Congress of Vienna
The Congress of Vienna[a] of 1814–1815 was a series of international diplomatic meetings to discuss and agree upon a possible new layout of the European political and constitutional order after the downfall of the French Emperor Napoleon Bonaparte.[1] Participants were representatives of all European powers (other than the Ottoman Empire)[b] and other stakeholders. The Congress was chaired by Austrian statesman Klemens von Metternich, and was held in Vienna from September 1814 to June 1815.
The objective of the Congress was to provide a long-term peace plan for Europe by settling critical issues arising from the
At the negotiation table, the position of France was weak in relation to that of
The immediate background was Napoleonic France's defeat and surrender in May 1814, which brought an end to 23 years of nearly continuous war. Remarkably, negotiations continued unaffected despite the outbreak of fighting triggered by Napoleon's return from exile and resumption of power in France during the Hundred Days of March to July 1815. The Congress's agreement was signed nine days before Napoleon's final defeat at Waterloo on 18 June 1815.
Some historians have criticised the outcomes of the Congress for causing the subsequent suppression of national, democratic, and liberal movements,[3] and it has been seen as a reactionary settlement for the benefit of traditional monarchs. Others have praised the Congress for protecting Europe from large and widespread wars for almost a century.
The Congress format
The name "Congress of Vienna" was not meant to suggest a formal
To reach amiable consensus among the many different nations holding great interest in the settlement proceedings, informal, face-to-face deliberative sessions were held where opinions and proposed solutions could be inventoried. The policy work on which the Concert of Europe was built on came about through closed-doors dealing among the five
Preliminaries
The Treaty of Chaumont in 1814 had reaffirmed decisions that had been made already and that would be ratified by the more important Congress of Vienna. They included the establishment of a confederated Germany, the division of Italy into independent states, the restoration of the Bourbon kings of Spain, and the enlargement of the Netherlands to include what in 1830 became modern Belgium. The Treaty of Chaumont became the cornerstone of the European Alliance that formed the balance of power for decades.[1]
Other partial settlements had already occurred at the
Participants
The Congress functioned through formal meetings such as working groups and official diplomatic functions; however, a large portion of the Congress was conducted informally at salons, banquets, and balls.[6]
The four great powers and Bourbon France
Four great powers had previously formed the core of the
- Prince von Metternich, the Foreign Minister, and by his deputy, Baron Johann von Wessenberg. The Austrians sought to maintain the balance of power, while protecting the interests of the Conservative nations and rebuilding Austria's position diplomatically in Germany and Italy. As the Congress's sessions were in Vienna, Emperor Francis was kept closely informed.[8]
- The United Kingdom was represented first by its Earl of Clancarty, after Wellington left to face Napoleon during the Hundred Days.[9]
- Tsar Karl Robert Nesselrode. The tsar had two main goals, to gain control of Poland and to promote the peaceful coexistence of European nations, with Russia as the pre-eminent land power. He succeeded in forming the Holy Alliance (1815), based on monarchism and anti-secularism, and formed to combat any threat of revolution or republicanism.[10]
- Prussia was represented by Prince Karl August von Hardenberg, the Chancellor, and the diplomat and scholar Wilhelm von Humboldt. The Prussians wanted to strengthen their position in Germany, particularly by annexing all of Saxony and parts of the Ruhr. King Frederick William III of Prussia was also in Vienna, playing his role behind the scenes.[11]
- Louis XVIII of France. He sought to ensure that France rejoined the group of Great Powers, and avoided being dismembered by the occupying powers. Louis XVIII, however, distrusted him and was also secretly negotiating with Metternich, by mail.[12]
The lesser powers, parties to the Treaty of Paris, 1814
These parties had not been part of the Chaumont agreement, but had joined the Treaty of Paris (1814):
- Spain – Don Pedro Gómez de Labrador, 1st Marquess of Labrador[13]
- Portugal – Plenipotentiaries: Pedro de Sousa Holstein, Count of Palmela; António de Saldanha da Gama, Count of Porto Santo; Joaquim Lobo da Silveira.[14][15]
- Sweden – Count Carl Löwenhielm[16]
Other nations
- Denmark – Count Niels Rosenkrantz, foreign minister.[17] King Frederick VI was also present in Vienna.
- Netherlands – Earl of Clancarty, the British Ambassador at the Dutch court,[18][19] and Baron Hans von Gagern[20]
- Switzerland – Every canton had its own delegation. Charles Pictet de Rochemont from Geneva played a prominent role.[21]
- Kingdom of Sardinia – Marquis Filippo Antonio Asinari di San Marzano .[22]
- The Papal States – Ercole Cardinal Consalvi, Secretary of State of His Holiness[23]
- The Order of St. John of Malta[24] – Fra' Antonio Miari, Fra' Daniello Berlinghieri and Fra' Augusto Viè de Cesarini[25][26]
- Republic of Genoa – Marquise Agostino Pareto, Senator of the Republic.
- Grand Duchy of Tuscany – Neri Corsini .[27]
- Kingdom of Sicily – Alvaro Ruffo della Scaletta, Luigi de' Medici di Ottajano, Antonio Maresca di Serracapriola and Fabrizio Ruffo di Castelcicala[28][29]
- On German issues:
- Bavaria – Maximilian Graf von Montgelas
- Württemberg – Georg Ernst Levin von Wintzingerode
- Duchy of Brunswick-Lüneburg, until the results of the Congress were concluded establishing the Kingdom of Hanover.[citation needed])
- Mecklenburg-Schwerin – Leopold von Plessen[30]
Other stakeholders, entertaining side program
Virtually every state in Europe had a delegation in Vienna – more than 200 states and princely houses were represented at the Congress.[31] In addition, there were representatives of cities, corporations, religious organizations (for instance, abbeys) and special interest groups – e.g., a delegation representing German publishers, demanding a copyright law and freedom of the press.[32] With them came a host of courtiers, secretaries, civil servants and ladies to enjoy the magnificent social life of the Austrian court. The Congress was noted for its lavish entertainment: according to a famous joke of an attendee, it danced a lot but did not move forward.[33] On the other hand, the possibilities for informal gatherings created by this "side program" may have helped ensure the Congress's success.
Diplomatic tactics
Talleyrand (France)
Initially, the representatives of the four victorious powers hoped to exclude the French from serious participation in the negotiations, but Talleyrand skillfully managed to insert himself into "her inner councils" in the first weeks of negotiations. He allied himself to a Committee of Eight lesser powers (including Spain, Sweden, and Portugal) to control the negotiations. Once Talleyrand was able to use this committee to make himself a part of the inner negotiations, he then left it,[34] once again abandoning his allies.
The major Allies' indecision on how to conduct their affairs without provoking a united protest from the lesser powers led to the calling of a preliminary conference on the protocol, to which Talleyrand and the Marquess of Labrador, Spain's representative, were invited on 30 September 1814.[35]
Congress Secretary Friedrich von Gentz reported, "The intervention of Talleyrand and Labrador has hopelessly upset all our plans. Talleyrand protested against the procedure we have adopted and soundly [be]rated us for two hours. It was a scene I shall never forget."[36] The embarrassed representatives of the Allies replied that the document concerning the protocol they had arranged actually meant nothing. "If it means so little, why did you sign it?" snapped Labrador.[citation needed]
Talleyrand's policy, directed as much by national as personal ambitions, demanded the close but by no means amicable relationship he had with Labrador, whom Talleyrand regarded with disdain.[37] Labrador later remarked of Talleyrand: "that cripple, unfortunately, is going to Vienna."[38] Talleyrand skirted additional articles suggested by Labrador: he had no intention of handing over the 12,000 afrancesados – Spanish fugitives, sympathetic to France, who had sworn fealty to Joseph Bonaparte, nor the bulk of the documents, paintings, pieces of fine art, and books that had been looted from the archives, palaces, churches and cathedrals of Spain.[39]
Polish-Saxon questions
The most complex topic at the Congress was the Polish-Saxon Crisis. Russia wanted most of Poland, and Prussia wanted all of Saxony, whose king had allied with Napoleon. The tsar would like to become king of Poland.[40] Austria analysed, this could make Russia too powerful, a view which was supported by Britain. The result was a deadlock, for which Talleyrand proposed a solution: admit France to the inner circle, and France would support Austria and Britain. The three nations signed a treaty on 3 January 1815, among only the three of them, agreeing to go to war against Russia and Prussia, if necessary, to prevent the Russo-Prussian plan from coming to fruition.[41]
When the Tsar heard of the treaty he agreed to a compromise that satisfied all parties on 24 October 1815. Russia received most of the Napoleonic
Subsidies
It can be learned from the diaries of the master of affairs Von Gentz that diplomatic tactics possibly included bribing. He notes that at the Congress he received £22,000 through
Final agreement
This section needs additional citations for verification. (June 2022) |
The Final Act, embodying all the separate treaties, was signed on 9 June 1815 (nine days before the Battle of Waterloo).[43] Its provisions included:
- Russia received most of the Duchy of Warsaw (Poland) and retained Finland (which it had annexed from Sweden in 1809 and would hold until 1917, as the Grand Duchy of Finland).[citation needed]
- Prussia received Principality of Moers, and the Grand Duchy of Berg).[citation needed]
- A German Confederation of 39 states, under the presidency of the Austrian Emperor, formed from the previous 300 states of the Holy Roman Empire. Only portions of the territories of Austria and Prussia were included in the Confederation (roughly the same portions that had been within the Holy Roman Empire).[citation needed]
- The Netherlands and the Southern Netherlands (approximately modern-day Belgium) became a united monarchy, the United Kingdom of the Netherlands, with the House of Orange-Nassau providing the king (the Eight Articles of London).[citation needed]
- To compensate for Orange-Nassau's loss of the Nassau lands to Prussia, the Grand Duchy of Luxembourg were to form a personal union under the House of Orange-Nassau, with Luxembourg (but not the Netherlands) inside the German Confederation.[44]
- Swedish Pomerania, given to Denmark in January 1814 in return for the Kingdom of Norway was sold to Prussia.[45] France received back Guadeloupe from Sweden, with yearly installments payable to the Swedish king.[citation needed]
- The neutrality of the 22 cantons of Switzerland was guaranteed and a federal pact was recommended to them in strong terms. Bienne and the Prince-Bishopric of Basel became part of the Canton of Bern. The Congress also suggested a number of compromises for resolving territorial disputes between cantons.[46]
- The former Bishop of Münster and formerly Prussian East Frisia.[citation needed]
- Most of the territorial gains of Duchy of Würzburg and Grand Duchy of Frankfurt. Hesse-Darmstadt, in exchange for giving up the Duchy of Westphalia to Prussia, received Rhenish Hesse with its capital at Mainz.[citation needed]
- Austria regained control of the Lombardy–Venetia in Italy and Ragusa in Dalmatia. Former Austrian territory in Southwest Germany remained under the control of Württemberg and Baden; the Austrian Netherlands were also not recovered.[citation needed]
- Ferdinand III was restored as Grand Duke of Tuscany.[47]
- Archduke Francis IV was acknowledged as the ruler of the Duchy of Modena, Reggio and Mirandola;[47]
- Maria Beatrice d'Este was restored as Duchess of Massa and Princess of Carrara, and the Imperial fiefs in Lunigiana, which were not re-established, were also bestowed upon her.[48][49]
- The Papal States under the rule of the Pope were restored to their former extent, with the exception of Avignon and the Comtat Venaissin, which remained part of France.[citation needed]
- Britain retained control of the Ceylon; and various other colonies in Africa and Asia. Other colonies, most notably the Dutch East Indies and Martinique, reverted to their previous overlords.[citation needed]
- The King of Sardinia, re-established in Piedmont, Nice, and Savoy, gained control of Genoa (putting an end to the brief proclamation of a restored Republic of Genoa).
- The Duchies of Parma, Piacenza and Guastalla were taken from the House of Bourbon-Parma and given to Marie Louise of Austria for her lifetime.[50]
- The Duchy of Lucca was established temporarily as compensation for the House of Bourbon-Parma,[51] (with reversionary rights to Parma after the death of Marie Louise, which were attributed through a collateral treaty in 1817, also stipulating that, from the same date, the Duchy of Lucca would in turn be annexed by the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, as already provided in the Final Act).[52]
- The slave trade was condemned.[53]
- Freedom of navigation was guaranteed for many rivers, notably the Rhine and the Danube.[54]
Representatives of Austria, France, Portugal, Prussia, Russia, Sweden-Norway, and Britain signed the Final Act. Spain did not sign, but ratified the outcome in 1817.[citation needed]
Subsequently, Ferdinand IV, the Bourbon King of Sicily, regained control of the Kingdom of Naples after Joachim Murat, the king installed by Bonaparte, supported Napoleon in the Hundred Days and started the 1815 Neapolitan War by attacking Austria.[citation needed]
Other changes
The Congress's principal results, apart from its confirmation of France's loss of the territories annexed between 1795 and 1810, which had already been settled by the Treaty of Paris, were the enlargement of Russia, (which gained most of the Duchy of Warsaw) and Prussia, which acquired the district of Poznań, Swedish Pomerania, Westphalia and the northern Rhineland. The consolidation of Germany from the nearly 300 states of the Holy Roman Empire (dissolved in 1806) into a much less complex system of thirty-nine states (4 of which were free cities) was confirmed. These states formed a loose German Confederation under the leadership of Austria.[citation needed]
Representatives at the Congress agreed to numerous other territorial changes. By the
The
A large
During the wars, Portugal had lost its town of Olivenza to Spain and moved to have it restored. Portugal is historically Britain's oldest ally, and with British support succeeded in having the re-incorporation of Olivenza decreed in Article CV of the General Treaty of the Final Act, which stated that "The Powers, recognizing the justice of the claims of ... Portugal and the Brazils, upon the town of Olivenza, and the other territories ceded to Spain by the Treaty of Badajoz of 1801". Portugal ratified the Final Act in 1815 but Spain would not sign, and this became the most important hold-out against the Congress of Vienna. Deciding in the end that it was better to become part of Europe than to stand alone, Spain finally accepted the Treaty on 7 May 1817; however, Olivenza and its surroundings were never returned to Portuguese control and, to the present day, this issue remains unresolved.[57]
The United Kingdom received parts of the
Later criticism and praise
The Congress of Vienna has been criticized by 19th century and more recent historians and politicians for ignoring national and liberal impulses, and for imposing a stifling reaction on the Continent.[3] It was an integral part in what became known as the Conservative Order, in which democracy and civil rights associated with the American and French Revolutions were de-emphasized.[3]
In the 20th century, however, historians and politicians looking backward came to praise the Congress as well, because they saw it did prevent another widespread European war for nearly 100 years (1815–1914) and a significant step in the transition to a new international order in which peace was largely maintained through diplomatic dialogue. Among these is
Before the opening of the Paris peace conference of 1918, the British Foreign Office commissioned a history of the Congress of Vienna to serve as an example to its own delegates of how to achieve an equally successful peace.
The arrangements made by the Four Great Powers sought to ensure future disputes would be settled in a manner that would avoid the terrible wars of the previous 20 years.[65] Although the Congress of Vienna preserved the balance of power in Europe, it could not check the spread of revolutionary movements across the continent some 30 years later.[citation needed]
Some authors have suggested that the Congress of Vienna may provide a model for settling multiple interlocking conflicts in Eastern Europe that arose after the break-up of the Soviet Union.[66][67]
See also
- Diplomatic timeline for 1815
- Precedence among European monarchies
- Concert of Europe
- European balance of power
- Battle of Waterloo
- International relations (1814–1919)
- Treaty of Paris (1814)
- Paris Peace Conference (1919–1920)
- Ghent government in exile
Notes
- ^ French: Congrès de Vienne, ‹See Tfd›German: Wiener Kongress
- ^ Although the Ottoman Empire was officially invited by Robert Liston and Klemens von Metternich to actively participate in the Congress on topics such as the Russo–Turkish conflicts, Sultan Mahmud II did not send a delegation. Thus, the country was the only power in Europe to abstain from the Congress.[2]
References
- ^ OL 45710678M.
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- ^ ISBN 0-313-26257-8.
- ^ Treaty of Paris (1814) Article XXXII
- ^ King 2008, p. 334.
- ISSN 0010-8367.
- ^ Nicolson 1946, pp. 118–133.
- ^ Kissinger 1957, pp. 7–28.
- ^ Kissinger 1957, pp. 9–36.
- ^ Nicolson 1946, p. 158.
- JSTOR 1404942.
- JSTOR 3633726.
- ISBN 0-399-11022-4.
- ^ Treaty between Great Britain and Portugal, January 22, 1815. Vol. 5 George IV. London: His Majesty's Statute and Law Printers. 1824. p. 650. Archived from the original on 2 June 2021. Retrieved 29 May 2021 – via Google Books.
- ^ Freksa, Frederick (1919). A peace congress of intrigue. Translated by Hansen, Harry. New York: The Century Co. p. 116.
the congress of vienna.
- ^ Bernard, p. 381.
- ^ Zamoyski 2007, p. 297, "[...] the Danish plenipotentiary Count Rosenkrantz.".
- ^ Couvée, D.H.; Pikkemaat, G. (1963). 1813–15, ons koninkrijk geboren. Alphen aan den Rijn: N. Samsom nv. pp. 123–124.
- ^ "[Castlereagh, during his stay in The Hague, in January 1813] induced the Dutch to leave their interests entirely in British hands" (Nicolson 1946, p. 65)
- ^ Nicolson, Harold (1946). The Congress of Vienna; a Study in Allied Unity, 1812–1822. Constable & Company. p. 197.
Baron von Gagern – one of the two plenipotentiaries for the Netherlands.
- ^ Nicolson 1946, p. 195.
- ISBN 978-88-902817-9-2.
- ^ Zamoyski 2007, p. 257, "The Pope's envoy to Vienna, Cardinal Consalvi [...].".
- ISBN 978-88-343-1422-7. Archivedfrom the original on 8 April 2022. Retrieved 16 November 2021.
- ^ Cassinis, Giovanni Battista (1862). Parere per l'ordine di San Giovanni di Gerusalemme intorno all'intelligenza ed agli effetti dei decreti del parlamento siciliano del 5 agosto 1848 e del dittatore Garibaldi del 17 e 19 maggio 1860 (in Italian). tipogr. V. Vercellino. Archived from the original on 8 April 2022. Retrieved 16 November 2021.
- Firenze University Press. Archivedfrom the original on 7 January 2022. Retrieved 14 November 2021.
- ^ Bernard, p. 409.
- ^ "Ruffo, Fabrizio, principe di Castelcicala in 'Dizionario Biografico'". www.treccani.it (in Italian). Archived from the original on 14 November 2021. Retrieved 14 November 2021.
- ^ "Maresca, Nicola in 'Dizionario Biografico'". www.treccani.it (in Italian). Archived from the original on 14 November 2021. Retrieved 14 November 2021.
- ^ Fritz Apian-Bennewitz: Leopold von Plessen und die Verfassungspolitik der deutschen Kleinstaaten auf dem Wiener Kongress 1814/15. Eutin: Ivens 1933; Hochschulschrift: Rostock, Univ., Diss., 1933
- ^ King 2008, p. 2.
- ^ Zamoyski 2007, pp. 258, 295.
- ^ According to King 2008, p. [page needed], it was Prince de Ligne, an attendee at the conference, who wryly quipped, ""Le congrès danse beaucoup, mais il ne marche pas."
- ISBN 1-113-44924-1
- ^ "The Congress of Vienna | History of Western Civilization II". courses.lumenlearning.com. Retrieved 13 February 2024.
- Harper & Row, Publishers. p. 120.
- ^ Wenceslao Ramírez de Villa-Urrutia, Marqués de Villa-Urrutia, España en el Congreso de Viena según la correspondencia de D. Pedro Gómez Labrador, Marqués de Labrador. Segunda Edición Corregida y Aumentada (Madrid: Francisco Beltrán, 1928), 13.
- ^ Antonio Rodríguez-Moñino (ed.), Cartas Políticas (Badajoz: Imprenta Provincial, 1959), 14 (Letter IV, 10 July 1814). Labrador's letters are full of such pungent remarks, and include his opinions on bad diplomats, the state of the postal system, the weather, and his non-existent salary and coach and accompanying livery for the Congress.
- Nicolas Soult, who left Spain with entire collections, which disappeared to unknown, separate locations around the world. According to Juan Antonio Gaya Nuño, at least "[the paintings] have come to spread the prestige of Spanish art around the whole word."
- .
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- ^ Webster 1913, pp. 49–101.
- ^ An Italian version of the Final Act was published in 1859 and is now accessible in Books.Google (albeit with some scanning imperfections): Atto finale del Congresso di Vienna fra le cinque grandi potenze, Austria, Francia, Inghilterra, Prussia e Russia del 9 giugno 1815 (in Italian). Milan: Sanvito. 1859.
- ^ Couvée, D.H.; G. Pikkemaat (1963). 1813–15, ons koninkrijk geboren. Alphen aan den Rijn: N. Samsom nv. pp. 127–130.
- ^ grosstuchen.de Prussian payment for Swedish Pomerania
- ^ Bernard, p. 415.
- ^ a b Bernard, p. 417.
- ^ Atto Finale 1859, p. 59, Art. 98.
- ^ With an agreement dated 20 December 1815, however, the Duchess ceded the former Lunigiana fiefs to her son, the Duke of Modena.
- ^ Bernard, p. 411.
- ^ Atto Finale 1859, p. 61, Art. 101.
- ^ Atto Finale 1859, p. 77, Articles 3 and 4 of the Treaty concluded in Paris on 10 June 1817 about the reversion of the Duchies of Parma, Piacenza e Guastalla.
- ^ Atto Finale 1859, pp. 67–68, Art. 118, paragraph n. 15.
- ^ Atto Finale 1859, pp. 64 ff, Articles 108 et seq..
- ISBN 0-395-65237-5.
- ^ Stearns & Langer 2001, p. 440.
- ^ Hammond 1966, p. [page needed].
- ^ Treaty of Paris (1814) Article VIII
- ^ "Seychelles – History". Encyclopedia Britannica. 27 September 2016. Archived from the original on 8 June 2020. Retrieved 1 January 2020.
- ISBN 0-8047-0296-9.
- ^ Jarrett, Mark (2013). The Congress of Vienna and Its Legacy: War and Great Power Diplomacy after Napoleon. pp. 353, xiv, 187.
- ^ Schroeder 1992, pp. 683–706.
- ISBN 0-5214-4229-X.
- ISBN 978-0-5544-1246-7.
- ISBN 0-7641-5811-2.
- ^ Gutbrod, Hans (25 November 2020). "When Great-Power Politics Isn't Great Enough". Foreign Policy. Retrieved 9 November 2022.
- ^ Marks, Ramon (4 June 2022). "Congress of Vienna Redux: How the OSCE Can Foster Peace in Ukraine". National Interest. Retrieved 9 November 2022.
Works cited
- OL 10353114M.
- ISBN 978-1-62654-978-4.
- JSTOR 2164774.
- S2CID 153829065.
- OL 7281494M.
Further reading
- Chapman, Tim (1998). The Congress of Vienna 1814–1815. Routledge.
- Macmillan. pp. 14–33.
- Ferraro, Guglielmo. The Reconstruction of Europe; Talleyrand and the Congress of Vienna, 1814–1815 (1941) online
- Forrest, Alan. "The Hundred Days, the Congress of Vienna and the Atlantic Slave Trade". in Napoleon's Hundred Days and the Politics of Legitimacy (Palgrave Macmillan, Cham, 2018) pp. 163–181.
- Gabriëls, Jos. "Cutting the cake: the Congress of Vienna in British, French and German political caricature". European Review of History: Revue européenne d'histoire 24.1 (2017): 131–157. illustrated
- Gulick, E. V. "The final coalition and the Congress of Vienna, 1813–15" in C. W. Crawley, ed., The New Cambridge Modern History, vol 9, 1793–1830 (1965) pp. 639–667.
- Jarrett, Mark (2013). The Congress of Vienna and its Legacy: War and Great Power Diplomacy after Napoleon. London: I.B. Tauris & Company, Ltd.
- S2CID 153666035.
- Kohler, Max James. "Jewish Rights at the Congresses of Vienna (1814–1815) and Aix-la-Chapelle (1818)" Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society, No. 26 (1918), pp. 33–125 online
- Kraehe, Enno E. Metternich's German Policy. Vol. 2: The Congress of Vienna, 1814–1815 (1984)
- Kwan, Jonathan. "The Congress of Vienna, 1814–1815: diplomacy, political culture and sociability". Historical Journal 60.4 (2020) online.
- Lane, Fernanda Bretones, Guilherme de Paula Costa Santos, and Alain El Youssef. "The Congress of Vienna and the making of second slavery". Journal of global slavery 4.2 (2019): 162–195.
- Langhorne, Richard. "Reflections on the Significance of the Congress of Vienna". Review of International Studies 12.4 (1986): 313–324.
- Lockhart, J. G. (1932). The Peacemakers 1814–1815. Duckworth.
- Nicolson, Harold. The Congress of Vienna: a Study in Allied Unity, 1812–1822 (1946) online.
- Oaks, Augustus; R. B. Mowat (1918). The Great European Treaties of the Nineteenth Century. Oxford: Clarendon Press. ("Chapter II The restoration of Europe")
- Peterson, Genevieve. "II. Political inequality at the Congress of Vienna". Political Science Quarterly 60.4 (1945): 532–554. online
- Schenk, Joep. "National interest versus common interest: The Netherlands and the liberalization of Rhine navigation at the Congress of Vienna (1814–1815)". in Shaping the International Relations of the Netherlands, 1815–2000 (Routledge, 2018) pp. 13–31.
- ISBN 978-0-1982-0654-5.
- Sluga, Glenda. "'Who Hold the Balance of the World?' Bankers at the Congress of Vienna, and in International History". American Historical Review 122.5 (2017): 1403–1430.
- Vick, Brian. The Congress of Vienna. Power and Politics after Napoleon. ISBN 978-0-674-72971-1.
- ISBN 978-1-108-04015-0.
- also published as Webster, Charles (1919). The Congress of Vienna, 1814–1815.
- Webster, Charles (1931). The Foreign Policy of Castlereagh, 1812–1815, Britain and the Reconstruction of Europe. Archived from the original on 24 July 2020. Retrieved 26 August 2017.
Primary sources
- British diplomacy, 1813–1815: Select Documents Dealing with the Reconstruction of Europe. 1921.
- Spiel, Hilde (1968). The Congress of Vienna; an Eyewitness Account. Philadelphia: Chilton Book Co.
- Walker, Mack, ed. (1968). Metternich's Europe. ISBN 978-0-8027-2014-6.
- Duke of Wellington, ed. (1862). Supplementary despatches and memoranda of the Duke of Wellington, K. G. Vol. 9: South of France, Embassy to Paris and Congress of Vienna – April 1814 to March 1815. London: John Murray.
Some letters of the Prince Regent, the Emperor Alexander, Louis XVIII., Murat King of Naples, the Earl of Liverpool, Viscount Castlereagh, Earl Bathurst, and other distinguished persons, are given for the elucidation of diplomatic and public transactions in which the Duke of Wellington was engaged [as British Plenipotentiary at the Congress of Vienna].
Other languages
- Ghervas, Stella (2008). Réinventer la tradition. Alexandre Stourdza et l'Europe de la Sainte-Alliance. Paris: Honoré Champion. ISBN 978-2-7453-1669-1.