References

  1. ^ a b Macrohon, Pilar (January 21, 2013). "Senate declares Chinese New Year as special working holiday" (Press release). PRIB, Office of the Senate Secretary, Senate of the Philippines. Archived from the original on May 16, 2021.
  2. ^ "The ethnic Chinese variable in domestic and foreign policies in Malaysia and Indonesia" (PDF). p. 96. Archived from the original (PDF) on November 1, 2018. Retrieved April 23, 2012.
  3. ^ Macrohon, Pilar (January 21, 2013). "Senate declares Chinese New Year as special working holiday" (Press release). PRIB, Office of the Senate Secretary, Senate of the Philippines. Archived from the original on April 9, 2016. Retrieved January 26, 2013.
  4. ^ a b Palanca, Ellen H. (2002). "A Comparative Study of Chinese Education in the Philippines and Malaysia" (PDF). Asian Studies. 38 (2): 31–42. Archived (PDF) from the original on August 17, 2022. Retrieved November 22, 2021.
  5. ^ "Overseas Compatriot Affairs Commission, R.O.C." Ocac.gov.tw. Archived from the original on November 23, 2013. Retrieved April 22, 2012.
  6. ^ Pedrasa, Ira P. (December 29, 2023). "Tracing hardy Chinoy roots in Fujian". INQUIRER.net. Archived from the original on January 7, 2024. Retrieved January 7, 2024.
  7. ^ a b Carter, Lauren (1995). The ethnic Chinese variable in domestic and foreign policies in Malaysia and Indonesia (PDF) (Master of Arts thesis). Simon Fraser University. Archived (PDF) from the original on November 1, 2018. Retrieved April 23, 2012.
  8. ^ Buchholt, Helmut (1993). Sangley, Intsik und Sino: die chinesische Haendlerminoritaet in den Philippine. Working paper / Universität Bielefeld, Fakultät für Soziologie, Forschungsschwerpunkt Entwicklungssoziologie, 0936-3408. Universität Bielefeld. Archived from the original on November 14, 2017. Retrieved January 31, 2014.
  9. ^ .
  10. ^ .
  11. ^ .
  12. ^ .
  13. ISBN 978-0-295-80026-4. Archived from the original on February 18, 2023. Retrieved May 6, 2012 – via Google Books
    .
  14. ^ LaFranco, Rob; Peterson-Withorn, Chase, eds. (2023). "Forbes World's Billionaires List". Forbes. Archived from the original on January 4, 2019. Retrieved May 31, 2023.
  15. from the original on February 18, 2023. Retrieved May 14, 2021.
  16. ^ (PDF) from the original on April 9, 2008. Retrieved February 8, 2008.
  17. from the original on October 20, 2021. Retrieved October 21, 2021 – via Persée.
  18. ^ "American Anthropological Association Style Guide". txstate.edu. Archived from the original on September 10, 2006.
  19. ^ "Michigan State University Style Sheet" (PDF). msu.edu. Archived from the original (PDF) on September 5, 2006.
  20. ^ Hyphens, en dashes, em dashes Archived January 5, 2007, at the Wayback Machine. (n.d.) Chicago Style Q&A. Chicago Manual of Style Online. (15th ed.)
  21. ^ "The Ranking of Ethnic Chinese Population". Overseas Compatriot Affairs Commission, R.O.C. Archived from the original on November 23, 2013.
  22. ^ "Report of the Philippine commission to the President". January 31, 1900. p. 150. Archived from the original on June 2, 2021.
  23. ^ a b c "Pre-colonial Manila". Malacañan Palace: Presidential Museum And Library. Archived from the original on July 24, 2015. Retrieved January 26, 2021.
  24. ^ a b Weightman, George H. (February 1960) The Philippine Chinese: A Cultural History of A Marginal Trading Company. Ann Arbor, Michigan: UMI Dissertation Information Service.
  25. ^ Salvilla, Rex S. (July 26, 2007). "Molo: Athens of the Philippines". The News Today. Archived from the original on August 29, 2019. Retrieved September 4, 2019.
  26. ^ Dinggol Araneta Divinagracia. "THE "LOCSIN CLAN" OF THE PHILIPPINES". Asian Journal San Diego. Archived from the original on September 4, 2019. Retrieved September 4, 2019.
  27. ^ Bagares, Gavin (March 8, 2014). "Who are the Sansons of Cebu?". Inquirer Lifestyle. Archived from the original on September 4, 2019. Retrieved September 4, 2019.
  28. ^ Williams, Jenny. "Chinese Exclusion Act: 1882". www.thenagain.info. Archived from the original on January 1, 2008. Retrieved December 26, 2007.
  29. ^ Wickberg, Edgar. "Extract from Pacific Affairs Fall, 1962". Early Chinese Economic Influence in the Philippines, 1850–1898 (PDF). East Asian Series, Reprint No. 3. Lawrence, Kansas: Center for East Asian Studies, University of Kansas. Archived (PDF) from the original on June 25, 2007. Retrieved September 12, 2014.
  30. ^ Vanzi, Sol Jose (June 29, 2004). "Balitang Beterano: Fil-chinese Guerrilla in WW2 in RP". newsflash.org. Archived from the original on August 24, 2004.
  31. ^ a b c d e "What do Filipinos have against Chinese Filipinos?". December 22, 2018. Archived from the original on May 22, 2020. Retrieved May 10, 2020.
  32. ^ Palanca, Ellen H. (2002). "A Comparative Study of Chinese Education in the Philippines and Malaysia" (PDF). Asian Studies. 38 (2): 29–62. Archived (PDF) from the original on August 17, 2022. Retrieved November 22, 2021.
  33. ^ Anderson, Benedict (1988), Cacique Democracy in the Philippines: Origins and Dreams (PDF), archived from the original (PDF) on October 3, 2008
  34. ^ Mydans, Seth (March 17, 1996). "Kidnapping of Ethnic Chinese Rises in Philippines". The New York Times. Archived from the original on August 29, 2017. Retrieved February 15, 2017.
  35. ^ Conde, Carlos H. (November 24, 2003). "Chinese-Filipinos Protest Ransom Kidnappings". The New York Times. Archived from the original on August 29, 2017. Retrieved February 15, 2017.
  36. ^ .
  37. ^ "The woman who 'sold Spratlys to China'". August 9, 2018. Archived from the original on July 28, 2020. Retrieved May 10, 2020.
  38. ^ "Aquino: The president who brought China to court". June 29, 2016. Archived from the original on May 22, 2020. Retrieved May 10, 2020.
  39. ^ "Number of POGO workers continues to rise". The Philippine Star. Archived from the original on May 17, 2020. Retrieved May 10, 2020.
  40. ^ "Scarborough in the eyes of Filipino-Chinese". Rappler.com. May 12, 2012. Archived from the original on January 12, 2018. Retrieved January 11, 2018.
  41. ISBN 978-971-27-2716-0. Archived from the original
    on November 5, 2019. Retrieved September 12, 2019.
  42. .
  43. .
  44. ^ a b c d e f g Chow, Chino (June 10, 2020). "Chow: The Cantonese–Chinese cultural minority in the Philippines". SunStar. Archived from the original on January 26, 2023. Retrieved January 26, 2023.
  45. ^ a b Bagamaspad, Prof. Anavic (1983). History of the Baguio Chinese: Integration into the Baguio Community (PDF). Baguio: University of the Philippines College Baguio. pp. 6–15. Archived (PDF) from the original on November 9, 2022. Retrieved January 26, 2023.
  46. from the original on April 7, 2023. Retrieved March 31, 2023. While some of the papers tend to view integration as a continuing problem in Chinese-Filipino relations, Samuel K. Tan's paper on "The Tans and Kongs of Sulu: An Analysis into the Nature and Extent of Chinese Integration in Sulu Society", provides a different historical process. In Sulu, Tan explains that "the strong foundation of Sulu-China relations has provided Sulu society with a kind of historical consciousness that allows the easy, smooth, and almost natural integration of Chinese into the local society as shown by the extent of Chinese intermarriages with the native Sama and Tausug ... This explains why the Chinese in Sulu have become an integral part of the local social, economic, cultural and political traditions which are shared independently by the Tausug and Sama people. " Li Ding - guo's paper, " Exploratory ... Dr. Wang thinks that the Sama people in Chinese texts could be the seafaring Sama of the Sulu Archipelago. A growing number of native researchers and scholars are inclined to accept this view in the light of corroborative data from more recent researches. 4. The ' Sulu Kings ', more accurately datus or rajahs, before the Sultanate era began about 1450 A.D., sent tribute embassies to China beginning from 1417 A.D. This continued regularly until the last embassy in 1762 A.D. The ancient Chinese records show the increasing importance of the China visits to the Sulu leaders. At one time, a group of 340 people visited China and stayed in Peking 27 days. 5. It was during the visit of 1417 A.D. when the Sulu King, as the Tausug head was called, died of illness and was entombed in Te - Chow by imperial order. A part of his retinue remained in China to take care of his remains. His heir named Antuluk decided to remain also. Their number increased and their leaders were identified in the Chinese texts as An Lu Chin and Un Chong Kai. 6. Blair and Robertson record several of the Chinese revolts from 17th century on in their works. The Philippine Islands (55 volumes). It appears from close analysis of the data that the Chinese were inevitably led to violent means not because of any revolutionary ideal as in the case of over 200 Filipino revolts against Spanish rule. 7. Jose Montero y Vidal, Historia General de Filipinas desde el Discubrimiento de Dichas Islas hasta Nuestros Dias, vol. II. (Madrid, 1894-1895), pp. 266-269. 8. Samuel K. Tan, Sulu Under American Military Rule, 1899-1913. (Quezon City: University of the Philippines, 1967) p. 11. 9. Najeeb M. Saleeby, The History of Sulu, (Manila: Filipiniana Book Guild, Inc. 1963), p. 83. 10. Data on the Tan family of Maimbung and Jolo were obtained from several interviews and discussions with Mr. Tomas Que who is related to the Tans by marriage. The interviews were conducted in late 1990 and early 1991 in Quezon City where the Ques permanently live after leaving Jolo as a result of the 1974 conflict between the MNLF and the government. 11. Chinese membership in the Ruma Bichara, the Advisory Council of the Sulu Sultanate, goes back in time to the 18th century when such a privilege was granted by the Sultan to the Chinese sector as a matter of recognition of their important role in Sulu's economy. In fact, Wang also records Sulu's taking of Chinese hostages as a means of ensuring the much desired return of Chinese traders not for purposes of ransom or other exploitations as it is understood in contemporary usage. 12. Data on the Tawi - Tawi Chinese connections were taken during several sustained interviews and discussions with former Mayor Hokking Lim and his family members in their Kamias apartment residence from 1989 to early 1991 during frequent visits to Metro Manila. As permanent residents of South Ubian, Mayor Lim and his family have established networks of family alliances especially with the natives. The data on the Ullayans, Dausans and Aldanis were provided by Mrs. Kimlan Lim. 13. The information on Chinese families in Bongao etc. were provided by Paquito Tan of Sitangkai during the visits of the author to Bongao in late 1988..
  47. from the original on April 14, 2023. Retrieved March 31, 2023. The publication is a bimonthly magazine of the Philippine - China Resource Center ( PCRC ) with office in New Manila, Quezon City Dr. Wang thinks that the Sama people in Chinese Texts could be the seafaring Sama of the Sulu archipelago. A growing number of native researchers and scholars are inclined to accept this view in the light of corroborative data from more recent researchers. The " Sulu Kings " more accurately datus or rajas, before the Sultanate era began about 1450 A. D., sent tribute embassies to China beginning from 1417 A. D. This continued regularly until the last embassy 1762 A. D. The ancient Chinese records show the increasing importance of the China visits to the Sulu leaders. At one time, a group of 340 people visited China and stayed in Peking for 27 days. It was during the visit of 1417 A. D. when the Sulu King, as the Tausug head was called, died of illness and was entombed in Te - Chow by imperial order. A part of his retinue remained in China to take care of his remains. His heir, named Antuluk, decided to stay also. Their number increased and their leaders were identified in the texts as An Lu Chih and Un Chong Kai. Blair and Robertson record several of the Chinese revolts from the 17th century in their work The Philippine Islands ( 55 volumes ). It appears from close analysis of the data that the Chinese were inevitably led to violent means not because of any revolutionary ideal as in the case of over 200 Filipino revolts against Spanish rule. Jose Montero y Vidal, Historia general de Filipinas desde el discubrimento de dichas ilas hasta nuestros dias. ( Madrid, 18941895 ), 266-69.. 5. 6. 7. 8. Samuel K. Tan, Sulu Under the American Military Rule, 1899-1913. ( Quezon City: University of the Philippines, 1967 ), 11. Najeeb M. Salleby, The History of Sulu. ( Manila: Filipiniana Book Guild, Inc., 1963 ), 83. 9. 10. 11. Data on the Tan family of Tan 63. Data on the Tan family of Maimbung and Jolo were obtained from several interviews and discussions with Mr. Tomas Que who is related to the Tans by marriage. The interviews were conducted in late 1990 and early 1991 in Quezon City where the Ques permanently live after leaving Jolo as a result of the 1974 conflict between the MNLF and the government. Chinese membership in the Ruma Bichara, the Advisory Council of the Sulu Sultanate, goes back in time to the 18th century when such a privilege was granted by the Sultan to the Chinese sector as a matter ofrecognition of their important role in Sulu's economy. In fact, Wang also records Sulu's taking of Chinese hostages as a means of ensuring the much desired return of Chinese traders not for purposes of ransom or other exploitations as it is understood in contemporary usage. Data on the Tawi - Tawi Chinese connections were taken during several sustained interviews and discussions with former Mayor Hokking Lim and his family members in their Kamias apartment residence from 1989 to early 1991 during frequent visits to Metro Manila. As permanent residents of South Ubian, Mayor Lim and his family have established networks of family alliances especially with the natives. The data on the Ullayans, Dausans, and Aldanis were provided by Mrs. Kimian Lim
  48. ^ China Currents: A Philippine Quarterly on China Concerns, Volumes 5-8. Philippine-China Development Resource Center. 1994. p. 9. Archived from the original on April 7, 2023. Retrieved March 31, 2023. ... p.17 " The Overseas Chinese and China's Economic Modernization " Tan, Samuel K. Volume 2 Number 1 January - February 1991, p.6 " The Chinese of Siasi: A Case of Successful Integration " Tan Chee - Beng Volume 3 Number 1 January ...
  49. ^ PDRC Currents: Bi-monthly Magazine of the PDRC., Volume 2. Philippine-China Development Resource Center. 1991. pp. 7, 3. Archived from the original on April 7, 2023. Retrieved March 31, 2023. ... PDRC Volume 2 Number 17 January - February 1991 Published by the Philippine-China Development Resource Center No .... 6 THE CHINESE OF SIASI: A Case of Successful Integration By Samuel K. Tan, Ph.D. 10 Theresa C. Cariño is the ...
  50. from the original on April 6, 2023. Retrieved March 31, 2023. With the exception of their names and occasional festivities, the Chinese elements are gradually diminishing. Tilman (1974), whose study was carried out on the provincial city of Cebu where the Chinese have greater contacts with the ...
  51. ^ PDRC Currents: Bi-monthly Magazine of the PDRC., Volume 2. Philippine-China Development Resource Center. 1991. p. 9. Archived from the original on April 7, 2023. Retrieved March 31, 2023. Today, with the exception of their names and occasional festivities, the Chinese elements are gradually diminishing The implications of this preliminary observation point to two types of Chinese integration.
  52. from the original on April 7, 2023. Retrieved March 31, 2023. Today, with the exception of their names and occasional festivities, the Chinese elements are gradually diminishing. The implication of this preliminary observation points to the two types of Chinese integration.
  53. ^ "People Group profiles, lists, resources and maps | Joshua Project". www.joshuaproject.net. Archived from the original on February 28, 2014. Retrieved April 11, 2023.
  54. ^ "Philippines". ethnologue.com. Archived from the original on January 25, 2013. Retrieved November 14, 2012.
  55. ^ "Legarda Wants Inclusion of Ethnic Origin in Nat'l Census to Better Ad…". lorenlegarda.com.ph. April 16, 2013. Archived from the original on April 16, 2013.
  56. ^ Full text of "Report of ... Austin Craig on a research trip to the United States, December 15th, 1914, to May 5th, 1915". Manila. c. 1915.
  57. ^ a b c d e f Teresita Ang-See, "Chinese in the Philippines", 1997, Kaisa, p. 57.
  58. ^ a b c d Palanca, Ellen H. (2002). "A Comparative Study of Chinese Education in the Philippines and Malaysia" (PDF). Asian Studies. 38 (2): 31–32. Archived (PDF) from the original on August 17, 2022. Retrieved November 22, 2021.
  59. ^ Teresita Ang-See, "Chinese in the Philippines", 1997, Kaisa, p. 60.
  60. ProQuest 1031202030
    .
  61. ^ Tsai, Hui-Ming (蔡惠名) (2017). Fēilǜbīn zánrénhuà (Lán-lâng-uē) yánjiū 菲律賓咱人話(Lán-lâng-uē)研究 [A Study of Philippine Hokkien Language] (Thesis) (in Chinese). National Taiwan Normal University. Archived from the original on January 8, 2023. Retrieved May 31, 2023.
  62. from the original on April 7, 2023. Retrieved April 4, 2023.
  63. from the original on April 4, 2023. Retrieved April 4, 2023.
  64. ^ Andrade, Pío. "Education and Spanish in the Philippines". Asociación Cultural Galeón de Manila. Archived from the original on July 26, 2011. Retrieved March 13, 2022.
  65. ^ .
  66. ^ "Feast of Ma-cho". alineang.blogspot.com. September 28, 2006. Archived from the original on July 8, 2011. Retrieved February 16, 2008.
  67. ^ "Philippines people groups, languages and religions". Joshua Project. Archived from the original on April 11, 2023. Retrieved April 11, 2023.
  68. ^ Shao, Joseph T. (1999). "Heritage of the Chinese-Filipino Protestant Churches" (PDF). Journal of Asian Mission. 1 (1): 93–99. Archived from the original (PDF) on April 9, 2008.
  69. ^ "8th CCOWE". Chinese Coordination Centre of World Evangelism (CCCOWE).
  70. ^ Uayan, Jean (June 2004). "Chap Chay Lo Mi: Disentangling the Chinese-Filipino Worldview" (PDF). Journal of Asian Mission. 2. 6 (6): 183–194. Archived from the original (PDF) on June 17, 2006. Retrieved May 7, 2012.
  71. ^ "菲律賓佛光山萬年寺 Fo Guang Shan Mabuhay Temple". fgsphilippines.org. Archived from the original on May 29, 2017. Retrieved February 16, 2008.
  72. ^ Daoism and Scientific Civilization Archived August 22, 2007, at the Wayback Machine
  73. ^ "Neo-Confucian Philosophy – Internet Encyclopedia of Philosophy". www.iep.utm.edu. Archived from the original on April 13, 2009. Retrieved February 16, 2008.
  74. ^ Malanes, Maurice (October 13, 2010). "Keeper of Chinese tradition". Philippine Daily Inquirer. Archived from the original on September 19, 2021. Retrieved November 28, 2020.
  75. ^ a b c McCarthy, Charles F., ed. (1974). Philippine-Chinese profiles: essays and studies. Pagkakaisa sa Pag-Unlad.
  76. ^ "List of Chinese schools (华校一览)". Philippine Chinese Education Research Center (菲律賓華教中心). Archived from the original on August 3, 2004. Retrieved October 4, 2021.
  77. ^ "Filipino Math Wizards Reap Medals in Hong Kong". Manila Bulletin. August 12, 2012. Archived from the original on October 4, 2021. Retrieved October 4, 2021.
  78. ^ Palanca, Ellen H. (2002). "A Comparative Study of Chinese Education in the Philippines and Malaysia" (PDF). Asian Studies. 38 (2): 55. Archived (PDF) from the original on August 17, 2022. Retrieved November 22, 2021.
  79. OCLC 1848041
    .
  80. ^ 小川尚義 (1932). 臺日大辭典(台譯版). (大日本帝󠄁國臺灣) 臺北市 (Taihoku, Taiwan, Empire of Japan): 臺灣總督府. p. 427. Archived from the original on April 6, 2023. Retrieved March 29, 2022.
  81. ^ a b 小川尚義 (1932). 臺日大辭典(台譯版). (大日本帝󠄁國臺灣) 臺北市 (Taihoku, Taiwan, Empire of Japan): 臺灣總督府. p. 306. Archived from the original on March 29, 2022. Retrieved March 29, 2022.
  82. ^ Tantingco, Robby (March 15, 2010). "Tantingco: What your surname reveals about your past". Sunstar. Archived from the original on April 16, 2022. Retrieved September 4, 2019.
  83. ^ "A Guide to the Filipino-Chinese Wedding Rituals – Wedding Article – Kasal.com – The Essential Philippine Wedding Planning Guide". www.kasal.com. July 5, 2009. Archived from the original on June 22, 2013. Retrieved November 15, 2012.
  84. ^ "Philippine Funeral Customs – MegaScene". www.megascene.net. Archived from the original on May 30, 2012. Retrieved November 15, 2012.
  85. ^ Palanca, Clinton (July 11, 2007), "Beyond Binondo and Ma Ling", Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism, archived from the original on June 27, 2022, retrieved August 12, 2022
  86. ^ "Official Website of Hope Christian High School Alumni Association of America". hopealumniofamerica.org. Archived from the original on March 26, 2008.
  87. ^ "Teresita Ang See". Philippine Center for Investigative Journalism. Archived from the original on March 9, 2008. Retrieved February 24, 2008.
  88. ^ "Association Of Volunteer Fire Chiefs & Fire Fighter". philippinefirefighter.org. Archived from the original on March 8, 2008. Retrieved February 24, 2008.
  89. ^ "About". Yuchengco Museum. Archived from the original on March 23, 2023. Retrieved April 11, 2023.
  90. ^ .
  91. .
  92. .
  93. ^ Tan, Michael L. (October 18, 2019). "My 'huan-na' uncle". Philippine Daily Inquirer. Archived from the original on February 27, 2021. Retrieved January 10, 2021.
  94. ^ "MANILA´S CHINATOWN CLOSES TO PROTEST KIDNAPPINGS". Union of Catholic Asian News (UCA News). December 7, 1997. Archived from the original on July 22, 2021. Retrieved January 10, 2021.
  95. ^ "WebSpawner - WHK - WALANG HANGGANG KASAKIMAN (BOOKLET 1 TO 10)". Archived from the original on October 29, 2013. Retrieved May 17, 2013.
  96. .
  97. .
  98. ^ Dizon, David (March 28, 2008). "Hostage-taker Jun Ducat continues crusade behind bars". ABS-CBN News. Archived from the original on January 13, 2021. Retrieved January 11, 2021.
  99. ^ Huang, Echo; Stegar, Isabella (2016). A gullible nation of maids and banana sellers: How many Chinese see the Philippines (Report). Archived from the original on April 14, 2021. Retrieved June 3, 2021 – via Quartz News.
  100. ^ "[OPINION] A Chinese-Filipino teen speaks out on racism and the coronavirus". February 5, 2020. Archived from the original on September 29, 2020. Retrieved September 26, 2020.
  101. ^ Tiu, Col (February 5, 2020). "[OPINION] A Chinese-Filipino teen speaks out on racism and the coronavirus". Rappler. Archived from the original on January 7, 2021. Retrieved January 10, 2021.
  102. ^ "Groups decry racism against Chinese amid coronavirus outbreak". CNN Philippines. February 1, 2020. Archived from the original on February 3, 2020. Retrieved January 10, 2021.
  103. from the original on April 22, 2016. Retrieved April 27, 2015. Explorations by early navigators, descriptions of the islands and their peoples, their history and records of the catholic missions, as related in contemporaneous books and manuscripts, showing the political, economic, commercial and religious conditions of those islands from their earliest relations with European nations to the close of the nineteenth century.
  104. ^ .
  105. ^ Hodder, Rupert (2005). "The Study of the Overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia: Some Comments on its Political Meanings with Particular Reference to the Philippines". Philippine Studies. 53 (1). Quezon City, Philippines: Ateneo de Manila University: 8.
  106. .
  107. .
  108. .
  109. .
  110. .
  111. ^ .
  112. ^ from the original on April 28, 2019. Retrieved February 13, 2018.
  113. .
  114. ^ . Retrieved May 7, 2012.
  115. ^ Suryadinata, Leo (2014). Southeast Asia's Chinese Businesses in an Era of Globalization: Coping with the Rise of China. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies (published January 2, 2014). p. 276.
  116. ^ .
  117. .
  118. ^ Suryadinata, Leo (2006). Southeast Asia's Chinese Businesses in an Era of Globalization. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. p. 258.
  119. ^ .
  120. .
  121. .
  122. .
  123. .
  124. from the original on June 20, 2023. Retrieved October 1, 2023.
  125. .
  126. .
  127. ^ Slezkine, Yuri (2004). The Jewish Century. Princeton University Press. p. 41.
  128. .
  129. .
  130. .
  131. .
  132. ^ Collas-Monsod, Solita (June 22, 2012). "Ethnic Chinese dominate PH economy". The Inquirer. Archived from the original on April 9, 2023. Retrieved April 25, 2024.
  133. ^ Kreisler, Harry (January 22, 2004). "Origins of an Idea". Institute of International Studies. Archived from the original on October 31, 2018. Retrieved March 30, 2018.
  134. ^ Chua, Amy (2014). "A World On The Edge". The Wilson Quarterly. Archived from the original on April 8, 2023. Retrieved April 25, 2024.
  135. .
  136. .
  137. ^ Pablos, Patricia (2008). The China Information Technology Handbook. Springer. p. 206.
  138. . Retrieved May 9, 2012.
  139. ^ Hodder, Rupert (2005). "The Study of the Overseas Chinese in Southeast Asia: Some Comments on its Political Meanings with Particular Reference to the Philippines". Philippine Studies. 53 (1). Quezon City, Philippines: Ateneo de Manila University: 8.
  140. ^ Slezkine, Yuri (2004). The Jewish Century. Princeton University Press. p. 41.
  141. .
  142. ^ .
  143. .
  144. .
  145. .
  146. ^ Slezkine, Yuri (2004). The Jewish Century. Princeton University Press. p. 41.
  147. ^ "Philippines Market Capsule Review". Asiamarketresearch.com. Archived from the original on April 27, 2012. Retrieved April 23, 2012.
  148. ^ United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (September 19, 1997). "Refworld | Chronology for Chinese in Thailand". UNHCR. Retrieved April 23, 2012.
  149. ^ .
  150. .
  151. .
  152. .
  153. .
  154. .
  155. .
  156. . Retrieved April 23, 2012.
  157. .
  158. .
  159. ^ Baron, Barnett. "FUNDING CIVIL SOCIETY IN ASIA" (PDF). THE ASIA FOUNDATION. Archived from the original (PDF) on February 12, 2015. Retrieved May 4, 2012.
  160. .
  161. . Retrieved April 23, 2012.
  162. ^ .
  163. .
  164. ^ .
  165. .
  166. .
  167. .
  168. .
  169. .
  170. . Retrieved April 23, 2012. overseas chinese control percent of largest companies.
  171. .
  172. .
  173. ISBN 9780465010561. Retrieved April 23, 2012.[permanent dead link
    ]
  174. . Retrieved April 23, 2012.
  175. . Retrieved April 23, 2012.
  176. .
  177. .
  178. ^ "Southeast Asian Tycoons' High-wire Act". The Economist. May 28, 2020. Archived from the original on June 20, 2023. Retrieved June 20, 2023.
  179. .
  180. ^ .
  181. .
  182. .
  183. .
  184. ^ .
  185. .
  186. .
  187. .
  188. .
  189. .
  190. ^ Chen, Min (1995). Asian Management Systems: Chinese, Japanese and Korean Styles of Business. Cengage. p. 64.
  191. .
  192. ^ .
  193. .
  194. .
  195. ]
  196. .
  197. .
  198. ^ "Jollibee Foods Corporation". www.jollibee.com.ph. Archived from the original on March 11, 2011. Retrieved February 12, 2015.
  199. .
  200. .
  201. ^ "Overview and Trends of Ethnic Chinese Companies" (PDF). Mitsui & Co. November 28, 2018. p. 1. Archived (PDF) from the original on May 19, 2023. Retrieved May 19, 2023.
  202. ^ Suryadinata, Leo (2006). Southeast Asia's Chinese Businesses in an Era of Globalization. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. pp. 275–276.
  203. ^ East, William Gordon; Spate, Oskar Hermann Khristian (1966). The Changing Map of Asia: A Political Geography. Methuen. Retrieved April 22, 2012.
  204. . Retrieved May 7, 2012.
  205. .
  206. . Retrieved May 6, 2012.
  207. ^ .
  208. .
  209. .
  210. .
  211. .
  212. .
  213. .
  214. .
  215. .
  216. .
  217. .
  218. .
  219. .
  220. .
  221. .
  222. .
  223. .
  224. ^ .
  225. ^ .
  226. .
  227. .
  228. .
  229. .
  230. .
  231. ^ Suryadinata, Leo (2006). Southeast Asia's Chinese Businesses in an Era of Globalization. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. p. 275.
  232. .
  233. .
  234. .
  235. .
  236. .
  237. ^ Suryadinata, Leo (2006). Southeast Asia's Chinese Businesses in an Era of Globalization. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. p. 275.
  238. .
  239. .
  240. .
  241. .
  242. .
  243. ^ Suryadinata, Leo (2006). Southeast Asia's Chinese Businesses in an Era of Globalization. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. p. 273.
  244. .
  245. .
  246. .
  247. .
  248. .
  249. .
  250. .
  251. .
  252. ^ Suryadinata, Leo (2006). Southeast Asia's Chinese Businesses in an Era of Globalization. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. p. 276.
  253. .
  254. .
  255. .
  256. from the original on July 22, 2021. Retrieved November 9, 2020 – via Google Books.
  257. ^ Pablos, Patricia (2008). The China Information Technology Handbook. Springer. p. 205.
  258. .
  259. .
  260. .
  261. .
  262. ^ .
  263. ^ .
  264. .
  265. .
  266. ^ .
  267. .
  268. ^ Montlake, Simon (January 19, 2005). "Christians in Manila decry mall's Muslim prayer room". Christian Science Monitor. Archived from the original on April 17, 2022. Retrieved February 16, 2008.
  269. ^ Keyes, Charles (2003). "Ethnicity and the Nation-State: Asian Perspectives". North Carolina State University CIES Spring 2003 Symposium: Contextualizing Ethnicity. North Carolina. Archived from the original on April 5, 2003.
  270. ^ Yong, Wu (May 8, 2005), "Lucio C. Tan: Truly a man for all seasons" (PDF), China Daily, General Bank and Trust Company, archived from the original (PDF) on September 20, 2011, retrieved May 7, 2012
  271. ^ Lee Flores, Wilson (July 27, 2004). "The New Breed of RP Businessmen". Philippine Star. Archived from the original on September 27, 2007. Retrieved December 19, 2007 – via newsflash.org.
  272. ^ Chen, Wenhong; Wellman, Barry (April 2007). Doing Business at Home and Away, Policy Implications of Chinese-Canadian Entrepreneurship (PDF) (Report). Canada in Asia. Vancouver, British Columbia: Asia Pacific Foundation of Canada. Archived from the original (PDF) on April 9, 2008.

Further reading

  • Amyot, Jacques, S.J. The Chinese Community of Manila: A Study of Adaptation of Chinese Familism to the Philippine Environment. Philippine Studies Program, Research Series No. 2, University of Chicago Department of Anthropology (mimeographed), 1960.

External links