Conflict of the Orders

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The Conflict of the Orders, also Struggle of the Orders, was a political struggle between the

plebeian tribune
, and with it the first acquisition of real power by the plebeians.

At first, only patricians were allowed to stand for election to political office, but over time these laws were revoked, and eventually all offices were opened to the plebeians. Since most individuals who were elected to political office were given membership in the

tribunicia potestas
(tribunician power) in which tribunes of the plebs could veto unfavorable legislation.

The Era of Patricians (494–367 BC)

The Conflict of the Orders began less than 20 years after the Republic was founded. Under the existing system, the poorer plebeians made up the bulk of the Roman army. During their military service, the farms on which their livelihood depended were left abandoned. Unable to earn a sufficient income, many turned to the patricians for aid, which left them open to abuse and even enslavement. As the patricians controlled Roman politics, the plebeians found no help from within the existing political system. Their solution was to go on strike. In 494 BC Rome was at war with three Italic tribes (the

Sacred Mount outside Rome. A settlement was negotiated and the patricians agreed that the plebs be given the right to meet in their own assembly, the Plebeian Council (Concilium Plebis), and to elect their own officials to protect their rights, the plebeian tribune (tribunus plebis). [1][2]

During the 5th century BC, there were a number of unsuccessful attempts to reform Roman agrarian laws to distribute newly conquered territories amongst the plebs. In a number of instances, these reforms were advocated by the plebeian tribunes.

In 471 BC, the

Tribal Assembly (comitia populi tributa), thereby freeing their election from the influence of the patrician clients
.

During the early years of the republic, the plebeians were not allowed to hold magisterial office. While the plebeian tribunes regularly attempted to block legislation unfavorable to their order, the patricians frequently tried to thwart them by gaining the support of another tribune. One example of this occurred in 448 BC when only five tribunes were elected to fill ten positions; following tradition and pressured by the patricians, they co-opted five colleagues, two of whom were patricians. Concerns that the patricians would attempt to influence future elections in this manner, or by obtaining the office themselves to prevent the plebeian tribunes from exercising their powers, led to the passage of the Lex Trebonia, forbidding the plebeian tribunes from co-opting their colleagues in the future.[3]

In 445 BC, the plebeians demanded the right to stand for election as

Centuriate Assembly, and the Senate had the power to veto any such election.[4]
This was the first of many attempts by the plebeians to achieve political equality with the Patricians.

Starting around the year 400 BC, a series of wars were fought against several neighboring tribes (in particular the

curule aedile were both created, but opened only to patricians.[6][7]

Shortly after the founding of the republic, the Centuriate Assembly became the principal

Plebeian Council. Since they were organized on the basis of the Curia (and thus by clan), they remained dependent on their Patrician patrons. In 471 BC, a law was passed due to the efforts of the Tribune Volero Publilius,[8] which allowed the plebeians to organize by tribe, rather than by curia. Thus, the Plebeian Curiae Assembly became the Plebeian Tribal Assembly, and the plebeians became politically independent.[8]

During the regal period, the king nominated two

Plebeian Council
.

The distinction between the joint

Horatius
"), which ultimately required that any law passed by the Plebeian Council have the full force of law over both plebeians and Patricians. This gave the plebeian tribunes, who presided over the Plebeian Council, a positive character for the first time. Before these laws were passed, tribunes could only interpose the sacrosanct of their person (intercessio) to veto acts of the Senate, assemblies, or magistrates. It was a modification to the Valerian law in 449 BC which first allowed acts of the Plebeian Council to have the full force of law over both plebeians and patricians, but eventually the final law in the series was passed (the "Shortening Law"), which removed the last check that the patricians in the Senate had over this power.

The end of the Conflict of the Orders (367–287 BC)

In the decades following the passage of the Licinio-Sextian law of 367 BC, a series of laws were passed which ultimately granted plebeians political equality with patricians.

Roman dictatorship and the Roman censorship [6] since only former consuls could hold either office. 356 BC saw the appointment of the first plebeian dictator,[13] and in 339 BC the plebeians facilitated the passage of a law (the lex Publilia), which required the election of at least one plebeian censor for each five-year term.[13] In 337 BC, the first plebeian praetor (Q. Publilius Philo) was elected.[13] In addition, during these years, the plebeian Tribunes and the senators grew increasingly close.[14] The Senate realized the need to use plebeian officials to accomplish desired goals,[14] and so to win over the tribunes, senators gave the tribunes a great deal of power, and unsurprisingly, the tribunes began to feel obligated to the Senate. As the tribunes and the senators grew closer, plebeian senators were often able to secure the tribunate for members of their own families.[15] In time, the tribunate became a stepping stone to higher office.[15]

During the era of the kingdom, the

Roman censors. It also codified a commonplace practice, which all but required the censor to appoint any newly elected magistrate to the Senate.[16] While this was not an absolute requirement, the language in the law was so strict that the censors rarely disobeyed it. It is not known what year this law was passed, although it was probably passed between the opening of the censorship to plebeians (in 339 BC) and the first known lectio senatus by a censor (in 312 BC).[17] By this point, plebeians were already holding a significant number of magisterial offices, and so the number of plebeian senators probably increased quickly.[17]
It was, in all likelihood, simply a matter of time before the plebeians came to dominate the Senate.

Under the new system, newly elected magistrates were awarded with automatic membership in the Senate, although it remained difficult for a plebeian from an unknown family to enter the Senate. On the rare occasion that an individual of an unknown family (ignobilis) was elected to high office, it was usually due to the unusual character of that individual, as was the case for both Gaius Marius and Marcus Tullius Cicero.[17] Several factors made it difficult for individuals from unknown families to be elected to high office, in particular the very presence of a long-standing nobility, as this appealed to the deeply rooted Roman respect for the past.[17] In addition, elections were expensive, neither senators nor magistrates were paid, and the Senate often did not reimburse magistrates for expenses associated with their official duties. Therefore, an individual usually had to be independently wealthy before seeking high office.[17] Ultimately, a new patricio-plebeian aristocracy (nobilitas) emerged,[17] which replaced the old patrician nobility. It was the dominance of the long-standing patrician nobility which ultimately forced the plebeians to wage their long struggle for political power. The new nobility, however, was fundamentally different from the old nobility.[18] The old nobility existed through the force of law, because only patricians were allowed to stand for high office, and it was ultimately overthrown after those laws were changed. Now, however, the new nobility existed due to the organization of society, and as such, it could only be overthrown through a revolution.[18]

The Conflict of the Orders was finally coming to an end, since the plebeians had achieved political equality with the patricians.[18][19] A small number of plebeian families had achieved the same standing that the old aristocratic Patrician families had always had, but these new plebeian aristocrats were as uninterested in the plight of the average plebeian as the old patrician aristocrats had always been.[18] During this time period, the plebeian plight had been mitigated due to the constant state of war that Rome was in.[20] These wars provided employment, income, and glory for the average plebeian, and the sense of patriotism that resulted from these wars also eliminated any real threat of plebeian unrest. The lex Publilia, which had required the election of at least one plebeian censor every five years, contained another provision. Before this time, any bill passed by an assembly could only become a law after the patrician senators gave their approval. This approval came in the form of an auctoritas patrum ("authority of the fathers").[21] The lex Publilia modified this process, requiring the auctoritas patrum to be passed before a law could be voted on by one of the assemblies, rather than after the law had already been voted on.[22] It is not known why, but this modification seems to have made the auctoritas patrum irrelevant.[23]

By 287 BC, the economic condition of the average plebeian had become poor. The problem appears to have centered around widespread indebtedness,[24] and the plebeians quickly demanded relief. The senators, most of whom belonged to the creditor class, refused to abide by the demands of the plebeians, and the result was the final plebeian secession. The Plebeians seceded to the Janiculum Hill, and to end the secession, a dictator named Quintus Hortensius was appointed. Hortensius, a plebeian, passed the lex Hortensia which ended the requirement that an auctoritas patrum be passed before any bill could be considered by either the Plebeian Council or the Tribal Assembly.[24] The requirement was not changed for the Centuriate Assembly. The Hortensian Law also reaffirmed the principle that an act of the Plebeian Council have the full force of law over both plebeians and patricians, which it had originally acquired as early as 449 BC.[23] The importance of the Hortensian law was in that it removed from the patrician senators their final check over the Plebeian Council.[25]

Historicity

The traditional account was long accepted as factual, but it has a number of problems and inconsistencies, and almost every element of the story is controversial today. For instance, the fasti report a number of consuls with plebeian names during the 5th century BC, when the consulate was supposedly only open to patricians, and explanations to the effect that previously patrician gentes somehow became plebeians later are difficult to prove. Another point of difficulty is the apparent absence of armed revolt; as the history of the late Republic shows, similar types of grievances tended to lead to bloodshed rather quickly, yet Livy's account seems to entail debate mostly, with the occasional threat of secessio. None of this is helped by our basic uncertainty as to who the plebs actually were; many of them are known to have been wealthy landowners, and the "lower class" label dates from the late Republic.[26][page needed]

Some scholars, such as Richard E. Mitchell, have even argued that there was no conflict at all, the Romans of the late Republic having interpreted events of their distant past as if they were comparable to the class struggles of their own time. The crux of the problem is that there is no contemporaneous account of the conflict; writers such as Polybius, who might have met persons whose grandparents participated in the conflict, do not mention it (which may not be surprising, since Polybius' history covered a period after the conflict), while the writers who do speak of the conflict, such as Livy or Cicero, are sometimes thought to have reported fact and fable equally readily, and sometimes assume that there were no fundamental changes in Roman institutions in nearly 500 years.

See also

Notes

  1. ^ a b Abbott, 28
  2. ISBN 9780199595112.{{cite book}}: CS1 maint: location (link
    )
  3. Ab Urbe Condita
    , iii. 65.
  4. ^ a b c Abbott, 35
  5. ^ Abbott, 36, 41
  6. ^ a b Abbott, 37
  7. ^ Abbott, 38
  8. ^ a b Abbott, 29
  9. ^ a b c Abbott, 33
  10. ^ Shindler, Michael. "Patrician and Plebeian Sociopolitical Dynamics in Early Rome". The Apollonian Revolt. The Apollonian Revolt. Archived from the original on 20 May 2015. Retrieved 2 April 2015.
  11. ^ a b Abbott, 41
  12. ^ Abbott, 42-43
  13. ^ a b c Abbott, 42
  14. ^ a b Abbott, 44
  15. ^ a b Abbott, 45
  16. ^ a b Abbott, 46
  17. ^ a b c d e f Abbott, 47
  18. ^ a b c d Abbott, 48
  19. ^ Shindler, Michael (2014). "Patrician and Plebeian Sociopolitical Dynamics in Early Rome". The Apollonian Revolt. Archived from the original on 20 May 2015. Retrieved 2 April 2015.
  20. ^ Abbott, 49
  21. . Retrieved 2022-02-05.
  22. ^ Abbott, 50
  23. ^ a b Abbott, 51
  24. ^ a b Abbott, 52
  25. ^ Abbott, 53
  26. ^ Raaflaub

References

Further reading

  • Ihne, Wilhelm. Researches Into the History of the Roman Constitution. William Pickering. 1853.
  • Johnston, Harold Whetstone. Orations and Letters of Cicero: With Historical Introduction, An Outline of the Roman Constitution, Notes, Vocabulary and Index. Scott, Foresman and Company. 1891.
  • Mommsen, Theodor. Roman Constitutional Law. 1871-1888
  • Tighe, Ambrose. The Development of the Roman Constitution. D. Apple & Co. 1886.
  • Von Fritz, Kurt. The Theory of the Mixed Constitution in Antiquity. Columbia University Press, New York. 1975.
  • The Histories by Polybius
  • Cambridge Ancient History, Volumes 9–13.
  • A. Cameron, The Later Roman Empire, (Fontana Press, 1993).
  • M. Crawford, The Roman Republic, (Fontana Press, 1978).
  • E. S. Gruen, "The Last Generation of the Roman Republic" (U California Press, 1974)
  • F. Millar, The Emperor in the Roman World, (Duckworth, 1977, 1992).
  • A. Lintott, "The Constitution of the Roman Republic" (Oxford University Press, 1999)

Primary sources

Secondary sources