Cologne War
Cologne War | |||||||
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Part of European wars of religion | |||||||
Destruction of Godesburg fortress during the Cologne War, 1583; the walls were breached by mines, and most of the defenders were put to death. Contemporary engraving by Frans Hogenberg. | |||||||
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Belligerents | |||||||
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Free Imperial City of Cologne Philip of Spain, and for him: House of Farnese House of Isenburg-Grenzau House of Mansfeld-Vorderort House of Berlaymont-Flyon and others Spanish Empire | ||||||
Commanders and leaders | |||||||
Strength | |||||||
variable: 10,000–28,000 until 1586 | variable: 10,000–28,000 until 1586, plus 18,000–28,000 troops of the Spanish Army of Flanders after 1586 | ||||||
Casualties and losses | |||||||
Unknown | Unknown |
The Cologne War (
Also called the Seneschal's War (Truchsessischer Krieg) or the Seneschal Upheaval (Truchsessischer Wirren) and occasionally the Sewer War, the conflict tested the principle of ecclesiastical reservation, which had been included in the religious Peace of Augsburg (1555). This principle excluded, or "reserved", the ecclesiastical territories of the Holy Roman Empire from the application of cuius regio, eius religio, or "whose rule, his religion", as the primary means of determining the religion of a territory. It stipulated instead that if an ecclesiastical prince converted to Protestantism, he would resign from his position rather than force the conversion of his subjects.
In December 1582, Gebhard Truchsess von Waldburg, the Prince-elector of Cologne, converted to Protestantism. The principle of ecclesiastical reservation required his resignation. Instead, he declared religious parity for his subjects and, in 1583, married Agnes von Mansfeld-Eisleben, intending to convert the ecclesiastical principality into a secular, dynastic duchy. A faction in the Cathedral Chapter elected another archbishop, Ernst of Bavaria.
Initially, troops of the competing
The war concluded with the victory of the Catholic archbishop Ernst, who expelled the Protestant archbishop Gebhard from the Electorate. This outcome consolidated
Background
Religious divisions in the Holy Roman Empire
Prior to the 16th century, the
Princes and clergy alike understood that
In 1548 Charles declared an interreligio imperialis (also known as the Augsburg Interim) through which he sought to find some common ground for religious peace. This effort alienated both Protestant and Catholic princes and the papacy; even Charles, whose decree it was, was unhappy with the political and diplomatic dimensions of what amounted to half of a religious settlement.[6] The 1551–52 sessions convened by Pope Julius III at the supposedly ecumenical Council of Trent solved none of the larger religious issues but simply restated Catholic teaching and condemned Protestant teaching as heresies.[7]
Overcoming religious division
Catholicism or the Augsburg Confession (Lutheranism). Any other expression of faith was heretical. granted certain exemptions to the principle of cuius regio, eius religio to some knights, sovereign families, and imperial cities.(2) The principle of reservatum ecclesiasticum protected religious conformity within the ecclesiastical estates, but it did not clearly state how this was to be protected. (3) The Declaratio Ferdinandei |
Charles' interim solution failed. He ordered a general Diet in Augsburg at which the various states would discuss the religious problem and its solution. He himself did not attend, and delegated authority to his brother, Ferdinand, to "act and settle" disputes of territory, religion, and local power.[8] At the conference, Ferdinand cajoled, persuaded, and threatened the various representatives into agreement on three important principles. The principle of cuius regio, eius religio provided for internal religious unity within a state: The religion of the prince became the religion of the state and all its inhabitants. Those inhabitants who could not conform to the prince's religion were allowed to leave, an innovative idea in the 16th century; this principle was discussed at length by the various delegates, who finally reached agreement on the specifics of its wording after examining the problem and the proposed solution from every possible angle. The second principle covered the special status of the ecclesiastical states, called the ecclesiastical reservation, or reservatum ecclesiasticum. If the prelate of an ecclesiastic state changed his religion, the men and women living in that state did not have to do so. Instead, the prelate was expected to resign from his post, although this was not spelled out in the agreement. The third principle, known as Ferdinand's Declaration, exempted knights and some of the cities from the requirement of religious uniformity, if the reformed religion had been practiced there since the mid-1520s, allowing for a few mixed cities and towns where Catholics and Lutherans had lived together. It also protected the authority of the princely families, the knights, and some of the cities to determine what religious uniformity meant in their territories. Ferdinand inserted this at the last minute, on his own authority.[9]
Remaining problems
After 1555, the Peace of Augsburg became the legitimating legal document governing the co-existence of the Lutheran and Catholic faiths in the German lands of the Holy Roman Empire, and it served to ameliorate many of the tensions between followers of the so-called Old Faith and the followers of Luther, but it had two fundamental flaws. First, Ferdinand had rushed the article on ecclesiastical reservation through the debate; it had not undergone the scrutiny and discussion that attended the widespread acceptance and support of cuius regio, eius religio. Consequently, its wording did not cover all, or even most, potential legal scenarios. The Declaratio Ferdinandei was not debated in plenary session at all; using his authority to "act and settle,"[10] Ferdinand had added it at the last minute, responding to lobbying by princely families and knights.[11]
While these specific failings came back to haunt the Empire in subsequent decades, perhaps the greatest weakness of the Peace of Augsburg was its failure to take into account the growing diversity of religious expression emerging in the evangelical (Lutheran) and Reformed traditions. Other confessions had acquired popular, if not legal, legitimacy in the intervening decades and by 1555, the reforms proposed by Luther were no longer the only possibilities of religious expression:
Charles V's abdication
In 1556, amid great pomp, and leaning on the shoulder of one of his favorites (the 24-year-old
Charles' choices were appropriate. Philip was culturally Spanish: he was born in Valladolid and raised in the Spanish court, his native tongue was Spanish, and he preferred to live in Spain. Ferdinand was familiar with, and to, the other princes of the Holy Roman Empire. Although he too had been born in Spain, he had administered his brother's affairs in the Empire since 1531.[15] Some historians maintain Ferdinand had also been touched by the reformed philosophies, and was probably the closest the Holy Roman Empire ever came to a Protestant emperor; he remained at least nominally a Catholic throughout his life, although reportedly he refused last rites on his deathbed.[16] Other historians maintain that while Ferdinand was a practicing Catholic, unlike his brother he considered religion to be outside the political sphere.[17]
Charles' abdication had far-reaching consequences in imperial diplomatic relations with France and the Netherlands, particularly in his allotment of the Spanish kingdom to Philip. In France, the kings and their ministers grew increasingly uneasy about Habsburg encirclement and sought allies against Habsburg hegemony from among the border German territories; they were even prepared to ally with some of the Protestant kings. In the Netherlands, Philip's ascension in Spain raised particular problems; for the sake of harmony, order, and prosperity, Charles had not oppressed the Reformation as harshly there as did Philip, and Charles had even tolerated a high level of local autonomy. An ardent Catholic and rigidly autocratic prince, Philip pursued an aggressive political, economic, and religious policy toward the Dutch, resulting in their
Cause of the war
As an ecclesiastical principality of the Holy Roman Empire, the Electorate of Cologne (German: Kurfürstentum Köln or Kurköln) included the temporal possessions of the Archbishop of Cologne (German: Erzbistum Köln): the so-called Oberstift (the southern part of the Electorate), the northern section, called the Niederstift, the fiefdom of Vest Recklinghausen and the Duchy of Westphalia, plus several small uncontiguous territories separated from the Electorate by the neighboring Duchies of Cleves, Berg, Julich and Mark. Encircled by the electoral territory, Cologne was part of the archdiocese but not among the Elector's temporal possessions. The Electorate was ruled by an archbishop prince-elector of the empire. As an archbishop, he was responsible for the spiritual leadership of one of the richest sees in the Empire, and entitled to draw on its wealth. As a prince-prelate, he stood in the highest social category of the Empire, with specific and expansive legal, economic, and juridical rights. As an Elector, he was one of the men who elected the Holy Roman Emperor from among a group of imperial candidates.[19]
The Electorate obtained its name from the city, and
The position of archbishop was usually held by a
Election of 1577
When his nephew, Arnold, died without issue,
Ernst had been a canon at Cologne since 1570. He had the support of the neighboring
Also a younger son, Gebhard had prepared for an ecclesiastical career with a broad,
If the election had been left to the papacy, Ernst would have been the choice, but the Pope was not a member of the Cathedral Chapter and Gebhard had the support of several of the Catholic, and all the Protestant, canons in the Chapter. In December 1577, he was chosen Elector and Archbishop of Cologne after a spirited contest with the papacy's candidate, Ernst: Gebhard won the election by two votes.[36] Although it was not required of him, Gebhard agreed to undergo priestly ordination; he was duly consecrated in March 1578, and swore to uphold the Council of Trent's decrees.[37]
Gebhard's conversion
The mere possibility of Gebhard's conversion caused consternation in the Electorate, in the Empire, and in such European states as England and France. Gebhard considered his options, and listened to his advisers, chief among them his brother Karl, Truchsess von Waldburg (1548–1593), and Adolf, Count von Neuenahr (1545–1589). His opponents in the Cathedral Chapter enlisted external support from the Wittelsbachs in Bavaria and from the Pope. Diplomats shuttled from court to court through the Rhineland, bearing pleas to Gebhard to consider the outcome of a conversion, and how it would destroy the Electorate. These diplomats assured him of support for his cause should he convert and hold the Electorate and threats to destroy him if he did convert. The magistrates of Cologne vehemently opposed any possible conversion and the extension of parity to Protestants in the archdiocese. His Protestant supporters told Gebhard that he could marry the woman and keep the Electorate, converting it into a dynastic duchy. Throughout the Electorate, and on its borders, his supporters and opponents gathered their troops, armed their garrisons, stockpiled foodstuffs, and prepared for war.[47] On 19 December 1582, Gebhard announced his conversion, from, as he phrased it, the "darkness of the papacy to the Light" of the Word of God.[48]
Implications of his conversion
The conversion of the Archbishop of Cologne to Protestantism triggered religious and political repercussions throughout the Holy Roman Empire. His conversion had widespread implications for the future of the Holy Roman Empire's electoral process established by the
The conversion of the ecclesiastic see to a dynastic realm ruled by a Protestant prince challenged the principle of
Affairs became further complicated when, on 2 February 1583, also known as Candlemas,[52] Gebhard married Agnes von Mansfeld-Eisleben in a private house in Rosenthal, outside of Bonn. After the ceremony, the couple processed to the Elector's palace in Bonn, and held a great feast. Unbeknownst to them, while they celebrated their marriage, Frederick, Duke of Saxe-Lauenburg (1554–1586), who was also a member of the Cathedral Chapter, and his soldiers approached the fortified Kaiserswerth, across the river, and took the castle after a brief fight. When the citizens of Cologne heard the news, there was a great public exultation.[53]
Two days after his marriage, Gebhard invested his brother Karl with the duties of Statthalter (governor) and charged him with the rule of Bonn.[54] He and Agnes then traveled to Zweibrücken and, from there, to the territory of Dillingen, near Solms-Braunfels, where the Count, a staunch supporter, would help him to raise funds and troops to hold the territory; Adolf, Count von Neuenahr returned to the Electorate to prepare for its defense.[55]
Gebhard clearly intended to transform an important ecclesiastical territory into a secular, dynastic duchy. This problematic conversion would then bring the principle of cuius regio, eius religio into play in the Electorate. Under this principle, all of Gebhard's subjects would be required to convert to his faith: his rule, his religion. Furthermore, as a relatively young man, heirs would be expected. Gebhard and his young wife presented the very real possibility of successfully converting a rich, diplomatically important, and strategically placed ecclesiastical territory of a prince-prelate into a dynastic territory that carried with it one of the coveted offices of imperial elector.[56]
Pope Gregory XIII excommunicated him in March 1583, and the Chapter deposed him,[57] by electing in his place the 29-year-old canon, Ernst of Bavaria, brother of the pious William V, Duke of Bavaria.[58] Ernst's election ensured the involvement of the powerful House of Wittelsbach in the coming contest.[59]
Course of the war
The war had three phases. Initially it was a localized feud between supporters of Gebhard and those of the Catholic core of the Cathedral Chapter. With the election of Ernst of Bavaria as a competing archbishop, what had been a local conflict expanded in scale: Ernst's election guaranteed the military, diplomatic, and financial interest of the Wittelsbach family in the Electorate of Cologne's local affairs. After the deaths of Louis VI, Elector Palatine in 1583 and William the Silent in 1584, the conflict shifted gears again, as the two evenly matched combatants sought outside assistance to break the stalemate. Finally, the intervention of Alexander Farnese, Duke of Parma, who had at his command the Spanish Army of Flanders, threw the balance of power in favor of the Catholic side. By 1588, Spanish forces had pushed Gebhard from the Electorate. In 1588 he took refuge in Strassburg, and the remaining Protestant strongholds of the Electorate fell to Parma's forces in 1589.[60]
Cathedral feud
Although Gebhard had gathered some troops around him, he hoped to recruit support from the Lutheran princes.
In the first months after Gebhard's conversion, two competing armies rampaged throughout the southern portion of the Electoral territory in the
Initially, despite a few setbacks, military action seemed to go in Gebhard's favor, until October 1583, when the Elector Palatine died, and Casimir disbanded his army and returned to his brother's court as guardian for the new duke, his 10-year-old nephew. In November 1583, from his castle Arensberg in Westphalia, he wrote to
On the same day, Gebhard wrote also to the Archbishop of Canterbury and the Bishop of London, presenting his case: "Verily, the Roman Antichrist moves every stone to oppress us and our churches...."[69] Two days later, he wrote a more lengthy letter to the Queen: "We therefore humbly pray your Majesty to lend us 10,000 angelots, and to send it speedily, that we may preserve our churches this winter from the invasion of the enemy; for if we lost Bonn, they would be in the greatest danger, while if God permits us to keep it, we hope, by his grace, that Antichrist and his agents will be foiled in their damnable attempts against those who call upon the true God."[70]
The Catholics offered Gebhard a great sum of money, which he refused, demanding instead, the restoration of his state.
Engagement of outside military forces
The election of Ernst of Bavaria expanded the local feud into a more German-wide phenomenon. The pope committed 55,000 crowns to pay soldiers to fight for Ernst, and another 40,000 directly into the coffers of the new archbishop.
Stalemate
By late 1585, although Ernst's brother had made significant inroads into the Electorate of Cologne, both sides had reached an impasse. Sizable portions of the population subscribed to the Calvinist doctrine; to support them, Calvinist Switzerland and Strassburg furnished a steady stream of theologians, jurists, books, and ideas.[81] The Calvinist barons and counts understood the danger of Spanish intervention: it meant the aggressive introduction of the Counter-Reformation in their territories. France, in the person of Henry III, was equally interested, since the encirclement of his Kingdom by Habsburgs was cause for concern. Another sizable portion of the electorate's populace adhered to the old faith, supported by Wittelsbach-funded Jesuits.[82] The supporters of both sides committed atrocities of their own: in the city of Cologne, the mere rumor of Gebhard's approaching army caused rioters to murder several people suspected of sympathizing with the Protestant cause.[83]
Ernst depended on his brother and the Catholic barons in the Cathedral Chapter to hold the territory he acquired. In 1585, Münster, Paderborn, and Osnabrück succumbed to Ferdinand's energetic pursuit in the eastern regions of the electorate, and a short time later, Minden.[84] With their help, Ernst could hold Bonn. Support from the city of Cologne itself was also secure. To oust Gebhard, though, Ernst ultimately had to appeal for aid to Alexander Farnese, Duke of Parma, who commanded Spanish forces in the Netherlands, namely the Army of Flanders.[85]
Parma was more than willing to help. The Electorate, strategically important to Spain, offered another land route by which to approach the rebellious northern Provinces of the Netherlands. Although the Spanish road from Spain's holdings on the Mediterranean shores led to its territories in what is today Belgium, it was a long, arduous march, complicated by the provisioning of troops and the potentially hostile populations of the territories through which it passed.[86] An alternative route on the Rhine promised better access to the Habsburg Netherlands. Furthermore, the presence of a Calvinist electorate almost on the Dutch border could delay their efforts to bring the rebellious Dutch back to the Spanish rule and the Catholic confession. Philip II and his generals could be convinced to support Ernst's cause for such considerations. Indeed, the process of intervention had started earlier. In 1581, Philip's forces, paid for by papal gold, had taken Aachen, which Protestants had seized; by the mid–1580s, the Duke of Parma's forces, encouraged by the Wittelsbachs and the Catholics in Cologne, had secured garrisons throughout the northern territories of the Electorate.[87] By 1590, these garrisons gave Spain access to the northern provinces and Philip felt comfortable enough with his military access to the provinces, and with their isolation from possible support by German Protestants, to direct more of his attention to France, and less to his problems with the Dutch.[88]
On the other side of the feud, to hold the territory, Gebhard needed the full support of his military brother and the very able Neuenahr. To push Ernst out, he needed additional support, which he had requested from Delft and from England. It was clearly in the interests of England and the Dutch to offer assistance; if the Dutch could not tie up the Spanish army in Flanders, and if that army needed a navy to supply it, Philip could not focus his attention on the English and the French.
Sack of Westphalia
In late February 1586,
Spanish intervention
To some extent, the difficulties both Gebhard and Ernst faced in winning the war were the same the Spanish had in subduing the Dutch Revolt. The protraction of the Spanish and Dutch war—80 years of bitter fighting interrupted by periodic truces while both sides gathered resources—lay in the kind of war it was: enemies lived in fortified towns defended by Italian-style bastions, which meant the towns had to be taken and then fortified and maintained. For both Gebhard and Ernst, as for the Spanish commanders in the nearby Lowlands, winning the war meant not only mobilizing enough men to encircle a seemingly endless cycle of enemy artillery fortresses, but also maintaining the army one had and defending all one's own possessions as they were acquired.
Razing of Neuss
Gebhard's supporter, Adolf von Neuenahr, surrounded Neuss in March 1586, and persuaded Ernst's small garrison to capitulate. He refortified and restocked the city and placed young Friedrich Cloedt in command of a garrison of 1600 men, mostly Germans and Dutch soldiers. The town's fortifications were substantial; 100 years earlier it had
The following day, Parma's artillery pounded at the walls for 3 hours with iron cannonballs weighing 30–50 pounds; in total, his artillery fired more than 2700 rounds. The Spanish made several attempts to storm the city, each repelled by Cloedt's 1600 soldiers. The ninth assault breached the outer wall. The Spanish and Italian forces entered the town from opposite ends and met in the middle.[103] Cloedt, gravely injured (his leg was reportedly almost ripped off and he had five other serious wounds), had been carried into the town. Parma's troops discovered Cloedt, being nursed by his wife and his sister. Although Parma was inclined to honor the garrison commander with a soldier's death by sword, Ernst demanded his immediate execution. The dying man was hanged from the window, with several other officers in his force.[104]
Parma made no effort to restrain his soldiers. On their rampage through the city, Italian and Spanish soldiers slaughtered the rest of the garrison, even the men who tried to surrender. Once their blood-lust was satiated, they began to plunder.[105] Civilians who had taken refuge in the churches were initially ignored, but when the fire started, they were forced into the streets and trapped by the rampaging soldiers. Contemporary accounts refer to children, women, and old men, their clothes smoldering, or in flames, trying to escape the conflagration, only to be trapped by the enraged Spanish; if they escaped the flames and the Spanish, they were cornered by the enraged Italians. Parma wrote to King Philip that over 4000 lay dead in the ditches (moats). English observers confirmed this report, and elaborated that only eight buildings remained standing.[106]
Siege warfare runs its course
Parma had gone to Neuss prepared for a major assault, and the resources of Spain's Army of the Netherlands quickly changed the balance in favor of Ernst. In 1586, Ernst's allies had secured Vest Recklinghausen, even though they had failed to catch the elusive Schenck, and they had reduced Neuss to a pile of rubble, proving their overwhelming fire-power. In 1587, they encircled and took the fortified towns in the Oberstift, recapturing Bonn, Godesberg, and Linz am Rhein, and dozens of smaller fortified towns, villages, and farmsteads throughout the countryside.[107] Throughout, soldiers from both parties marauded and plundered throughout the countryside, searching either for important officials, booty, or other valuables. On 12 November 1587, one of Walsingham's informants wrote, the "soldiers of Vartendonc (Martin Schenck) go out daily on excursions, doing very great harm in all places, for they have free passage every where. The other evening they went with 180 horse to above Bonn, between Orchel and Linz (am Rhein), to make prisoner Count Salatin d'Issemburg (Salentin von Isenburg), but their design did not succeed, as he withdrew into a castle."[108] In early 1588, Gebhardt's supporters once more acquired Bonn; one of Walsingham's observers in the Palatinate, in Heidelberg, reported that the Prince of Taxis had been slain outside of Bonn, with 300 Spanish soldiers.[109]
By Spring 1588, Gebhard had run out of options. In 1583, he had refused the settlement offered to him after the conferences at Frankfurt and in Westphalia, counting on the support of the other Protestant electors. When their support did not materialize, he pursued diplomatic options with the French, the Dutch, and the English; these also were of limited help. After the destruction of Neuss in 1586, and the loss of most of the southern part of the Electorate in 1587, Rheinberg and its environs were the only territories of the Electorate he could claim, and much of this slipped from his grasp in 1588. He had exhausted his diplomatic, financial, and military possibilities. His health problems (referred to as Gelenkenschmerz, or joint pain) prohibited him from riding, which limited his ability to travel. In the spring of 1588, he relinquished his claim on the Electorate to the protection of Neuenahr and Martin Schenck, and retired to Strassburg.
Aftermath
After Gebhard's expulsion, Ernst assumed full charge of the Electorate of Cologne. In his later years, a
Ernst's rule, and that of his four Wittelsbach successors, strengthened the position of his family in Imperial politics.[114] The victory of the Catholic party further consolidated the Counter-Reformation in the northwest territories of the Holy Roman Empire, especially in the bishoprics of Münster, Paderborn, Osnabrück, and Minden, which were bordered by Protestant territories.[115] Once Ernst's brother or such allies as the Duke of Parma regained control, Jesuits efficiently identified any recalcitrant Protestants and converted them to Catholicism. The Counter-Reformation was thoroughly applied in the lower Rhineland, with the goal that every Protestant, whether Lutheran or Calvinist, would be brought to the Catholic fold. For their efforts, the Spanish acquired important bridgeheads on the Rhine River, securing a land route to the rebellious northern provinces, which helped to extend an already long war of secession well into the next century.[116]
The German tradition of local and regional autonomy differed structurally and culturally from the increasingly centralized authority of such other European states as France, England, and Spain. This difference made them vulnerable to the unabashed intervention of Spanish, French, Italian, Dutch, English, and Scots mercenaries and the influence of papal gold and changed the dynamic of internal German confessional and dynastic disputes. The great "players" of the Early Modern European political stage realized that they could enhance their own positions vis-a-vis one another by assisting, promoting, or undermining local and regional competition among the German princes, as they did in the localized feud between Gebhard and Ernst. Conversely, German princes, dukes, and counts realized that they could gain an edge over their competitors by promoting the interests of powerful neighbors.[117] The scale of the engagement of such external mercenary armies as Spain's Army of Flanders set a precedent to internationalize contests of local autonomy and religious issues in the German states, a problem not settled until the Peace of Westphalia in 1648.[118] Even after that settlement, German states remained vulnerable to both external intervention[119] and the religious division exemplified in the Cologne war.[120]
References
- ^ Hajo Holborn, A History of Modern Germany, The Reformation, Princeton N.J., Princeton University Press, 1959, generally, see pp. 204–246, for a discussion of Protestant fear of suppression, political divisions and consolidation of Protestant activities, see pp. 204–210; for Habsburg policy, Schmalkalden activities and the alliance between Charles and Clement, pp. 214–227.
- ^ Holborn, p. 205.
- ISBN 9780816404490, p. 85.
- ^ Holborn, pp. 227–248.
- ^ Holborn, pp. 229–245, particularly pp. 231–232.
- ^ Holborn, pp. 231–232.
- ^ Holborn, p. 241.
- ^ Holborn, p. 241.
- ^ For a general discussion of the impact of the Reformation on the Holy Roman Empire, see Holborn, chapters 6–9 (pp. 123–248).
- ^ Holborn, p. 241.
- ^ Holborn, pp. 244–245.
- ^ Holborn, pp. 243–246.
- ISBN 0007192576, Chapter 1; Richard Bruce Wernham, The New Cambridge Modern History: The Counter Reformation and Price Revolution 1559–1610, (vol. 3), 1979, pp. 338–345.
- ^ Holborn, pp. 249–250; Wernham, pp. 338–345.
- ^ Holborn, pp. 243–246.
- ^ See Parker, pp. 20–50.
- ^ Holborn, pp. 250–251.
- ^ Parker, p. 35.
- ^ Holborn, pp. 191–247.
- ^ (In German) Leonard Ennen, Geschichte der Stadt Köln, Düsseldorf, Schwann'schen, 1880, pp. 291–313.
- ^ J. Lins. Cologne In The Catholic Encyclopedia. New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1908. Retrieved 11 July 2009 from New Advent.
- ^ Lins, Cologne. New Advent.
- ^ Encyclopedia Americana, "Chapter", New York, Encyclopedia Americana, 1918, p. 514.
- ^ (In German) Ennen, pp. 291–313.
- ^ (In German) Max Lossen, Salentin, Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, herausgegeben von der Historischen Kommission bei der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Band 30 (1890), ab Seite 216, Digitale Volltext-Ausgabe in German Wikisource (Version vom 14. November 2009, 19:56 Uhr UTC).
- ^ (In German) Max Lossen, Gebhard, Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie, herausgegeben von der Historischen Kommission bei der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Band 8 (1878), ab Seite 457, Digitale Volltext-Ausgabe, Leipzig, 1878, (Version vom 6. November 2009, 02:02 Uhr UTC); (In German) Michaela Waldburg, Waldburg und Waldburger – Ein Geschlecht steigt auf in den Hochadel des Alten Reiches 2009, Accessed 15 October 2009.
- ^ Joseph Lins, "Cologne" and "Bavaria", Catholic Encyclopedia (New Advent), Accessed 5 October 2009.
- ^ Samuel Macauley Jackson, "Communal Life", The New Schaff-Herzog encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge, New York, Funk and Wagnalls, 1909, pp. 7–8.
- ^ (In German) Lossen, Salentin. (ADB).
- ^ Jackson, p. 7.
- ^ Lins, "Cologne", and "Bavaria".
- ^ (In German) Ennen, pp. 291–294.
- ^ (In German) Lossen, "Gebhard", (ADB).
- ^ (In German) Lossen, "Gebhard", (ADB); and (in German) Wember, Family Genealogy table Archived 30 April 2009 at the Wayback Machine.
- ^ Max Lossen, Gebhard (ADB).
- ^ (In German) Ennen, pp. 291–313. The Chapter had 24 members, and there may also have been skullduggery involved in keeping one of the members of the chapter from voting.
- ^ Goetz, pp. 439–440.
- ^ (In German) "Grafen von Mansfeld" in Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie. Herausgegeben von der Historischen Kommission bei der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Band 20 (1884), ab Seite 212, Digitale Volltext-Ausgabe in German Wikisource. (Version vom 17. November 2009, 17:46 Uhr UTC)
- ISBN 978-0800608255, p. 15. They included John Hoyer, Count of Mansfeld-Artern, Bruno, Count of Mansfeld-Bronstedt, Christopher Hoyer, Count of Mansfeld-Eisleben, Peter Ernst, the younger, Count of Mansfeld-Eisleben, and Christopher, Count of Mansfeld.
- ^ (In German) "Grafen von Mansfeld" in (ADB).
- ISBN 3515071466, p. 206.
- ^ Friedrich Schiller, edited by Morrison, Alexander James William, History of the Thirty Years' War (in The Works of Frederick Schiller) (Bonn, 1846).
- ^ (In German) Ennen, pp. 291–297.
- ^ (In German) Hennes, pp. 6–7.
- ^ (In German) Ennen, p. 294. "Gebhard's katholischer Glaube, der keineswegs in tiefinnerer Überzeugung wurzelte, kam in's Wanken, als er sich entscheiden mußte, ob er auf die Bischofsmitra verzichten und dem geliebten Weibe treu bleiben, oder seiner Liebe entsagen und ein Glied der kirchlichen Hierarchie bleiben sollte."
- ^ (In German) Ennen, pp. 291–297.
- ^ (In German) Ennen pp. 291–297; (In German) Hennes pp. 25–32.
- ^ (In German) Ennen, p. 297; (in German) Hennes, p. 32.
- ^ Holborn, pp. 201–247.
- ^ (In German) Waldburg, Geschlecht; (in German) Heinz Wember, Genealogical Table Archived 30 April 2009 at the Wayback Machine. Accessed 20 October 2009.
- ^ Holborn, pp. 201–247; Wernham, pp. 338–345.
- ^ Frederick Holweck, "Candlemas", The Catholic Encyclopedia. Vol. 3. New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1908. Accessed 29 October 2009.
- ^ (In German) Hennes, pp. 47–48.
- ^ (In German) Hennes, p. 48.
- ^ (In German) Hennes, pp. 48–49.
- ^ Holborn, pp. 201–247.
- ^ N.M. Sutherland, "Origins of the Thirty Years War and the Structure of European Politics", The English Historical Review, Vol. 107, No. 424 (Jul., 1992), pp. 587–625, 606.
- ^ (In German) Ennen, p. 291.
- ^ Holborn, pp. 288–289.
- ".
- ^ Lins, "Cologne".
- ^ Holborn, p. 288.
- ^ (In German) P. L. Müller, "Adolf Graf von Neuenahr". In Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie. Herausgegeben von der Historischen Kommission bei der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Band 23 (1886), ab Seite 484, Digitale Volltext-Ausgabe in German Wikisource. (Version vom 17. November 2009, 18:23 Uhr UTC).
- ^ Benians, p. 708.
- ^ (In German) Hennes, p. 64.
- ^ Benians, p. 708.
- ^ (In German) Hennes, p. 69.
- ^ Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 18: July 1583 – July 1584 (1914), pp. 250–265. Gebhard to Francis Walsingham, 22 November 1583. Date accessed: 7 November 2009.
- ^ Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 18: July 1583 – July 1584 (1914), pp. 250–265. Gebhard to the Archbishop of Canterbury, and the Bishop of London, 22 November 1583.
- ^ Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 18: July 1583 – July 1584 (1914), pp. 250–265. Gebhard to the Queen [of England], 23 November 1583.
- ^ (In German) Ernst Weyden. Godesberg, das Siebengebirge, und ihre Umgebung. Bonn: T. Habicht Verlag, 1864, p. 43.
- ^ (In German) Ennen, p. 159.
- ^ Goetz, pp. 439–441.
- ^ Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 18: July 1583 – July 1584 (1914), pp. 250–265. Bizarri to Walsingham, Antwerp, 13 November 1583. Date accessed: 7 November 2009.
- ^ (In German) Hennes, pp. 69–74.
- ^ Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, October 1583, 6–10, pp. 125–134, Dr. Lobetius to Walsingham, 9 October 1583, Accessed 7 November 2009.
- ^ Benians, p. 708.
- ^ Holborn, pp. 288–89; Sutherland, p. 606.
- ^ Eva Mabel Tenison, Elizabethan England, 1932, p. 128. Some historians attribute Gebhard's failure to attract Elizabeth's support to the Queen's jealousy of the beauty of his wife, or her jealousy of any relationship Agnes might have had with Dudley. However, there is no record of any visit by Agnes to the royal Court, either in official or, more importantly, the unofficial sources which, motivated by salacious news, could be relied upon to sniff out even the most surreptitious bit of gossip.
- ^ Benians, pp. 708–710.
- ^ Benians, pp. 713–714; Holborn, pp. 291–247; Wernham, pp. 338–345.
- ISBN 9780415011488, p. 71.
- ^ (In German) Hennes, pp. 71–72.
- ^ Edward Maslin Hulme. The Renaissance. 1915, pp. 507–510.
- ISBN 978-0521543927. Chapters 1–2.
- ^ Parker, Flanders, Chapters 1–2.
- ISBN 978-1852851613, map, p. 24.
- ISBN 9780521871037, p. 310; Parker, Flanders, Chapters 1–2.
- ISBN 978-0-691-03651-9, p. 295.
- ^ Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 18: July 1583 – July 1584. pp. 203–211. Dr. Wencesslaus Zuleger to Lord Francis Walsingham, Frankfort [sic],13 November 1583, Accessed 7 November 2009.
- ^ Davies, pp. 235–236; (in German) P.L. Muller. "Martin Schenk von Nideggen" in Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie. Herausgegeben von der Historischen Kommission bei der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Band 31 (1890), ab Seite 62, Digitale Volltext-Ausgabe in German Wikisource, (Version vom 17. November 2009, 17:31 Uhr UTC); Parker, Flanders, p. 14; A.D. (Alexander DuBois) Schenck, Rev. William Schenck, his Ancestry and his Descendants, Washington: Darby, 1883, pp. 129–131.
- ^ Benians, pp. 713; Charles Maurice Davies, The History of Holland and the Dutch Republic, London, G. Willis, 1851, p. 233; (in German) Hennes, pp. 153–168.
- ^ (In German) Hennes, p. 157, see also fn #1, p. 157.
- ^ (In German) Hennes, pp. 156–158. Schenck left his fortune and his wife in Venlo, while he journeyed to Delft. There, the Earl of Leicester knighted him by order of Elizabeth, and presented him with a chain valued at a thousand gold pieces. Benians, pp. 713–714.
- ^ Parker, Flanders, p. 17.
- ^ Parker, Flanders, p. 18.
- ^ For its efforts, the emperor had granted Neuss the right to mint its own coins and to incorporate the imperial arms into its own coat of arms. (In German) Hennes, pp. 185–186.
- ^ Some historians have claimed that Karl was her brother, but that has been refuted by more recent genealogical research into the history of the main lines and cadet lines of the family. For example, see Hennes, p. 30. Agnes' father and Karl's father were sons of Ernst II, Count of Mansfeld zu Vorderort (1479–1531) and his second wife, Dorothea zu Solm-Lich (1493–1578, m 1512); See Miroslav Marek, Descendants of Günther II von Mansfeld-Querfurt (1406–1475), 17 March 2008 version, Accessed 11 November 2009.
- ^ For Mansfeld's presence, the number and distribution of troops, see (in German) Hennes, p. 159.
- ^ Davies, p. 188, reported Parma had as many as 18,000 troops; other sources settle the number at closer to 10,000: See (in German) Hennes, pp. 158–159.
- ^ Parker, Flanders, p. 17.
- ^ (In German) Hennes, p. 159.
- ^ (In German) Hennes, p. 163. In the prevailing codes of war, a town that capitulated would be placed under execution, the quartering of troops at the town's expense. A town taken by storm, on the other hand, would be plundered and the garrison, killed. See Parker, Flanders, p. 17.
- ^ (In German) The captain who executed Cloedt gave him a drink of wine and, before hanging him from the window, told him to observe the slaughter of the soldiers whose deaths he had ordered. Hennes, pp. 164. His wife, his sister, and his small daughter were taken to Düsseldorf and handed into the care and custody of an ambassador there. (In German) Hennes, pp. 164–165.
- ^ Hennes, p. 165.
- ^ (In German) Hennes, p. 165 and (in German) Philipson, p. 575.
- ^ Jeremy Black. European warfare, 1494–1660, New York, Routledge, 2002, pp. 114–115. See also (in German) Lossen, Gebhard (ADB).
- ^ Sophie Lomas, Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 21, Part 1, 1927. British History Online. pp. 409–429.
- ^ Sophie Lomas. Elizabeth: April 1588, 16–30', Stafford to Walsingham, Heidelberg, 24 April 1588. Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 21, Part 1: 1586–1588 (1927), pp. 593–607.
- ^ (In German) Aloys Meister. Der Strassburger Kapitelstreit, 1583–1592. Strassburg: Heitz, 1899, pp. 325–358.
- ^ Brodek, pp. 400–401; (in German) Hennes, pp. 177–179.
- ^ Benians, p. 713; Brodek, pp. 400–405; Lins, "Cologne".
- ^ Brodek, pp. 400–401; Goetz, pp. 439–441.
- ^ Thomas Brady, et al., Handbook of European history, 1400–1600. Vol. 2, Leiden, Netherlands: Brill Academic Publishers, 1995, 978-9004097612, p. 365; Lins, "Cologne".
- ^ Robert W. Scribner, "Why Was There No Reformation in Cologne?" Bulletin of the Institute of Historical Research, 49(1976): pp. 217–241.
- ISBN 978-0415128834, Introduction.
- ^ Brodek, pp. 400–401.
- ^ Parker, The Thirty Years Wars Introduction.
- ^ Parker, Introduction; Scribner, pp. 217–241.
- ISBN 978-0670032969p. 266, 467–84.
Further reading
- (In German) "Grafen von Mansfeld" in Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie. Herausgegeben von der Historischen Kommission bei der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Band 20 (1884), ab Seite 212, Digitale Volltext-Ausgabe in German Wikisource. (Version vom 17. November 2009, 17:46 Uhr UTC).
- Benians, Ernest Alfred, et al. The Cambridge Modern History. New York: MacMillan, 1905.
- ISBN 9780415275323.
- Brady, Thomas, et al. Handbook of European history, 1400–1600. v. 2. Leiden: Brill, 1995 ISBN 9789004097612.
- Brodek, Theodor V. "Socio-Political Realities of the Holy Roman Empire", Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 1971, 1(3), pp. 395–405.
- Davies, Charles Maurice. The History of Holland and the Dutch Nation. London: G. Willis, 1851.
- (In German) Dotzauer, Winifred. Die Deutschen Reichskreise, 1377–1803, Stuttgart: Steiner, 1998, ISBN 3515071466.
- Encyclopedia Americana. "Chapter", New York: Encyclopedia Americana, 1918.
- (In German) Ennen, Leonard. Geschichte der Stadt Köln. Düsseldorf: Schwann'schen, 1863–1880.
- Götz (Goetz), Walter. "Gebhard II and the Counter Reformation in the Lower Rhinelands", Schaff Herzog Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge. Johann Jakob Herzog (ed.). v. 4, New York: Funk and Wagnalls, 1909, pp. 439–441.
- Heal, Bridget. The Cult of the Virgin Mary in Early Modern Germany: Protestant and Catholic Piety, 1500–1648. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007, ISBN 9780521871037.
- (In German) Hennes, Johann Heinrich. Der Kampf um das Erzstift Köln zur Zeit der Kurfürsten. Köln: DuMont-Schauberg, 1878.
- ISBN 9780691007953.
- Holweck, Frederick. "Candlemas" in The Catholic Encyclopedia. vol. 3, New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1908.
- Hsia, Po-chia. Social Discipline in the Reformation. New York: Routledge, 1989, ISBN 9780415011488.
- Israel, Jonathan I. Conflict of empires: Spain, the Lowlands, and the struggle for world supremacy, 1585–1713. London: Hamblin, 2003, ISBN 978-1852851613.
- Jackson, Samuel Macauley. "Communal Life", in Schaff Herzog Encyclopedia of Religious Knowledge. Johann Jakob Herzog (ed.). v. 3, New York: Funk and Wagnalls, 1909, pp. 7–8.
- Jardine, Lisa. The Awful End of William the Silent: The First Assassination of a Head of State with a Handgun. London: Harper Collins, 2005, ISBN 0007192576.
- (In German) Jedin, Hubert. Konciliengeschichte. Freiburg: Herder, 1980, ISBN 9780816404490.
- Lins, Joseph, Cologne, William V of Bavaria, and Westphalia, New York: Robert Appleton Company, 1908.
- Lomas, Sophie Crawford (ed.). Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 18. Institute of Historical Research, British History Online, original publication, 1914. Accessed 1 November 2009.
- Lomas, Sophie Crawford. Calendar of State Papers Foreign, Elizabeth, Volume 21, Part 1, 1927. British History Online. Accessed 17 November 2009.
- (In German) Lossen, Max. "Gebhard". Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie. Herausgegeben von der Historischen Kommission bei der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Band 8 (1878), ab Seite 457, Digitale Volltext-Ausgabe in German Wikisource (Version vom 6. November 2009, 02:02 Uhr UTC).
- (In German) Lossen, Max. "Salentin", Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie. Herausgegeben von der Historischen Kommission bei der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Band 30 (1890), Seite 216–224, Digitale Volltext-Ausgabe in German Wikisource (Version vom 14. November 2009, 19:56 Uhr UTC).
- MacCaffrey, Wallace T. Elizabeth I: War and Politics, 1588–1603. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994, ISBN 978-0-691-03651-9.
- MacCulloch, Dairmaid. The Reformation. New York: Viking, 2003, ISBN 978-0670032969.
- (In German) Meister, Aloys. Der Strassburger Kapitelstreit, 1583–1592. Strassburg: Heit, 1899.
- ISBN 978-0415128834.
- (In German) Müller, P. L. "Adolf Graf von Neuenahr". In Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie. Herausgegeben von der Historischen Kommission bei der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Band 23 (1886), ab Seite 484, Digitale Volltext-Ausgabe in German Wikisource (Version vom 17. November 2009, 18:23 Uhr UTC).
- (In German) Müller, P. L. Martin Schenk von Nideggen in Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie. Herausgegeben von der Historischen Kommission bei der Bayerischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Band 31 (1890), ab Seite 62, Digitale Volltext-Ausgabe in German Wikisource (Version vom 17. November 2009, 17:31 Uhr UTC).
- Parker, Geoffrey. The Army of Flanders and the Spanish Road, 1567–1659. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004, ISBN 978-0521543927.
- Schenck, A.D. (Alexander DuBois). Rev. William Schenck, his Ancestry and His Descendants. Washington: Darby, 1883.
- Schiller, Friedrich. History of the Thirty Years War in Morrison, Alexander James William, ed. The Works of Frederick Schiller. Bonn: np, 1843.
- .
- Sutherland, N. M. "Origins of the Thirty Years' War and the Structure of European Politics." The English Historical Review, 1992, 107 (424): pp. 587–625.
- Tappert, Theodore Gerhardt. The Book of Concord: the confessions of the Evangelical Lutheran Church. Minneapolis, Minnesota: Augsburg Fortress Press, 1959. ISBN 978-0800608255.
- Tenison, Eva Mabel. Elizabethan England. Glasgow: Glasgow University Press, 1932.
- (In German) Waldburg, Michaela. Waldburg und Waldburger – Ein Geschlecht steigt auf in den Hochadel des Alten Reiches. Switzerland: TLC Michaela Waldburger, 2009, Accessed 15 October 2009.
- (In German) Wember, Heinz. House of Waldburg: Jacobin Line. Augsburg, Germany: Heinrich Paul Wember, 2007, Accessed 2 October 2009.
- Wernham, Richard Bruce. The New Cambridge Modern History: The Counter Reformation and Price Revolution 1559–1610. Vol. 3. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971, pp. 338–345.
- (In German) Weyden, Ernst. Godesberg, das Siebengebirge, und ihre Umgebung. Bonn: T. Habicht Verlag, 1864.