Christian right

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This article is about right-wing movements influenced by Christianity. For religious right-wing movements unrelated to Christianity, see Religious right.
Not to be confused with Conservative Christianity, a grouping of overlapping and denominationally diverse theological movements within Christianity that seeks to retain the orthodox and long-standing traditions and beliefs of Christianity.

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The Christian right, otherwise referred to as the religious right, are

U.S. Constitution
that implies a "separation of church and state", as they seek to use politics and the law to impose their conservative Christian beliefs on American society.

In the United States, the Christian right is an informal coalition which was formed around a core of predominantly White conservative

American politics going back as far as the 1940s; it has been especially influential since the 1970s.[18] Its influence draws from grassroots activism as well as from focus on social issues and the ability to motivate the electorate around those issues.[19]

The Christian right is notable because it has advanced socially conservative positions on issues such as

Christian-majority countries.[33]

Terminology

The Christian right is also known as the New Christian Right (NCR) or the Religious Right,[2] although some consider the religious right to be "a slightly broader category than Christian Right".[15][34]

Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life states that Jerry Falwell used the label religious right to describe himself. Gary Schneeberger, vice president of media and public relations for Focus on the Family, states that "[t]erms like 'religious right' have been traditionally used in a pejorative way to suggest extremism. The phrase 'socially conservative evangelicals' is not very exciting, but that's certainly the way to do it."[35]

Evangelical leaders like

redistribution of wealth, and racial diversity are compatible with theologically conservative Christianity.[37] Conservative writer Rod Dreher has stated that a Christian can be theologically conservative while still holding left-wing economic views or even socialist views.[38]

History

Jerry Falwell, whose founding of the Moral Majority was a key step in the formation of the "New Christian Right"

In 1863, representatives from eleven Christian denominations in the United States organized the

U.S. Constitution to make the country a Christian state. The National Reform Association is one of the first organizations through which adherents from several Christian denominations worked together in an attempt to enshrine Christianity in American government.[39]

The Christian Civic League of Maine, founded in 1897, and other early organizations of the Christian right supported the aims of the temperance movement.[22]

Patricia Miller states that the "alliance between evangelical leaders and the Catholic bishops has been a cornerstone of the Christian Right for nearly twenty years".[40] Since the late 1970s, the Christian right has been a notable force in both the Republican Party and American politics when Baptist pastor Jerry Falwell and other Christian leaders began to urge conservative Christians to involve themselves in the political process. President Jimmy Carter's backing of the Equal Rights Amendment led to the development of the Christian right and the embrace of many evangelical conservatives to Republican Party candidates.[41] In response to the rise of the Christian right, the 1980 Republican Party platform assumed a number of its positions, including adding support for a restoration of school prayer. The past two decades have been an important time in the political debates and in the same time frame religious citizens became more politically active in a time period labeled the New Christian Right.[42] While the platform also opposed abortion[15][16][43] and leaned towards restricting taxpayer funding for abortions and passing a constitutional amendment which would restore protection of the right to life for unborn children,[43] it also accepted the fact that many Americans, including fellow Republicans, were divided on the issue.[43] Since about 1980, the Christian right has been associated with several institutions including the Moral Majority, the Christian Coalition, Focus on the Family and the Family Research Council.[44][45]

While the influence of the Christian right is typically traced to the 1980 Presidential election, Daniel K. Williams argues in God's Own Party that it had actually been involved in politics for most of the twentieth century. He also notes that the Christian right had previously been in alliance with the Republican Party in the 1940s through 1960s on matters such as opposition to communism and defending "a Protestant-based moral order".[46]

In light of the state atheism espoused by communist countries, secularization came to be seen by many Americans as the biggest threat to American and Christian values,[47][48] and by the 1980s Catholic bishops and evangelicals had begun to work together on issues such as abortion.[10][49][50]

The alienation of

social disintegration. In addition, as the Democratic Party became identified with a pro-abortion rights position and with nontraditional societal values, social conservatives joined the Republican Party in increasing numbers.[51]

In 1976, U.S. President Jimmy Carter received the support of the Christian right largely because of his much-acclaimed religious conversion. However, Carter's spiritual transformation did not compensate for his liberal policies in the minds of Christian conservatives; according to Jerry Falwell, "Americans have literally stood by and watched as godless, spineless leaders have brought our nation floundering to the brink of death."[52]

Ability to organize

Demonstrators at the 2004 March for Life in Washington, D.C.

The Christian Right has engaged in battles over abortion,

Roe v. Wade ruling was the driving force behind the rise of the Christian Right in the 1970s.[53] Changing political context led to the Christian Right's advocacy for other issues, such as opposition to euthanasia and campaigning for abstinence-only sex education.[53]

Ralph Reed, the chairman of the Christian Coalition, stated that the 1988 presidential campaign of Pat Robertson was the 'political crucible' that led to the proliferation of Christian Right groups in the United States.[53]

Randall Balmer, on the other hand, has suggested that the New Christian Right Movement's rise was not centered around the issue of abortion, but rather Bob Jones University's refusal to comply with the Supreme Court's 1971 Green v. Connally ruling that permitted the Internal Revenue Service (IRS) to collect penalty taxes from private religious schools that violated federal laws.[54]

Grassroots activism

Much of the Christian right's power within the American political system is attributed to their extraordinary turnout rate at the polls. The voters that coexist in the Christian right are also highly motivated and driven to get out a viewpoint on issues they care about. As well as high voter turnout, they can be counted on to attend political events, knock on doors and distribute literature. Members of the Christian right are willing to do the electoral work needed to see their candidate elected. Because of their high level of devotion, the Christian right does not need to monetarily compensate these people for their work.[19][55][needs update?]

Political leaders and institutions

Led by

Christian Voice, Jerry Falwell's Moral Majority, Ed McAteer's Religious Roundtable Council, James Dobson's Focus on the Family, Paul Weyrich's Free Congress Foundation and The Heritage Foundation,[56] and Pat Robertson's Christian Broadcasting Network, the new Religious Right combined conservative politics with evangelical and fundamentalist teachings.[44] The birth of the New Christian right, however, is usually traced to a 1979 meeting where televangelist Jerry Falwell was urged to create a "Moral Majority" organization.[45][57] In 1979, Weyrich was in a discussion with Falwell when he remarked that there was a "moral majority" of Americans ready to be called to political action.[56] Weyrich later recalled in a 2007 interview with the Milwaukee Journal Sentinel that after he mentioned the term "moral majority", Falwell "turned to his people and said, 'That's the name of our organization.'"[56]

Weyrich would then engineer a strong union between the Republican Party and many culturally conservative Christians.[56] Soon, Moral Majority became a general term for the conservative political activism of evangelists and fundamentalists such as Pat Robertson, James Robison, and Jerry Falwell.[52] Howard Schweber, Professor at the University of Wisconsin-Madison, writes that "in the past two decades", "Catholic politicians have emerged as leading figures in the religious conservative movement."[9]

Institutions in the United States

National organizations

One early attempt to bring the Christian right into American politics began in 1974 when

Christian Voice to rally Christian voters behind socially conservative candidates. Prior to his alliance with Falwell, Weyrich sought an alliance with Grant.[58] Grant and other Christian Voice staff soon set up their main office at the headquarters of Weyrich's Heritage Foundation.[58] However, the alliance between Weyrich and Grant fell apart in 1978.[58]

In the late 1980s, Pat Robertson founded the

Ralph Reed, who became the spokesman for the Coalition. In 1992, the national Christian Coalition, Inc., headquartered in Virginia Beach, Virginia, began producing voter guides, which it distributed to conservative Christian churches, both Protestant and Catholic, with the blessing of the Roman Catholic Archdiocese of New York.[59] Under the leadership of Reed and Robertson, the Coalition quickly became the most prominent voice in the conservative Christian movement, its influence culminating with an effort to support the election of a conservative Christian to the presidency in 1996. In addition, they have encouraged the convergence of conservative Christian ideology with political issues, such as healthcare, the economy, education and crime.[60]

Political activists lobbied within the Republican party locally and nationally to influence party platforms and nominations.[22] More recently James Dobson's group Focus on the Family, based in Colorado Springs, and the Family Research Council in Washington D.C. have gained enormous respect from Republican lawmakers. While strongly advocating for these ideological matters, Dobson himself is warier of the political spectrum and much of the resources of his group are devoted to other aims such as media.[61] However, as a private citizen, Dobson has stated his opinion on presidential elections; on February 5, 2008, Dobson issued a statement regarding the 2008 presidential election and his strong disappointment with the Republican party's candidates.[62]

In an essay written in 1996, Ralph Reed argued against the moral absolutist tone of Christian right leaders, arguing for the Republican Party Platform to stress the moral dimension of abortion rather than placing emphasis on overturning Roe v. Wade. Reed believes that pragmatism is the best way to advocate for the Christian right.[63]

Partisan activity of churches

Overtly partisan actions by churches could threaten their 501(c)(3) tax-exempt status due to the Johnson Amendment of the Internal Revenue Code.[64] In one notable example, the former pastor of the East Waynesville Baptist Church in Waynesville, North Carolina "told the congregation that anyone who planned to vote for Democratic Sen. John Kerry should either leave the church or repent".[65] The church later expelled nine members who had voted for Kerry and refused to repent, which led to criticism on the national level. The pastor resigned and the ousted church members were allowed to return.[66]

The

Alliance Defense Fund, a far-right group now known as the Alliance Defending Freedom, started the Pulpit Freedom Initiative[67] in 2008. ADF states that "[t]he goal of Pulpit Freedom Sunday is simple: have the Johnson Amendment declared unconstitutional – and once and for all remove the ability of the IRS to censor what a pastor says from the pulpit."[68]

Electoral activity

Both Christian right and secular polling organizations sometimes conduct polls to determine which presidential candidates will receive the support of Christian right constituents. One such poll is taken at the Family Research Council's Values Voter Summit.[69][70] George W. Bush's electoral success owed much to his overwhelming support from white evangelical voters, who comprise 23% of the vote. In 2000 he received 68% of the white evangelical vote; in 2004 that percentage rose to 78%.[71] In 2016, Donald Trump received 81% of the white evangelical vote.[72][73]

Education

The Home School Legal Defense Association was co-founded in 1983 by Michael Farris, who would later establish Generation Joshua and Patrick Henry College, and Michael Smith. This organization attempts to challenge laws that serve as obstacles to allowing parents to home-school their children and to organize the disparate group of homeschooling families into a cohesive bloc. The number of homeschooling families has increased in the last twenty years, and around 80 percent of these families identify themselves as evangelicals.[74]

The main universities associated with the Christian right in the United States are:

Media

The media has played a major role in the rise of the Christian right since the 1920s and has continued to be a powerful force for political Christianity today. The role of the media for the Religious right has been influential in its ability to connect Christian audiences to the larger American culture while at the same time bringing and keeping religion into play as both a political and a cultural force.[78] The political agenda of the Christian right has been disseminated to the public through a variety of media outlets including radio broadcasting, television, and literature.

Religious broadcasting began in the 1920s through the radio.[78] Between the 1950s and 1980s, TV became a powerful way for the Christian right to influence the public through shows such as Pat Robertson's The 700 Club and The Family Channel (now Freeform). The Internet has also helped the Christian right reach a much larger audience. These organizations' websites play a strong role in popularising the Christian right's stances on cultural and political issues, and inform interested viewers on how to get involved. For example, the Christian Coalition of America has used the Internet to inform the public, as well as to sell merchandise and gather members.

Views

Education

The Christian right strongly advocates for a system of educational choice, using a system of school vouchers, instead of public education. Vouchers would be government funded and could be redeemed for "a specified maximum sum per child per years if spent on approved educational services".[79] This method would allow parents to determine which school their child attends while relieving the economic burden associated with private schools. The concept is popular among constituents of church-related schools, including those affiliated with Roman Catholicism.

Evolution

See also: Creation and evolution in public education

The Protestant members of the Christian right in the United States generally promote the teaching of

Scopes Trial in Dayton, Tennessee, in which a science teacher went on trial for teaching about the subject of evolution in a public school.[84] Other "Christian right organizations supported the teaching of creationism, along with evolution, in public schools", specifically promoting theistic evolution (also known as evolutionary creationism) in which God is regarded as the originator of the process.[80][81]

Members of and organizations associated with the Christian right, such as the

teach the controversy approach. According to its proponents, such an approach would ensure that both the strengths and weaknesses of evolutionary theory were discussed in the curriculum.[86] This tactic was criticized by Judge John E. Jones III in Kitzmiller v. Dover Area School District, describing it as "at best disingenuous, and at worst a canard."[87] The overwhelming majority of scientific research, both in the United States and elsewhere, has concluded that the theory of evolution, using the technical definition of the word theory, is the only viable explanation of the development of life, and an overwhelming majority of biologists strongly support its presentation in public school science classes.[88] Outside the United States, as well as among American Catholics and Mainline Protestants, Christian conservatives have generally come to accept the theory of evolution.[89][90][91][92][93]

Sex education

Some Christian groups advocate for the removal of sex education literature from public schools,[94] for parental opt-out of comprehensive sex education, or for abstinence-only sex education. Sam Harris has written that thirty percent of America's sex-education programs are abstinence based, and ineffective.[95]

Schooling

The Christian right promotes homeschooling and private schooling as a valid alternative to public education for parents who object to the content being taught at school.[citation needed] In recent years, the percentage of children being homeschooled has risen from 1.7% of the student population in 1999 to 2.2% in 2003.[96] Much of this increase has been attributed to the desire to incorporate Christian teachings into the curriculum.[97] In 2003, 72% of parents who homeschooled their children cited the ability to provide religious or moral instruction as the reason for removing their children from public schools.[98] The Kitzmiller v. Dover Area School District case established that creationism cannot be taught in public schools, and in response officials have increasingly appropriated public funds for charter schools that teach curricula like Accelerated Christian Education.[99]

Sunday Sabbatarianism

The Christian right is in favor of legislation that maintains and promotes

Sunday blue laws that forbid shopping and restrict the sale of alcohol on Sundays, which is the Lord's Day in mainstream Christianity.[24]

Role of government

Supporters of the Christian right have no one unified stance on the role of government since the movement is primarily one that advocates

labor unions
.

Church and state relations

See also: Accommodationism

The Christian right believes that separation of church and state is not explicit in the American Constitution, believing instead that such separation is a creation of what it claims are activist judges in the judicial system.[102][103][104] In the United States, the Christian right often supports their claims by asserting that the country was "founded by Christians as a Christian Nation."[105][106] Members of the Christian right take the position that the Establishment Clause bars the federal government from establishing or sponsoring a state church (e.g., the Church of England), but does not prevent the government from acknowledging religion. The Christian right points out that the term "separation of church and state" is derived from a letter written by Thomas Jefferson, not from the Constitution itself.[107][108][109] Furthermore, Alliance Defending Freedom (ADF) takes the view that the concept of "separation of church and state" has been used by the American Civil Liberties Union and its allies to inhibit public acknowledgment of Christianity and restrict the religious freedoms of Christians.[110]

Thus, Christian right leaders have argued that the Establishment Clause does not prohibit the display of religion in the public sphere. Leaders, therefore, believe that public institutions should be allowed, or even required, to display the

Establishment Clause. Public officials though are prohibited from using their authority in which the primary effect is "advancing or prohibiting religion", according to the Lemon Supreme Court test, and there cannot be an "excessive entanglement with religion" and the government. Some, such as Bryan Fischer of the American Family Association, argue that the First Amendment, which specifically restricts Congress, applies only to the Congress and not the states. This position rejects the incorporation of the Bill of Rights.[111]

Generally, the Christian right supports the presence of religious institutions within government and the public sphere, and advocates for fewer restrictions on government funding for religious charities and schools. Both Catholics and Protestants, according to a 2005

Gallup study, have been supportive of school prayer in public schools.[81][112]

Economics

Early American fundamentalists, such as John R. Rice[113][114] often favored laissez-faire economics and were outspoken critics of the New Deal and later the Great Society.[113] The contemporary Christian right supports economic conservative policies such as tax cuts and social conservative policies such as child tax credits.[115][116]

Middle East

See also: Christian Zionism

Many evangelical Protestant supporters of the religious right have strongly supported the state of Israel in recent decades, encouraging support for Israel within the United States government.[117] Some of them have linked Israel to Biblical prophesies; for example, Ed McAteer, founder of the Moral Majority, said "I believe that we are seeing prophecy unfold so rapidly and dramatically and wonderfully and, without exaggerating, makes me breathless."[118] This belief, an example of dispensationalism, arises from the idea that the establishment of Israel is a prerequisite for the Second Coming of Jesus, because it represents the Biblically prophesied Gathering of Israel. A 2017 poll indicates that this belief is held by 80% of evangelicals, and that half of evangelicals consider it an important cause of their support for the state of Israel.[119]

During the

Shiite Amal Movement, and the Progressive Socialist Party
in the 1980s.

Abortion and contraception

See also: Bioethics and Consistent life ethic

Historically, large percentages of American

legal protections for infants born alive following failed abortions, and bans on abortifacient
medications.

The Christian right element in the Reagan coalition strongly supported him in 1980, in the belief that he would appoint Supreme Court justices to overturn Roe v. Wade. They were astonished and dismayed when his first appointment was Sandra Day O'Connor, whom they feared would tolerate abortion. They worked hard to defeat her confirmation but failed.[123]

The Christian right contends that morning-after pills such as

Christian Medical Association says he questions "whether ideological considerations are driving these decisions."[124] Specifically, many Catholic members, as well as some conservative Protestant members, of the Christian right have campaigned against contraception altogether.[125][126]

See also: Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization
The Roberts Court in 2020. This court oversaw the landmark United States Supreme Court case Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization in 2022.[127]

In May 2022, Politico published a leaked draft majority opinion, written by Justice Samuel Alito.[128] It would overturn Roe and Casey by nullifying the specific privacy rights in question, eliminating federal involvement, and leaving the issue to be determined by the states. Through a statement made by the Chief Justice of the United States, John Roberts, the Court confirmed the document's authenticity but said that it was not a final decision or the Justice's final decision, which was expected by June or July.

The decision was issued on June 24, 2022, ruling 6–3 to reverse the lower court rulings; a more narrow 5–4 ruling overturned Roe and Casey. The majority opinion stated that abortion was not a

constitutional right
, and that states should have discretion in regulating abortion. The majority opinion, written by Alito, was substantially similar to the leaked draft. Chief Justice Roberts agreed with the judgment upholding the Mississippi law but did not join the majority in the opinion to overturn Roe and Casey.

Biotechnology

Due to the Christian right's views regarding ethics and to an extent due to negative views of

amniotic stem cells, and induced pluripotent stem cells
which do not use cells from human embryos, as they view the harvesting of biological material from an embryo lacking the ability to give permission as an assault on a living being.

The Christian right also opposes

Terri Schiavo from being deprived of nutrition and hydration
.

Opposition to drugs

Further information: Woman's Christian Temperance Union and List of anti-cannabis organizations

The Christian right has historically supported the

prohibition of drugs and has opposed efforts to legalize marijuana.[129]

Sex and sexuality

Main articles: Christianity and homosexuality, Christianity and transgender people, and Same-sex marriage in the United States
Further information: Discrimination in the United States, LGBT rights opposition, and Public opinion of same-sex marriage in the United States

The modern roots of the Christian right's views on sexual matters were evident in the years 1950s–1960s, a period in which many

failed California ballot question designed to ban gay people or those who supported LGBT rights from holding public teaching jobs. Bryant's campaign attracted widespread opposition and boycotts
which put her out of business and destroyed her reputation.

From the late 1970s onwards, some

mass hysteria, suffered isolation and marginalization, and were targeted with extreme acts of violence.[132]

The Christian right champions itself as the "self-appointed conscience of American society". During the 1980s, the movement was largely dismissed by political pundits and mainstream religious leaders as "a collection of buffoonish has-beens". Later, it re-emerged, better organized and more focused, taking firm positions against abortion, pornography, sexual deviancy, and extreme feminism.[32][133]: 4  Beginning around the presidency of Donald Trump, Christian conservatives have largely refrained from engaging in debates about sexual morality.[134]

Influential Christian right organizations at the forefront of the anti-gay rights movement in the United States include Focus on the Family, Family Research Council, and the Family Research Institute.[26]: 15–16  An important stratagem in Christian right anti-gay politics is in its rejection of "the edicts of a Big Brother" state, allowing it to profit from "a general feeling of discontent and demoralization with government". As a result, the Christian right has endorsed smaller government, restricting its ability to arbitrate in disputes regarding values and traditions. In this context, gay rights laws have come to symbolize the government's allegedly unconstitutional "[interference] with individual freedom".[26]: 170–171 

The central tenets of Focus on the Family and similar organizations, such as the Family Research Council, emphasise issues such as abortion and the necessity of gender roles. A number of organizations, including the New Christian Right, "have in various ways rejected liberal America in favor of the regulation of pornography, anti-abortion legislation, the criminalization of homosexuality, and the virtues of faithfulness and loyalty in sexual partnerships", according to sociologist

Bryan S. Turner.[30]

A large number of the Christian right view same-sex marriage as a central issue in the culture wars, more so than other gay rights issues and even more significantly than abortion.[133]: 57 [dubious – discuss] The legalization of same-sex marriage in Massachusetts in 2004 changed the Christian right, causing it to put its opposition to these marriages above most other issues. It also created previously unknown interracial and ecumenical coalitions, and stimulated new electoral activity in pastors and congregations.[133]: 58 

Criticism

Criticisms of the Christian right often come from Christians who believe Jesus' message was centered on social responsibility and social justice. Theologian Michael Lerner has summarized: "The unholy alliance of the Political Right and the Religious Right threatens to destroy the America we love. It also threatens to generate a revulsion against God and religion by identifying them with militarism, ecological irresponsibility, fundamentalist antagonism to science and rational thought, and insensitivity to the needs of the poor and the powerless."[135] Commentators from all sides of the aisle such as Rob Schenck, Randall Balmer, and Charles M. Blow criticized the Christian right for its tolerance and embrace of Donald Trump during the 2016 presidential election despite Trump's failure to adhere to any of the principles advocated by the Christian right groups for decades.[136][137] In a 2023 interview with NPR, Russell D. Moore stated that he had come to believe that Christianity was "in a crisis" after hearing multiple pastors speak of congregation members rejecting quotes from the Sermon on the Mount as "liberal talking points" and not backing down upon being informed of their source.[138]

Interpretation of Christianity

See also: Christian left

One argument which questions the legitimacy of the Christian right posits that Jesus Christ may be considered a leftist on the modern political spectrum. Jesus' concern with the poor and feeding the hungry, among other things, are argued, by proponents of Christian leftism, to be core attributes of modern-day socialism and social justice.[139][140][141] However, others [who?] contend that while Jesus' concern for the poor and hungry is virtuous and that individuals have a moral obligation to help others, the relationship between charity and the state should not be construed in the same manner.[142][143]

According to Frank Newport of

African-Americans, "the most religious of any major racial or ethnic group in the country", are "strongly oriented to voting Democratic". While observing that African-American Democrats are more religious than their white Democrat counterparts, Newport further noted, however, that African-American Democrats are "much more likely to be ideologically moderate or conservative."[144]

Some criticize what they see as a politicization of Christianity because they say Jesus transcends political concepts.[145][146]

Mikhail Gorbachev referred to Jesus as "the first Socialist".[147][148]

Race and diversity

The Christian right has tried to recruit social conservatives in the

rapper Kanye West,[152] Alveda King, and pastor Tony Evans.[153][154]

LGBT rights

Whilst the Christian right in the United States generally identifies with aspects of

paederasty (i.e. sexual intercourse between boys and men).[155][156][157][158] During the Trump administration, there was a growing push[who?] for religious liberty bills, aimed to exempt individuals and businesses from anti-discrimination laws intended to protect LGBT people, if they claimed that their actions were motivated by religious beliefs.[citation needed] Among the most powerful organizations that promoted anti-LGBT and anti-transgender legislation under the Trump administration is the Alliance Defending Freedom.[159]

Use of dominionism labeling

Some social scientists have used the word "dominionism" to refer to adherence of

dissertation as a movement that, while it includes Dominion Theology and Reconstructionism as subsets, is much broader in scope, extending to much of the Christian Right.[168] She was followed by journalists who included Frederick Clarkson[169][170] and Chris Hedges[171][172][173] and others who have stressed the influence of Dominionist ideas on the Christian right.[174][175][176][177][178][179][180][181][182][183]

The terms "dominionist" and "dominionism" are rarely used for self-description, and their usage has been attacked from right-leaning quarters.

Christian Reconstructionism
:

The notion that conservative Christians want to reinstitute

Hitler and fascism. Once we acknowledge the similarity between conservative Christians and fascists, Hedges appears to suggest, we can confront Christian evil by setting aside "the old polite rules of democracy." So wild conspiracy theories and visions of genocide are really excuses for the Left to disregard the rules of democracy and defeat conservative Christians – by any means necessary.[184]

Lisa Miller of Newsweek said that many warnings about "dominionism" are "paranoid" and she also said that "the word creates a siege mentality in which 'we' need to guard against 'them.'"[186] Ross Douthat of The New York Times noted that "many of the people that writers like Diamond and others describe as 'dominionists' would disavow the label, many definitions of dominionism conflate several very different Christian political theologies, and there's a lively debate about whether the term is even useful at all."[187] According to Joe Carter of First Things, "the term was coined in the 1980s by Diamond and is never used outside liberal blogs and websites. No reputable scholars use the term for it is a meaningless neologism that Diamond concocted for her dissertation",[188] while Jeremy Pierce of First Things coined the word "dominionismist" to describe those who promote the idea that there is a dominionist conspiracy.[189]

Another criticism has focused on the proper use of the term. Berlet wrote that "some critics of the Christian Right have stretched the term dominionism past its breaking point",[190] and argued that, rather than labeling conservatives as extremists, it would be better to "talk to these people" and "engage them".[191] Sara Diamond wrote that "[l]iberals' writing about the Christian Right's take-over plans has generally taken the form of conspiracy theory", and argued that instead one should "analyze the subtle ways" that ideas like Dominionism "take hold within movements and why."[192]

Dan Olinger, a professor at the

fundamentalist Bob Jones University in Greenville, South Carolina, said, "We want to be good citizens and participants, but we're not really interested in using the iron fist of the law to compel people to do everything Christians should do."[193] Bob Marcaurelle, interim pastor at Mountain Springs Baptist Church in Piedmont, said the Middle Ages were proof enough that Christian ruling groups are almost always corrupted by power. "When Christianity becomes the government, the question is whose Christianity?" Marcaurelle asked.[194][195]

Movements outside the United States

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While the Christian Right is a strong movement in the United States, it also has a presence in Canada. Alan Curtis suggests that the American Christian right "is a phenomenon that is very hard for Europeans to understand."

Kingston University London, states, however, that like the Christian right in the US, Christian Democratic movements in Europe and Latin America are "equally driven by the debate over the role of the state and the church in political, social and moral life."[198]

Canada

Further information: Social conservatism in Canada
See also: Abortion in Canada

Religion has been a key factor in Canadian politics since well before the

Social Credit Party, especially in Western Canada, and to a lesser extent the Progressive Conservatives
.

The Social Credit Party, founded in 1935, represented a major change in Canadian religious politics. Until that time, fundamentalists had shunned politics as "

prime minister
in 2006.

The

in 1993). Parliament attempted to pass a new law governing abortion in 1993, but this legislation failed after a tie vote in the Senate. A series of provincial superior court decisions which legalized same-sex marriage led the federal government to introduce legislation that legalized same-sex marriage in all of Canada. Before he took office, former Conservative prime minister Stephen Harper stated that he would hold a free vote on the issue,[199] and declared the issue closed after it was voted down in the House of Commons in 2006.[200]

In 2013, the Supreme Court struck down Canada's prostitution law in Canada v Bedford, prompting the Stephen Harper government to introduce a new prostitution law fashioned after the Nordic Model. In 2015, the Supreme Court struck down Canada's prohibition on euthanasia in Carter v Canada, again leading Parliament to pass a new law governing euthanasia. The Christian right has been critical of all these judicial decisions and have generally been the greatest advocates for the stringent laws against abortion, same-sex marriage, prostitution, and euthanasia, though in differing degrees. For instance, the Christian right in Canada is strongly and vocally organized on the topic of abortion, but criticism of same-sex marriage is far more seldom.[201]

The Caribbean, Latin America, and Sub-Saharan Africa

Main article: Political influence of Evangelicalism in Latin America
Further information: Conservative wave and World Christianity

Christian right politics in the

neo-Pentecostal movement, and thus believers in the Prosperity theology that justifies most of their neoliberal economic ideas.[202][205][208][209] They are also strongly socially conservative, even for Latin American standards.[205]

Netherlands

In the Netherlands, Calvinist Protestants have long had their own political parties, now called the

ChristianUnion (CU) in the center. For generations they operated their own newspapers and broadcasting association. The SGP has about 28,000 members, and three out of 150 members of the Dutch parliament's lower house. It has always been in opposition to the government.[210]

Australia

The Christian right draws from both Catholics and Protestants in Australia. Historically, the first Christian right party was the

neoliberal/New Right
tendencies within both the ALP and Liberal parties throughout the eighties and early nineties.

The B. A Santamaria and the Democratic Labor party produced many alumni who became the base of the Christian right in Australia. In

competing union.[215] Tony Burke, who opposed euthanasia, came from the SDA.[216][217]
Currently, the NCC functions as a minority organization within the Christian Right.

The more Protestant strands of the Christian Right have been far more diverse. Fundamentalist Christianity directly inspired

Victoria (around 4%). Family First generally receives lower support in national elections than in state elections. Family First was merged with the Australian Conservatives Party in 2017.[223]

Outside of the Catholic links to B.A. Santamaria and the minor Protestant parties, some party members of the Liberal and National Party Coalition and the Australian Labor Party also support some of the values of the Christian right on abortion and gay rights. The Australian Christian Lobby argues for opposition to same-sex marriage in state and federal politics.[224]

Other countries

In Northern Ireland, Ian Paisley led a Protestant fundamentalist party, the Democratic Unionist Party, which had a considerable influence on the province's culture.[225][226] For a time after the 2017 United Kingdom general election, the DUP provided confidence and supply to the governing Conservative Party, although this agreement provoked concern from socially liberal elements of the party about possible DUP influence on social policy.[227] Although there is no evidence this occurred. Karen Armstrong has mentioned British evangelical leader Colin Urquhart as advocating positions similar to the Christian Right.[228]

In Russia, the United Russia has collaborated closely with the Russian Orthodox Church, support the Kremlin's appeal to social conservatives.[229]

In the

Spanish colonization, and the introduction of the Catholic Church, religious conservatism has a strong influence on national policies. Some have argued that the U.S. Christian right may have roots in the Philippines.[230]

The Swiss

Federal Democratic Union is a small conservative Protestant party with about 1% of the vote.[231]

In

Christian Democracy
.

In Fiji, Sodelpa is a conservative, nationalist party which seeks to make Christianity the state religion, while the constitution makes Fiji a secular republic. Following the 2014 general election, Sodelpa is the main opposition party in Parliament.

In Mexico, the interests of the Christian right are represented by different political organisations and civil associations. The most notable case is the National Action Party, a conservative party aligned with Christian Democratic ideas, notably influenced by the Social teaching of the Catholic Church, and which has held the presidency of Mexico twice. The party's platform states strong opposition to abortion, same-sex marriage and the legalisation of drugs, among many other conservative policies. In addition, prominent figures in the party have been linked to Catholic Church organisations. The evangelical caucus, albeit for a relatively short time, was represented by the Social Encounter Party and the Solidarity Encounter Party, the latter being the successor to the former. Both parties were founded by Hugo Eric Flores, who according to some sources was an evangelical minister before entering politics. Initially statewide for Baja California, Social Encounter came to govern that state in coalition with the National Action Party. The party would later be officialised as a political party at the federal level. Other organisations and associations adhering to the ideals of the Christian right include the Frente Nacional por la Familia, the Organización del Bien Común, colloquially known as El Yunque and with close ties to the PAN, and the Legionaries of Christ, a Roman Catholic clerical religious order of priests and candidates for the priesthood established in Mexico.[citation needed]

In

protectionist style of Daciolo.[citation needed
]

In

Law and Justice can be considered to be a party of the Christian right.[232]

In Hungary, the ruling national-conservative party Fidesz can also be considered to be a party of the Christian right. Viktor Orbán is known for his use of conservative Christian values against immigration and the rise of Islam in Europe.[233][234]

The Christian right has a strong position in several Conservative parties worldwide, although many members of these parties would also, paradoxically, strongly oppose such views.[citation needed]

Associated minor political parties

Some minor political parties have formed as vehicles for Christian right activists:

Groups

See also

References

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